Local fees are the revenue of communities. Communities can influence the height of this revenue. Local fees are modified the Act No. 565/1990 Coll., concerning local charges. Nowadays communities can get revenues from nine local fees. Community can make a decision which fees will use on its territory. In a theoretical part are described notions like fiscal federalism, its history, forms and fundamentals; fiscal decentralization, the revenue of communities and their dividing; local fees and other notions serving to introduce into existing problems. A practical part is focus on local fees. The point of the work is to find which local fees communities use, in which height, what is the percent occurrence of utilize of existing fees in the year 2007, which fees are saving most often, that fees produce the highest yields and how local fees develop. The object of the study is communities of South Bohemia region. They are segmented into five size groups. The study is completed by tables and graphs and relevant conclusions.

A proposta da tese é explorar como a interação entre abertura política, redemocratização e mudança no contrato social contribuíram para o aumento do tamanho do governo e do gasto no Brasil. Dessa forma, a tese sugere a persistência de um padrão de política fiscal que prevaleceu após a Constituição Federal de 1988, encontrado no governo central e nos governos subnacionais, cujo padrão é formado por: i) pressão pelo aumento do tamanho do governo; ii) crescimento da despesa corrente em relação ao investimento; iii) comportamento pró-cíclico do gasto e presença do efeito voracidade. A hipótese explorada na tese é que o padrão de política fiscal possui como origem o equilíbrio que emergiu com a abertura política e a redemocratização na década de 1980, onde foram incorporadas as demandas por bens públicos (educação, saúde, proteção social, por exemplo) e a maior ênfase pelas políticas redistributivas, oriundas do aprofundamento da democracia e da presença do sufrágio universal. Ao mesmo tempo, o equilíbrio sugere a necessidade de acomodar os grupos de interesse (elites empresariais e do funcionalismo público, por exemplo) que aparelham o estado e buscam defender e ampliar seus privilégios, especialmente em relação aos benefícios tributários, acesso aos recursos orçamentários e prioridade no direcionamento do gasto do governo. Assim, a viabilidade do equilíbrio depende do crescimento do tamanho do governo que serve para minimizar os conflitos entre grupos de interesse, também preservar a paz social e a estabilidade política. No entanto, o equilíbrio contribui para fortalecer a percepção de ilusão fiscal sobre as limitações e as restrições de curto e longo prazo que a política fiscal está submetida, eclipsando como são distribuídos os custos e os benefícios das ações do governo. A contribuição da tese é aprofundar a discussão sobre como o funcionamento de uma democracia iliberal (nova democracia ou democracia não consolidada) e a alteração no contrato social em um ambiente de instituições frágeis são capazes de influir sobre o tamanho do governo e o comportamento do gasto no curto e longo prazo. Além disso, a tese busca explorar quais seriam os problemas fiscais, as potenciais fragilidades, os canais e mecanismos de transmissão que relacionam uma democracia não consolidada e os problemas fiscais, tomando como estudo de caso a experiência brasileira. / The main objective of this thesis is to explore the interaction between the democratization process and change of social contract on government size and public spending in Brazil. The hypothesis of the thesis is the persistence of a fiscal policy pattern, present in both central government and subnational governments, composed of the following characteristics: i) increased pressure for increasing government size; ii) growth of current expenditure in relation to investment; and iii) procyclical and voracity effect. This fiscal policy pattern has its origin in the democratization process in the 1980s, with demands of society for public goods (education, health, social security, for example) and redistribution policies, stemming from the deepening of democracy and the presence of universal suffrage. Alongside, the emerging equilibrium suggests the need to accommodate interest groups (business elites and civil servant, for example) that equip the state and seek to defend and expand their privileges, especially in relation to tax benefits, access to budgetary resources and defense of priority in spending. So, the viability of this balance depends on the growth of government size that serves to minimize conflicts between interest groups, also preserving social and politics stability. However, the equilibrium contributes to strengthening the fiscal illusion about the short and long-term limitation of the budget and fiscal policy. The contribution of the thesis is to deepen the discussion about how the functioning of an illiberal democracy (or new democracy) and the change in the social contract in an environment of weak institutions can influence government size and the behavior of spending in the short and long term. In addition, the thesis seeks to explore what the fiscal problems, potential weaknesses and channels of transmission that relate to illiberal democracy and fiscal problems are, taking Brazil as a case study.

A opção pela forma federativa de governo importa em compromisso com a existência de mais de um ente responsável, em territórios sobrepostos, pela realização das tarefas de arrecadação e gasto público, além de suas inerentes atividades políticas. O exercício dessas tarefas pode ser definido com rigor, em um regime dual, ou com possibilidade de auxílios mútuos, em um regime de cooperação. O Brasil adotou, como cláusula pétrea em sua Constituição, a forma de federação cooperativa, estruturada em três níveis de governo, tendo como consequência a divisão de competências materiais entre os componentes dessa federação. Apesar disso, os Tribunais brasileiros têm insistido em sustentar a tese de solidariedade obrigacional entre todos os entes federados em processo que tenham por objeto o controle de políticas públicas sociais. A imposição dessa obrigação solidária, além de desrespeitar a estrutura federativa e afrontar os princípios da efetividade e economicidade da administração com sobreposições e sobrecargas que facilitam o desperdício de verbas e a corrupção ainda não atenta para a regra de ouro da imposição de solidariedade obrigacional, que é a menção expressa em dispositivo legal ou constitucional. Conforme será demonstrado, as decisões proferidas pelos Tribunais nacionais em sede de controle jurisdicional de políticas públicas vem ignorando todo o arcabouço jurídico acerca do tema, além de impor aos entes federados desnecessária dificuldade de gestão de suas competências e de seus recursos financeiros. A defesa de responsabilidades divididas, porém, poderia gerar efeitos nefastos. É que, em sede processual, a demanda ajuizada em face do ente não diretamente responsável pela execução da política pública questionada poderia ser extinta sem resolução do mérito, impondo atrasos à efetivação de direitos sociais decorrentes de óbices processuais. Como os direitos fundamentais categoria na qual estão inseridos os direitos sociais exigem efetivação imediata e são sindicáveis judicialmente a partir dos comandos genéricos dados pela Constituição, foi preciso recorrer a uma técnica antiga já prevista no Brasil, porém mal compreendida de integração subjetiva da demanda por ordem do juiz, a intervenção iussu iudicis. Para evitar a repetição de erros, será refeito o caminho histórico de surgimento e desenvolvimento dessa técnica para melhor compreensão de seus escopos. / The option for the federal form of government matter commitment to the existence of more than one entity responsible, in overlapping territories, for performing the tasks of public collection and spending beyond their inherent political activities. The exercise of these tasks can be defined rigorously, in a dual system, or with the possibility of mutual aid, in a regime of cooperation. Brazil has adopted as entrenchment clause in its Constitution, a cooperative federation, structured in three levels of government, resulting in the division of powers between the material components of this federation. Nevertheless, the Brazilian Courts insisted on supporting the thesis of a mandatory solidarity among all federal entities in the suits whose purpose is the control of public policies. The imposition of such solidarity, besides disregarding the federal structure and defy the principles of effectiveness and economy of administration - with overlays and overloads that facilitate waste of money and corruption - not attentive to the golden rule imposing mandatory solidarity, which is the expressly stated in law or constitutional provision. As will be shown, the decisions handed down by national courts in the seat of judicial control of public policies has ignored the whole legal structure of the topic, and impose to federal entities an unnecessary difficulty in managing their skills and their financial resources. The defense of divided responsibilities, however, could generate adverse effects. Is that in procedural field, a suit filed in the face of an entity not being directly responsible for the execution of the questioned public policy demand could be terminated without resolution, imposing delays to the realization of social rights under procedural obstacles. As fundamental rights - the category in which they belong social rights - require effective immediately be investigated and are chargeable from generic commands given by the Constitution, it was necessary to resort to an old technique - already foreseen in Brazil, but poorly understood - a subjective integration demand by the judge\'s order, the intervention iussu iudicis. To avoid repeating mistakes, will be redone historical path emergence and development of this technique to better understand their scopes.

Esta pesquisa busca analisar as dinâmicas espaciais a partir de conceitos e concepções oriundos da Geografia e das Ciências Jurídicas. Discutir a parcela de autonomia que é atribuída aos Municípios dentro do federalismo fiscal à luz do período atual. A forma como se organiza a federação brasileira constitui um arranjo político e fiscal que confere a cada ente autonomia, característica essa que produz no território consequências positivas e negativas. O federalismo brasileiro possui uma trajetória de avanços e retrocessos em um movimento pendular, ora um modelo de Estado mais centralizador, ora um modelo mais descentralizado. Com o advento da Constituição Federal de 1988 houve um novo ciclo de descentralização em que os municípios são reconhecidos como entes federados autônomos recebendo parcela constitucional de competência para instituir e cobrar tributos. Essa possibilidade assume características específicas causando distorções como as trazidas pela guerra fiscal municipal. Os conflitos e as tensões no âmbito fiscal têm suas repercussões e efeitos nas mais diversas dimensões, entre elas no território. O federalismo fiscal surge na guerra fiscal como um componente eminentemente territorial, a compreensão dessa dinâmica e as suas nuances no território constitui o nosso objetivo. / This research seeks to analyze the spatial dynamics using concepts and ideas resulting from the Geography and Legal Sciences and discuss the amount of autonomy that is allocated to the municipalities within the fiscal federalism in the light of the current period. The way it organizes the Brazilian federation is a political and fiscal arrangement that gives each entity autonomy, a characteristic that produces negative and positive consequences in the territory. Brazilian federalism has a path of progress and setbacks in a pendulum motion, or in a more centralized state model, or in a more decentralized model. With the advent of the Federal Constitution of 1988 there was a new decentralization cycle in which municipalities are recognized as autonomous entities receiving federal constitutional portion of the power to impose and collect taxes. This possibility takes on specific characteristics causing distortions as brought by the municipal tax war. Conflicts and tensions in the tax field have its repercussions and effects on several dimensions, including in the territory. Fiscal Federalism arises in the fiscal war as an eminently territorial component, understanding this dynamic and its nuances in the territory is our goal.

Cette recherche s’inscrit dans un champ particulier, à savoir, le fédéralisme financier aux États-Unis. On a pris pour objet un État précis, l’État de la Floride. C’est par conséquent, une démarche descriptive du système financier floridien centrée la délicate question de l’autonomie financière des échelons locaux, du plus large (l’État fédéré) au plus petit (les différents gouvernements locaux) qui constitue l’axe de ce travail.Une première partie s’attache à la description des relations entretenues entre la Floride, État fédéré à vocation territoriale et le gouvernement fédéral, à vocation nationale. D’une part, l’autonomie financière de la Floride est appréhendée à travers les fondements du fédéralisme américain, à savoir la Constitution fédérale et la Constitution étatique. D’autre part, les sources de financement nécessaires à cette autonomie, essentiellement la fiscalité.Une deuxième partie est centrée sur le principe de l’autonomie interne à l’État, on veut dire par là que l’on identifie le degré de la dépendance des gouvernements locaux face à leur État de rattachement, tant dans le processus budgétaire que fiscal.Au final d’un point de vue général, l’analyse du système floridien montre la souplesse et le pragmatisme dont fait preuve le fédéralisme américain. / This research is part of a particular field, namely, fiscal federalism in the United States. We had intended a particular State, the State of Florida. It is therefore a descriptive approach of the Florida financial system centered the delicate issue of the financial autonomy of local levels, the largest (the State) to the smallest (the various local governments) which constitutes the axis of this work.The first part focuses on the description of the relations between the Florida State federated territorial vocation and the federal government, with a national vocation. First, the Florida financial autonomy is apprehended through the foundations of American federalism, namely the Federal Constitution and the State Constitution. Moreover, the funding sources necessary for this autonomy, mainly taxation.A second part is centered on the principle of internal autonomy to the state, we want to say that we identify the degree of dependence of local governments face their state of attachment, both in the budget process as tax.In the end a general perspective, the analysis of the Florida system demonstrates the flexibility and pragmatism shown by the American federalism.

This thesis contributes to the fields of Public Economics and Development Economics by studying human capital formation under three scenarios. Each scenario is represented in an individual paper between Chapters 2 to 4 of this thesis. Chapter 2 examines the effect of child care financing, through human capital formation, on growth and welfare. There is an extensive literature on the benefits of child care affordability on labour market participation. The overall inference that can be drawn is that the availability and affordability of appropriate child care may enhance parental time spent outside the home in furthering their economic opportunities. In another front, the endogenous growth literature exemplifies the merits of subsidizing human capital in generating growth. Again, other contributions demonstrate the negative implications of taxes on the returns from human capital on long run growth and welfare. This paper assesses the long run welfare implications of child care subsidies financed by proportional income taxes when human capital serves as the engine of growth. More specifically, using an overlapping-generations framework (OLG) with endogenous labour choice, we study the implications of a distortionary wage income tax on growth and welfare. When the revenues from proportional income taxes are channelled towards improving economic opportunities for both work and schooling investments in the form of child care subsidies, long run physical and human capital stock may increase. A higher level of growth may ensue leading to higher welfare. Chapter 3 answers the question of how child care subsidization works in the interest of skill formation, and specifically, whether child care subsidization policies can work to the effect of human capital subsidies. Ample studies have highlighted the significance of early childhood learning through child care in determining the child’s longer-term outcomes. The general conclusion has been that the quality of life for a child, higher earnings during later life, as well as the contributions the child makes to society as an adult can be traced back to exposures during the first few years of life. Early childhood education obtained through child care has been found to play a pivotal role in the human capital base amongst children that can benefit them in the long run. Based on this premise, the paper develops a simple Overlapping Generations Model (OLG) to find out the implications of early learning on future investments in human capital. It is shown that higher costs of child care will reduce skill investments of parents. Also, for some positive child care cost, higher human capital obtained through early childhood education can induce further skill investments amongst individuals with a higher willingness to substitute consumption intertemporally. Finally, intervention that can internalize the intra-generational human capital externalities arising from parental time spent outside the home - for which care/early learning is required to be purchased for the child - can unambiguously lead to higher skill investments by all individuals. Chapter 3 therefore proposes policy intervention, such as child care subsidization, as the effect of such will be akin to a human capital subsidy. The objective of Chapter 4 is to understand the implications of inter-regional mobility on higher educational investments of individuals and to study in detail the impact of mobility on government spending for education under two particular scenarios – one in which human capital externalities are non-localized and spill over to other regions (e.g. in the form of R&D), and another in which the externalities are localized and remain within the region. It is shown that mobility enhances private investments in education, and all else equal, welfare should be higher with increased migration. The impacts on government educational expenditures are studied and some policy implications are drawn. In general, with non-localized externalities, all public expenditures decline under full-migration. Finally under localized externalities, the paper finds that governments will increase their financing of education to increasingly mobile individuals only when agglomeration benefits outweigh congestion costs from increases in regional population.

This diploma thesis analyzes the impact of the fiscal federalism policy on a municipality economy in the Czech Republic. The theoretical basics consist of a historical analysis of municipalities' legal status and mode of financing. That is followed by defining of a fiscal federalism model and a fiscal decentralization model, and by taxation and income analyses. Final part focuses on the income and expenditure analysis of municipalities in the period 2002-2010 and an overall evaluation.

This diploma thesis deals with investment subsidies, which municipalities obtain as a contribution to the budget, and the fact whether the amount of the subsidies is affected by the political affiliation of the mayor. The introduction of the thesis brings the description of public administration of the Czech Republic, and the characteristics of the region and the village. The following part focuses on fiscal federalism, district budget as well as particular revenues of municipalities. Additionally, this part provides the explanation of the term 'subsidy', and lists different kinds of sources which municipalities can draw financial means from. The last part introduces analysis of selected towns. The conclusion presents the overall evaluation and summary of the results.

The goal of this work is an assessment of the hypothesis whether the fiscal union in euro area can cope with the consequences and causes of the debt crisis. Categorized proposals leading to fiscal union are presented. These proposals are facing problems of moral hazard, perverse incentives, new taxes, inefficient allocation of scarce resources, and general issues of fiscal policy. New steps towards fiscal union will be accepted at the supranational level, some of these steps are more likely than others. The tighter rules, fiscal oversight and regulation the fiscal union will provide, the longer and more successful will be preventing of the crisis in the euro area. Because the euro area cannot be considered an optimal currency area and because the tragedy of the commons problem is observed here, then fiscal union in the long run, along with all the problems of the new proposals will only lead to a deepening of the crisis, or creating a new and much stronger one.

In this thesis I investigate the application of various instruments of fiscal federalism in the Swiss Confederation, the United States of America and the European Union. Based on the knowledge of the theory and the works of authors dealing with this topic in stated regions I conclude that while the USA and Switzerland are quite similar in their competitive approach to fiscal federalism, the fiscal federalism mindset in the EU is entirely opposite to that of theirs. That is partly given by the fact that the EU is not a true federation with a strong central government but a union of sovereign states. But the fact that the responsibility in the USA and Switzerland lies upon the deciding policy makers and that they are at the same time constrained by certain fiscal rules whereas the standard in the EU is the socialization of losses and the fiscal rules are only being implemented now is in my opinion a more significant factor.