Univ., Diss.--Köln, 2001. / Literaturverz. S. 207 - 247.

Generally, traditional "marriages" according to Islamic custom are void in South African law because they are potentially polygynous and do not comply with the formalities prescribed by the Marriage Act 25 of 1961 . A valid concern for those who oppose polygyny is that it may enforce and promote gender inequality in that it is practised in patriarchal Muslim societies. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996 contains numerous provisions aimed at combating gender inequalities, and these could be used to justify the policy of non-recognition. On the other hand, the Constitution has ushered in an era of tolerance and empathy; and the equality and religion clauses could be used to ensure that polygynous marriages are no longer ignored. This study will examine the tensions between Muslim personal law and clauses in the Constitution which have led to calls for the reformation and codification of Muslim personal law. / Private Law / LL. M.

Instrument d'échange économique par excellence, le contrat n'est pas, de prime abord, le terrain le plus propice à la satisfaction d'un idéal religieux. Il n'est pas rare, cependant, qu'un contractant se prévale de ses convictions et pratiques religieuses aux fins d'y adapter le contenu ou les conditions d'exécution d'une prestation. La tentation est grande de s'y montrer indifférent. D'un côté est invoquée, pour y parer, l'autonomie de la volonté. De l'autre, il est même suggéré de transposer le principe de laïcité aux relations privées pour obliger les contractants à faire preuve de neutralité. Or, ces dernières sont gouvernées par la liberté de religion. Ainsi, la contractualisation des convictions et pratiques religieuses doit être fortement encouragée. En outre, dans le silence du contrat, le juge peut imposer certaines obligations positives aux contractants, au nom de la liberté de religion et du droit à la non discrimination, au terme d'un processus de conciliation. / Prima facie, as the most representative economic instrument, contract is not favourable to the satisfaction of religious interests. Nevertheless, contractors frequently invoke their religious beliefs and practices in order to adapt either the content or the conditions of implementation of their duties. Indifference is sometimes considered as a tempting reaction to those claims. One the one hand, it is referred to contractual autonomy. On the other hand, it is suggested to extend secularism to private relations, for the purpose of compelling contracting parties to remain neutral. However, these ones are ruled by freedom of religion. As a consequence, individuals should be incited to include their religious convictions and practices to their contracts. Morerover, judges should be allowed to impose positive obligations, on behalf of both religious freedom and the right to non-discrimination, after a conciliation process.

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This dissertation analyses the use of the word “religion” in Canadian law and theorises the consequences of its use for the legal protection of religious movements in Canada. Chapter One establishes the problems of the word “religion” in academic discourse by providing an overview of work in the field of critical religion. This dissertation considers whether the critiques of the term “religion” by scholars working within critical religion are equally relevant when considering the role of religion in human rights law. Chapter Two turns an investigative eye toward Canadian case law using the word “religion”, from Chaput v Romain (1959) to Alberta v Hutterian Brethren of Wilson Colony (2009). The analysis highlights how the use of “religion” in Canadian law does indeed reflect academic concerns. Chapter Three uses queer theory to speculate the consequences of an unstable concept of religion for the protection of religious freedom, especially as it pertains to new religious movements. Judith Butler’s notions of performativity and drag are applied to theorise the performance of “religion” and its outcomes. Some suggestions for how to proceed conclude the dissertation.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:12:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Julio_Cesar_Tavares_Dias.pdf: 1406197 bytes, checksum: 7954edd24e3d89b160139db53a6fe228 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-16 / The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (IURD) is main example of New Pentecostalism and it presents a big growth, looking to incommode Historical Christians groups and making open war against Brazilian cults of African origin. Invasions to sacred spaces and persecution to African religions leaders occurred in Bahia and Rio de Janeiro. Syncretism and bellicosity against African religions are marks constantly pointed like peculiar characteristics to this church. In combat against Devil, this church identified it like entities of religions of African matrix. This thesis results from source that was made at Catedral da Fé and also from analysis of publications of this institution. Our purpose was to analyze the specific demonization of IURD s discourse, which is constructed about afro religions. In elaboration of this thesis, we need to situate historically beginning and developing of IURD, and also of Pentecostal Movement, with which IURD is connected. So, we could to go along our analysis with true safety. Religious intolerance and vilipend were clear in our analysis of publications and exorcism rites by us seen. / A Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) é a principal representante do neopentecostalismo e apresenta um grande crescimento, aparentando incomodar grupos de cristãos históricos e fazendo franco combate a elementos dos cultos brasileiros de origem africana, já tendo, inclusive, ocorrido invasões de terreiros e perseguição a líderes das religiões afro na Bahia e no Rio de Janeiro. Marcas constantemente apontadas como características dessa igreja é o seu sincretismo e sua belicosidade contra as religiões afro. No combate ao Diabo, a igreja identificou-o com as entidades das religiões de matriz africana. Esta dissertação é fruto de pesquisa realizada sobre tal temática, na Catedral da Fé, no Recife, e da análise de obras evangelísticas da instituição. Nosso objetivo foi investigar a demonização, própria do discurso iurdiano, tecido sobre as religiões afro-brasileiras. Na construção do trabalho foi preciso situar historicamente o desenvolvimento e o surgimento da IURD, bem como do Movimento Pentecostal com o qual ela se relaciona. Na análise linguístico-antropológica que fizemos das obras e dos rituais de exorcismo que presenciamos, ficaram patentes a intolerância e o vilipêndio religioso.

Oppression and dictatorship were rife in this traditional Roman Catholic Portuguese state. The Portuguese Empire collapsed and the period immediately after the 1974 Revolution was marked by Communist influence. However, democracy rose with the 1976 Constitution and its subsequent Revisions addressing various aspects of freedom but neglected to address religious freedom. Specific legislation pertaining to freedom of religion was only adopted more than three decades later in 2001. Consequently, the study intended to reveal the status of religious freedom in Portugal as a result of the 1974 Revolution. The hypothesis of this study is that there was resistance to the implementation of religious freedom in Portuguese legislation and society which continued until 2009, the point at which this study ends. Relevant legislation regarding religious freedom was the adoption of the 2001 Religious Freedom Act followed by the signing of the 2004 Concordat. Thus, this important question is relevant, was religious freedom respected in Portugal in 2009? Subsequently, this study tested and proved the hypothesis that religious freedom was not fully applied in Portuguese legislation and society up to the period under study. The adoption of the 2004 Concordat proved that there was still confusion regarding the legal status of religious freedom in the country. The methodology used to collect the data for this study included numerous articles, letters, national and international legislation, anecdotal evidence as well as literature and in-depth interviews to collect oral historical information. This study is located in the theoretical framework of the transformative theory of religious freedom. The thesis revealed that even if the 1974 Revolution brought in freedom of religion the concept still lacks full implementation according to Articles 18, 19, and 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Articles 9, 10 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Church History)

Depuis la loi interdisant la dissimulation du visage dans l’espace public adoptée le 11 octobre 2010 jusqu’à aujourd’hui, la tension entre la liberté religieuse et les valeurs de la République est prégnante. Les valeurs de la République, qui renvoient stricto sensu à la devise « Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité », sont conjuguées avec d’autres notions. Dans le processus d’élaboration de la loi de 2010, elles sont articulées à la dignité et l’égalité des sexes. Depuis, elles sont conjuguées avec, voire identifiées à la laïcité, érigée en valeur, et les citoyens sont appelés à adhérer à cet ensemble axiologique. Cette évolution des cadres de référence dans la prise en compte du religieux par l’État, et la tension qu’elle emporte entre la liberté religieuse et les valeurs de la République, doivent être interrogées. / On October 11th, 2010, a Frenchlaw prohibits the deliberate concealment of hiding the face in public spaces. Since then, the tensions between freedom of religion and the values of the Republic remain strong. Theses republican values which strictly refer to the motto « Liberty, Equality, Fraternity » coexist with many concepts. During the process of law-making, the bill articulated the French Republic values with dignity and gender equality. Ever since these newly added concepts are now accepted as components of the secularism. Citizens are called to adhere to this value system. The framework evolution required by the consideration of the religious fact of the State and the strong tensions between the freedom of religion and the values of Republic must be analyzed.

「シャリーアの目的」論は、啓示による定めのない事柄についての行為規範を導き出すための理論として10世紀に誕生したが、今日では、時代の変化に応じて柔軟にシャリーアを解釈するための理論と目されている。イスラームの伝統的な価値観と国際人権法が衝突する問題の一つに信教の自由が挙げられるが、この問題について近代以降の「シャリーアの目的」論者たちは革新的な解釈を提唱してきた。彼らによれば、クルアーンはイスラーム国家の枠内で信教の自由を保証している。しかし、イスラーム的な信教の自由と西洋的なそれは同一ではなく、前者を後者に近づけようとすれば、啓示に反する解釈が必要になる。そのような解釈を正当化するため、「シャリーアの目的」論者たちは、儀礼行為(イバーダート)に関する規範と社会行為(ムアーマラート)に関する規範を区別し、後者の可変性を主張することがある。この区別は、彼らが言うように、中世においても認められていた。だが、近代以降の「シャリーアの目的」論は、中世のものに比べ、啓示と理性の役割分担を曖昧にする傾向がある。 / The theory of maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah, born in the 10th century as a theory about how to know rules that are not explicitly given by God or the Prophet, is considered today as a theory about adapting interpretation of sharī‘ah to the needs of the times. Modern and contemporary reformers who adopt this theory have been presenting fresh interpretations with regard to freedom of religion, which is among issues about which Islamic traditional values contradict international human rights law. According to these reformers, the Qur'ān teaches that freedom of religion should be protected within the framework of an Islamic state. Yet the Islamic version of freedom of religion is not the same as its Western version, and therefore, if they try to make the former more similar to the latter, they cannot help going against the scriptural texts. They occasionally do so, maintaining that sharī‘ah's rules relating social acts (mu‘āmalāt), rather than devotional acts (‘ibādāt), are changeable. As they say, the distinction between ‘ibādāt and mu‘āmalāt has been acknowledged by Muslim jurists since the Middle Ages. In recent times, however, the theory of maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah tends to be less clear about what to do with conflicts between divine revelation and human reason than it used to. / 博士(一神教研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in Monotheistic Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

Quran burning is a new phenomenon in Sweden first executed by Rasmus Paludan, the leader of a far-right, anti-immigrant political party - Stram Kurs. These burnings are still a subject of debates and cause a lot of controversy due to the vandalism caused by the local muslim protesters and because many muslims and non-muslims believe that it should be categorized as incitement of hatred against muslims. The purpose of this study is to illuminate how young muslims in Skania, Sweden, perceive the Quran burnings that are protected by the Swedish Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression. The purpose of this study is also to get a picture of how the burnings affect them and to show how this demonstration of freedom of speech affects their freedom of religion. Five semi structured interviews were done to conduct this study. The chosen relevant theories that were used were stigma, islamophobia, the argument from truth and the argument from autonomy. The most important findings of this study are that the interviewed young Swedish muslims believe that there is an error in the Swedish system where laws against incitement of hatred are only applied in some cases, but not other. And that the interviewees feel angry about the police protecting a man who is trying to provoke them by mocking them and their religion. They also question whether they belong in Sweden and are convinced that the Quran burnings will only cause further division in the society of which muslims are a large part of. Another problem that they pointed out is that the media uses the pictures of the vandalizing protesters to spread a negative image of muslims and Islam. Another finding is that the interviewed young Swedish muslims feel that the Quran burnings are a new and legitimate way for islamophobes to attack and offend them. They also feel, however, that their freedom of religion remains unaffected. The last finding is that based on the argument from truth and the argument from autonomy, the Quran burnings do not justify limiting the freedom of expression. The conclusion is that these islamophobic attacks in the form of Quran burnings are a consequence of a tribal stigma that, according to the interviewed young Swedish muslims, muslims in Sweden have to live with. This stigma can even be found in how the interviewed muslims feel the government and the media are treating them. Even if the Quran burnings don’t justify limiting freedom of expression, the problem remains that the interviewees feel that freedom of expression is being used against them. / <p>Mångfaldsstudier</p>