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Le régime politique démocratique est souvent plébiscité dans le discours général reproduit par les institutions internationales et assumé par les principaux acteurs politiques dans le monde, comme étant l’arme par excellence pour l’éradication de la corruption et une bonne gouvernance. L’analyse de deux pays africains le Bénin et le Rwanda, semble toutefois indiquer que c’est le pays avec le système le moins démocratique, à savoir le Rwanda qui réussit le mieux le pari de la lutte contre la corruption. Contre toute attente en effet, le Rwanda malgré l’autoritarisme souvent décrié de son gouvernement surclasse le Bénin, souvent applaudi pour la réussite de sa transition démocratique, en matière de lutte contre la corruption. Cette tendance est confirmée par la plupart des indicateurs de la corruption. Ce constat vient remettre en question les postulats de départ, et nous oblige alors à nous interroger sur les sources de la performance du Rwanda. Le présent mémoire vient justement démontrer que la relation entre la nature du régime politique et l’efficacité de la lutte contre la corruption est loin d’être automatique. Les règles du jeu politique à l’intérieur du régime ainsi que la qualité des institutions de lutte contre la corruption mises en place peuvent avoir une influence majeure sur le succès ou l’échec des mesures de lutte contre la corruption. / Democratic regimes are often praised in the general discourse reproduced by international institutions and assumed by the main political actors in the world as a great weapon for the fight against corruption and good governance. However, the analysis of two african countries, Benin and Rwanda, seems to indicate that it is the country with the least democratic system that succeed the best in the fight against corruption. Against all expectations, in fact, Rwanda despite the often decried authoritarianism of his government, outperforms Benin, often applauded for its successful democratic transition. This trend is confirmed by most indicators of corruption. This finding, challenges the starting assumptions, and then forces us to wonder about the source of the performance of Rwanda. This memory precisely demonstrates that the relationship between the nature of the political regime and the effectiveness of the fight against corruption is far from automatic. The rules of the political game within the regime and the quality of anti-corruption institutions implemented can have a major influence on the success or failure of measures against corruption.

Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie historique et politique de Martin Heidegger, comparé à d'autres intellectuels européens ; elle traite de l'amour de ce philosophe pour sa Heimat (pays natal) et pour l'Allemagne, articulé avec son appartenance à l'Europe et à l'Histoire de l'Être ; cette identité politique complexe va de pair avec une critique sévère du monde moderne en continuité avec ses origines catholiques conservatrices et avec une conception de la pensée « apolitique » bien qu'engagée, cela bien avant l'avènement du nazisme et le rectorat de Heidegger. De ce fait, cette thèse, qui n'évite pas la question de son engagement nazi, couvre un champ historique bien plus large et tente de mettre en lumière l'arrière-plan complexe et changeant, qui bien avant l'ascension de Hitler, permet de comparer le philosophe avec des intellectuels de droite révolutionnaire en Allemagne (Révolution conservatrice) aussi bien qu'en Europe : après la découverte du Mouvement de jeunesse et l'expérience de la guerre en 1918, Heidegger abandonna son conservatisme catholique et se convertit à l'idée d'une révolution philosophique inspirée par les idéaux de responsabilité et d'authenticité de ce mouvement de réforme de la vie. Durant les années 1920, il conçut la philosophie de plus en plus avec les idées de combat et de racines ; l'importance reconnue à la violence politique, y compris pour un but philosophique, fait clairement de Martin Heidegger un fils de ces sociétés européennes “brutalisées” par la Grande Guerre et le met nettement au milieu de ces intellectuels de droite révolutionnaire. / This Ph.D. dissertation is a historical political biography of Martin Heidegger, compared with other European intellectuals ; it deals with the philosopher's love for his Heimat (homeland) and for Germany, articulated with his belonging to Europe and to the history of being ; this complex political identity goes with a severe criticism of modern world in continuity with his conservative catholic origins, and with an apolitical though engaged conception of thought, that long before the coming of Nazism and Heidegger's rectorate. For that matter, this thesis, which does not avoid the question of his Nazi engagement, has a much larger scope and tries to bring into the light the complex and changing background, that even before Hitler's elevation, allows to compare the philosopher with revolutionary right-wing intellectuals in Germany (Conservative Revolution) as well as in Europe : after the discovery of the German Youth Movement and the experience of war in 1918, Heidegger left his catholic conservatism and converted to an idea of philosophical revolution inspired by the ideals of responsibility and authenticity of this life reform movement. During the 1920's, he conceived philosophy more and more with the ideas of fight and roots ; The importance recognized to fight and violence in politics, even for a philosophical goal, makes clearly Martin Heidegger a son of these “brutalized” European after-war societies and put him in the middle of these revolutionary right-wing intellectuals.

Cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre, dans une approche pluridisciplinaire, pourquoi et comment les États-Unis affirment continuellement leur leadership et leur influence dans la lutte globale contre la traite des personnes. Forte d’un corpus varié mêlant rapports internationaux, archives gouvernementales et non gouvernementales ou encore entretiens, cette étude postule que les États-Unis manifestent, depuis la période de l’entre-deux-guerres, leur capacité à exercer un leadership et une influence dans la lutte globale anti-traite. Cette recherche montre que la motivation des États-Unis à fabriquer et à diffuser ses propres normes anti-traite sur la scène internationale a toujours eu (de 1920 à nos jours) pour corollaire la promotion de valeurs socio-morales, notamment celles ayant trait aux politiques de genre et à la sexualité. Cependant, pour atteindre cet objectif, le style de leadership ainsi que les outils d’influence mobilisés diffèrent d’une période à une autre. Cette thèse permet d’examiner les vives querelles et compétitions institutionnelles entre le Congrès et le département d’État, particulièrement sur la façon dont les États-Unis devraient exercer leur puissance en matière en lutte globale anti-traite. L’étude met en évidence que c’est au tournant du siècle que les revendications du pouvoir législatif s’imposent, soit le rôle de vecteur et de leader du pays dans cette cause à l’échelle internationale, en privilégiant l’approche unilatérale. L’enjeu qui pousse les États-Unis à adopter l’approche du carrot-and-stick vis-à-vis des pays qui ne s’engagent pas dans cette lutte selon les standards étasuniens se situe dans le droit et la norme : il s’agit d’imposer l’adoption de leur propre législation fédérale aux autres pays, soit le TVPA (Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, Loi 2000 relative à la protection des victimes de la traite). C’est ce que démontre l’étude de cas sur le Costa Rica. Le gouvernement costaricien appréhende la question de la traite des personnes en termes sécuritaires et non socio-moraux comme l’y incite Washington. Par conséquent, lors de l’évaluation annuelle mondiale effectuée par le département d’État, laquelle observe les efforts fournis en matière de lutte contre la traite des personnes, le Costa Rica se voit relégué dans une mauvaise catégorie, et ce depuis dix-sept ans. Enfin, au regard du leadership socio-moral des États-Unis en matière de lutte anti-traite, la coopération avec le Costa Rica s’organise surtout avec les ONG qui adhérent à la réponse socio-morale étasunienne. / The objective of this dissertation is to understand, from a multidisciplinary perspective, why and how the United States continually affirms its leadership and influence in the global fight on human trafficking. Supported by a wide range of sources, including international reports, government records and interviews, this study makes the assertion that, since the interwar period the United States has demonstrated its ability to lead and exert an influence in the global anti-trafficking fight. This research shows that the motivation of the United States to create and propagate its own anti-trafficking norms in the international sphere has always (since the 1920s) resulted in the promotion of socio-moral values—most notably those having to do with policies related to gender and sexuality. However, in order to achieve this objective, both the style of the United States’ leadership and the mechanisms of its influence have varied over the years. This dissertation examines the fierce quarrels and institutional competition between Congress and the Department of State, particularly regarding the manner in which the United States should exert its power in the global anti-trafficking fight. This study brings to light the fact that it is at the turn of the 21th century that demands on the US legislature are critical, specifically because of its role as a natural leader in this cause at the international level, favoring a unilateral approach. The challenge that forces the United States to adopt a carrot-andstick approach with countries that refuse to follow the American example in this fight is a legal one: it is to impose the adoption of their own federal legislation on other countries, specifically the TVPA (Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000). This is illustrated by the case study of Costa Rica. The Costa Rican government frames the question of human trafficking in terms of security and not socio-morals as encouraged by Washington. Consequently, in the U.S. State Department’s annual global review of efforts made to combat anti-trafficking, Cost Rica has been poorly ranked for the last 17 years. Finally, with respect to the socio-moral leadership of the United States in the fight against human trafficking, the cooperation of Costa Rica is mainly organized with NGOs who adopt the American socio-moral response stance.

Ainda que existam diversos registros de formas extremas de dimorfismo sexual, a função do alongado quarto par de pernas nos machos de muitas espécies de opiliões permanece desconhecida. Neste estudo, testamos quatro previsões sobre a hipótese de que a seleção sexual está direcionando o alongamento do quarto par de pernas nos machos de Longiperna zonata e Promitobates ornatus: (1) o coeficiente alométrico do comprimento do fêmur IV em machos será maior do que o das fêmeas; (2) machos com pernas IV mais compridas vão residir próximos a grupos de fêmeas; (3) machos envolvidos em interações agressivas terão fêmures mais compridos do que o tamanho médio da população; (4) a diferença de tamanho de perna entre os oponentes será menor do que a diferença esperada entre pares de machos escolhidos ao acaso na população. Como o previsto, o coeficiente alométrico do fêmur IV foi significativamente maior em machos do que em fêmeas nas duas espécies. O comprimento do fêmur IV está positivamente relacionado à chance de um macho ser encontrado próximo a um grupo de fêmeas. Finalmente, a média do comprimento do fêmur IV dos machos envolvidos em brigas foi significativamente maior que a de machos selecionados ao acaso da população. Adicionalmente, a média da diferença de tamanho entre pares de machos que brigaram foi significativamente menor que a média da diferença de tamanho de perna entre pares de machos selecionados ao acaso na população. Assim, a seleção sexual na forma de competição entre machos parece estar direcionando o dimorfismo sexual extremo no comprimento do fêmur nessas duas espécies de opiliões. / Although there are many reports of extreme forms of sexual dimorphism in harvestmen, the function of the elongated fourth pair of legs in males of many species remains unknown. We tested four predictions to address the hypothesis that sexual selection is driving the enlargement of the fourth pair of legs in males of Longiperna zonata and Promitobates ornatus: (1) the allometric coefficient of femur IV length in males will be higher than in females; (2) males with longer legs IV will reside closer to groups of females; (3) males involved in aggressive interactions will have longer femur IV than the population average size; (4) the size difference between contenders will be smaller than the difference expected between randomly chosen pairs of males in the population. As predicted, the allometric coefficient of femur IV length was significantly higher in males than in females of both species. Femur IV length was positively related to the chance of a male being found close to a group of females. Finally, the mean femur IV length of the males involved in fights was significantly larger than the mean of random samples of males from the population, and the average difference between male contenders was smaller than the average random expected difference of the population. Therefore, sexual selection in the form of male-male competition seems to be driving the extreme sexual dimorphism in femur length in these species.

Neste trabalho, analisamos os principais movimentos de moradia atuantes na região central de São Paulo, e em nosso quadro destacamos o Movimento de Moradia do Centro (MMC) como experiência etnográfica. Temos como base a relação movimento social, sociedade e cultura política. Neste projeto a questão da luta pela moradia na área central é entendida como luta pelo direito à cidade, assim, colocamos como objetivo contribuir para a discussão da participação desses movimentos na esfera pública. Refletimos também sobre os Movimentos enquanto espaço de luta e de construção da identidade e da representação social e política das pessoas envolvidas. Além da observação direta da prática desses sujeitos, realizamos entrevistas com membros da estrutura hierárquica e participantes em geral dos movimentos. / In this work, the main active landless people\'s movements in the downtown area of São Paulo are analysed, and in our research, we highlight the Home Movement of the downtown area (Movimento de Moradia do Centro), MMC as an ethnographic experience. Our base is the relationship between the social movement, society and political culture. In this Project, the fight for a place to live in the downtown area is understood as a fight for the right to belong to the city, and therefore, we established an aim to contribute with the discussion about the participation of these movements in the public scene. We have also reflected upon the Movements as a space for fight and identity construction, and the social and political representation of the people who are involved. Apart from the direct observation of these people\'s practice, we have also interviewed members of the structural hierarchy and general participants of the movements.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:29:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Carla Silvares Pompeo de Camargo Aros.pdf: 1288339 bytes, checksum: 43b059b659df3392d3e4abb48a3a80ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-02-26 / The current investigation approaches clinical phenomena usually referred to as frivolous experience, unreality and existential emptiness, all described by Winnicott as one s impossibility of feeling alive and real. Presented as an affective ground within a wide range of symptomatic manifestations, including either psychoses or borderline conditions, this is a radical way of suffering, which, according to several authors, has gradually become more ordinary in the contemporary society, the outlines of which we try to grasp by taking Bauman's sociological thought as a starting point. This paper is methodologically organized around a psychoanalytical approach concerned with a human happening of fictional character that is made public through a 1999-movie production entitled Fight Club. The story that is portrayed was conceived as a psychoanalytical narrative stemming from the observation of the fundamental standard to be considered thereafter in terms of capturing the fields of affective-emotional sense. Seven diverse fields were created/found, which are set out as integrating parts of a greater field called to-be-or-not-to-be , corresponding to the existential drama regarding the desperate search for a life that can be felt as being personal and true. By establishing a dialogue with Winnicott and Bauman, it was possible to conclude that the clinical issue in question is intimately concerned with the new forms of organizing the liquid-modern society, which paradoxically develop a certain type of individualism while they make it hard to personal growth in a sense of developing one s ability of feeling alive, real and able to provide spontaneous gesture to transform the self and the world. / A presente investiga??o aborda fen?menos cl?nicos, habitualmente referidos como viv?ncias de futilidade, irrealidade e vazio existencial, que t?m sido descritos por Winnicott como impossibilidade de se sentir vivo e real. Apresentando-se como fundamento afetivo de uma ampla gama de manifesta??es sintom?ticas, que incluem tanto as psicoses como as condi??es borderlines, s?o uma forma radical de sofrimento que, segundo v?rios autores, vem-se tornando cada vez mais comum na sociedade contempor?nea, cujos contornos buscamos apreender a partir do pensamento sociol?gico de Bauman. O trabalho organiza-se, metodologicamente, ao redor da abordagem psicanal?tica de um acontecer humano de car?ter ficcional,veiculado por meio de produ??o cinematogr?fica de 1999 intitulada Clube da Luta. A hist?ria encenada foi elaborada como narrativa psicanal?tica a partir da observa??o da regra fundamental para, a seguir, ser considerada em termos da capta??o de campos de sentido afetivo-emocional. Foram criados/encontrados sete campos diversos, que se configuram como integrantes de um campo maior, denominado "ser ou n?o ser", correspondente ao drama existecial da busca desesperada de uma vida que possa ser sentida como pessoal e verdadeira. Estabelecendo interlocu??es com Winnicott e Bauman, foi poss?vel concluir que a problem?tica cl?nica estudada articula-se intimamente ?s novas formas de organiza??o da sociedade l?quido-moderna que, de modo paradoxal, incrementam um certo tipo de individualismo enquanto dificultam o amadurecimento pessoal no sentido do desenvolvimento da capacidade de se sentir vivo, real e capaz de gestualidade espont?nea e transformadora de si e do mundo.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:33:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Katia Maria Eugenio.pdf: 1523177 bytes, checksum: f842b8ee6a8287e3d5de342e25a2dec4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-25 / The dissertation is intended to understand the process of elaboration of the public policy of affirmative action in the Law No. 10639/09 and delimit the possible evolution of the actions of the Memory and Identity Program: Promoting Equality in Diversity (MIPID), at the beginning of the XXI century, while public policies of affirmative action for ethnic and racial themes. Law No. 10639/09 was built in brazil from the internal demands of black movements that established the fight for recognition against Brazilian institutionalized racism and external demands formed by the governments spheres. The law was stablished as a policy of affirmative action, in the context of racism and racial discrimination, modified the Law No. 10639/09 of Guidelines and Bases for national education , establishing the obligation of teaching Afro-Brazilian and African Culture history in basic education. Through secondary literature sources and found out that under this law, and demand the motion was created Campinas in Campinas / SP's Memory and Identity Promoting Equality in Diversity (MIPID) program, developed as a proposed implementation of policies public in the area of education in municipal schools in Campinas. The affirmative action of MIPID program and the surveys performed about the phases of the black movements in Brazil, raised some notes about the difficulty of implementation of anti-racist affirmative action policies in the municipalities of Campinas. / A disserta??o tem como objetivo compreender o processo de elabora??o da pol?tica p?blica de a??o afirmativa na forma da Lei n? 10639/03 e delimitar os poss?veis desdobramentos das a??es do programa Mem?ria e Identidade Promo??o da Igualdade na Diversidade (MIPID), no in?cio do s?culo XXI, na cidade de Campinas/SP, enquanto pol?tica p?blica de a??o afirmativa da tem?tica ?tnico-racial dos movimentos negros que estabelece a luta por reconhecimento contra o racismo institucionalizado brasileiro e pelas demandas externas formadas pelas esferas governamentais. A Lei foi constitu?da como pol?tica de a??o afirmativa, no ?mbito do racismo e discrimina??o racial, alterou a Lei 9394/96 de Diretrizes e Bases da Educa??o Nacional, estabelecendo a obrigatoriedade do ensino de Hist?ria e Cultura Afro-Brasileira e Africana na Educa??o B?sica. Por meio de fontes secund?rias e bibliogr?ficas constatou-se que com base nessa lei, e por demanda do movimento negro campineiro foi criado em Campinas/SP o programa Mem?ria e Identidade Promo??o da Igualdade na Diversidade (MIPID), desenvolvido como proposta de implanta??o de pol?ticas p?blicas na ?rea de Educa??o na rede municipal de ensino de Campinas. As a??es formativas do programa Mipid e os levantamentos realizados sobre as fases dos movimentos negros no Brasil, suscitaram alguns apontamentos quanto ? dificuldade de implementa??o da politica de a??o afirmativa antirracista no munic?pio de Campinas (SP).

Neste trabalho, analisamos os principais movimentos de moradia atuantes na região central de São Paulo, e em nosso quadro destacamos o Movimento de Moradia do Centro (MMC) como experiência etnográfica. Temos como base a relação movimento social, sociedade e cultura política. Neste projeto a questão da luta pela moradia na área central é entendida como luta pelo direito à cidade, assim, colocamos como objetivo contribuir para a discussão da participação desses movimentos na esfera pública. Refletimos também sobre os Movimentos enquanto espaço de luta e de construção da identidade e da representação social e política das pessoas envolvidas. Além da observação direta da prática desses sujeitos, realizamos entrevistas com membros da estrutura hierárquica e participantes em geral dos movimentos. / In this work, the main active landless people\'s movements in the downtown area of São Paulo are analysed, and in our research, we highlight the Home Movement of the downtown area (Movimento de Moradia do Centro), MMC as an ethnographic experience. Our base is the relationship between the social movement, society and political culture. In this Project, the fight for a place to live in the downtown area is understood as a fight for the right to belong to the city, and therefore, we established an aim to contribute with the discussion about the participation of these movements in the public scene. We have also reflected upon the Movements as a space for fight and identity construction, and the social and political representation of the people who are involved. Apart from the direct observation of these people\'s practice, we have also interviewed members of the structural hierarchy and general participants of the movements.

A wide variety of factors are predicted to influence the intensity and outcome of agonistic interactions in animals, including the resource holding potential of the opponents and the nature and value of the resource over which the individuals are competing. Field crickets (Orthoptera: Gryllidae) have been used extensively as model organisms with which to study animal contests, but relatively few studies have examined the effect of mandible size or structure, or the level of contact with females on the intensity and outcome of agonistic interactions. To do so was the aim of the present thesis, using Gryllus bimaculatus as the study species. The first finding of this study was that there is a significant degree of sexual dimorphism for anterior components of the anatomy in G. bimaculatus. The mandibles, head and pronotum of male crickets were all relatively larger than those of females. This indicates that these traits may be acted upon by intrasexual selection. In many animal species that show sexual dimorphism, a trade-off in development sees enhanced weapon growth at the expense of testes size, but no such relationship was seen in this species. A comparison of the mandible structure of males that either won or lost at flaring and or wrestling showed that a relatively wider mandible span was a significant predictor of success during mandible displays. It was also found that specific components of tooth structure, namely the length of the incisor and length to distal tip, were significantly associated with victory at the jaw flaring stage. This is the first time that mandible shape has been shown to affect fight outcome in the Gryllidae, and also the first confirmed identification of a visual cue component of fighting behaviour. Despite the effectiveness of their weapons in fighting, body mass is a primary predictor of victory in combat between G. bimaculatus males, with the greater the degree of asymmetry in weight the more likely the heavier fighter will win. However, a study of fighting behaviour between asymmetrically matched opponents found that even males who were out-weighed by 40% were still likely to escalate the fight to grappling. Furthermore, males who were able to fend off their larger opponent in their first clash were significantly more likely to win their overall encounter. This hyper-aggressive response may therefore represent an adaptive mechanism to extreme odds and is worthy of further study. Female contact is known to be a significant promoter of male aggression and fighting enthusiasm, and mate guarding aggression is well documented in G. bimaculatus. A recreation of two contradictory studies, including one which concluded that mating makes males lose fights, highlighted that female contact after spermatophore transfer can overcome the loser effect and cause a male to re-engage with a previously dominant opponent. Fighting behaviour in this species is therefore highly flexible and factors affecting the outcome of contests are complex. There is much scope for further studies on this topic.