Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / During Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF), the U.S. Department of Defense instituted a program to attach civilian journalists to coalition military units. Their purpose was to report firsthand on the military campaign to topple Saddam Hussein. These "embedded journalists," as they were called, would travel, eat, sleep, and endure the same hardships and dangers of the soldiers and Marines they were accompanying. While their immediate and highly dramatic accounts offered a perspective not before seen by the news-hungry U.S. public, they also raised questions if the "embedding" process resulted in a more thematically narrow coverage of the war. This study addresses the newspaper coverage of OIF by examining the content of the embedded and non-embedded war reporting of various highly circulating U.S. newspapers. It is posited that being attached or embedded within U.S. military units resulted in the journalists producing a body of stories concerning military operations and personnel markedly different than nonembedded reporters during OIF. / Major, United States Marine Corps

Today we live in a world of heightened religious awareness and sensitivity. The events of September 11, 2001 sent a shock wave throughout American society and in some cases ignited a religious spark in those shocked by the attacks. The result has been a distinct and clearly visible fragmentation of the United States along religious and ideological boundaries. The United States Military is not immune to stress caused by these divides. There have been claims of anti-Muslim sentiment within select units of the U.S. Army; accusations that some leaders at the U.S. Air Force Academy were using their positions to promote their faith and discriminate against minority faiths, and allegations that the U.S. Navy is prohibiting chaplains from practicing their faith. In this thesis, I examine these and other cases along with the religious diversity trends since 2001 to demonstrate that the potential for continued and increased religious conflict in the military is high. I will further argue that the solution to avoiding these conflicts is through training and education provided at the initial stages of enlisted training and at the commissioning source for officers.

Dissertation submitted in partial compliance with the requirements for the Master's Degree in Technology: Fine Art(Printmaking), Technikon Natal, 2000. / This dissertation is concerned with the effects of censorship on the arts community during the apartheid era in South Africa, and in the post apartheid era that followed. Through interviews and various sources, a picture will be presented that examines the contrasts and similarities of the two eras. Chapter One will present an overview of South African history, from its beginnings in 1653 to the first popular election in 1994. It will show how the religious beliefs and accompanying attitudes of the in-coming colonialists created a social atmosphere in which the system of apartheid was able to flourish and grow. It will also show how apartheid ultimately crumbled under pressure from growing resistance and violence among the people it sought to control. Chapter Two is comprised primarily of the results of several interviews with selected artists, showing how the various individuals thought about censorship, how they dealt with all the restrictive laws, and how they were able to pursue their art making under these conditions. Personal experiences illuminate the effects of such censorship, and opinions about the value and necessity of censorship are summarized. Various of the interviewees talk specifically about what actions they took under the apartheid regime, and how they viewed, and continue to view, the role of the artist in society. Chapter Three uses several case studies to illustrate what is currently happening concerning censorship and art in the post-apartheid era. Opinions and reactions to current conditions will be presented, and specific instances of censorship or attempted censorship will offer a comparison with the previous era. This will illustrate how much liberty artists today enjoy in South Africa. Several significant issues are raised by such examples; Issues of potency and importance to any culture. Finally, the artists themselves look ahead, and provide a picture of the future for arts in this society . / M

Dans le présent travail de thèse, nous nous proposons de mettre en lumière les raisons pour lesquelles Heidegger donne le coup d’envoi à un questionnement de longue haleine et de grand ampleur sur la question de la liberté à la suite de la publication, en 1927, de son chef d’oeuvre, Etre et Temps. Nous nous efforcerons de formuler et d’élaborer progressivement deux thèses à la lumière des objections heideggeriennes adressées à la conception kantienne et à la doctrine schellingienne de la liberté. Notre première thèse est que la radicalisation heideggerienne de la conception kantienne de la liberté, développée dans le cadre d’une « métaphysique du Dasein », ne permet pas de découvrir un contexte philosophique dans lequel une problématique plus originelle de la liberté pourrait être formulée puisque le questionnement heideggerien de la liberté se réduit en dernier ressort en une répétition de la démarche transcendantale de Kant et en un exemple d’application remarquable de cette démarche à une question non kantienne, à savoir la question de l’être. Notre deuxième thèse est qu’à partir de la thèse de la différence ontologique et au prix de l’oubli du concept schellingien de l’absolu, l’investigation heideggerienne de la liberté ne donne lieu qu’à une forme sécularisée de la théologie dialectique de Schelling, qui prend en garde malgré son caractère panthéiste la thèse de la bonté divine et la doctrine de la révélation de la dogmatique chrétienne. Dans la perspective ontologique proprement heideggerienne, l’être fondé dans la liberté, dans le fondement du fondement (Grund des Grundes), dans l’abîme (Abgrund) se manifeste à travers ce qu’il rend possible, c’est-à-dire l’étant / In this thesis, we tried to highlight the reason for which Heidegger initiates an investigation of large scale on the question of freedom after the publication of Being and Time. We tried to formulate and elaborate progressively two theses in the spot of objections that Heidegger addresses to the Critique of Kant and to the Schellingian theology of freedom. Our first thesis is that the Heideggerian radicalization of Kantian conception of freedom developed in the framework of metaphysics of Dasein does not allow to the discovery of a philosophical context from where a more original problematic of freedom could be formulated and the Heideggerian questioning is nothing but a repetition of it and a remarkable application example for elaborating a non Kantian question, to namely the question of Being. Our second thesis is that from the thesis of ontological difference and further to forgetting Schellingian concept of absolute, Heideggerian questioning only could develop a secularized variant of theological dialectics of Schelling, which despite its pantheistic view affirm the thesis of divine goodness and the doctrine of revelation of Christian dogmatics. In Heideggerian ontological perspective, the Being (Sein) melted in the freedom, in the ground of ground (Grund des Grundes), in abyss (Abgrund) manifests itself through what it renders possible, that is to say through being (Seiende)

La Thaïlande est un pays sous régime de monarchie constitutionnelle mais il subit souvent les interventions militaires. Malgré l’installation de la démocratie en 1932 et le développement des textes juridiques, la liberté d’expression et le droit de la communication sont limités. Le marché audiovisuel est préoccupé par les opérateurs ayant obtenu les contrats de concession de l’État pour une durée excessive. La solution proposée par la Constitution de 1997 est de créer une autorité de régulation indépendante de communication audiovisuelle pour, d’une part, renforcer l’exercice de la liberté d’expression et le droit de la communication ainsi que la mise en place des principes fondamentaux de la communication audiovisuelle, et, d’autre part, attribuer à nouveaux les fréquences pour l’ouverture totale du marché audiovisuel afin d’offrir une variété de choix aux téléspectateurs ou aux auditeurs. La création de l’autorité de régulation de communication audiovisuelle a été interrompue plusieurs fois par les décisions du Tribunal administratif, du fait de conflit d’intérêts, et a finalement été annulée par le coup d’État en 2006, abrogeant la Constitution de 1997. La Constitution actuelle de 2007 impose de créer une seule autorité de régulation chargée de l’audiovisuel et des télécommunications pour faire face au développement des technologies qui convergent. Aujourd’hui, cette autorité n’est pas encore mise en place. La lacune dans la régulation des deux domaines de communication s’agrandit. Depuis la suppression du monopole étatique de l’audiovisuel, la France a connu trois autorités de régulation. L’exercice des droits et libertés de la communication se développe progressivement. L’étude sur la comparaison avec le système français pourrait orienter la Thaïlande vers le chemin de la démocratie et du développement. / Although Thailand is a constitutional monarchy country with the establishment of democracy and the development of legal texts, it is often subject to military intervention which creates the limitation of freedom of expression and the rights to communicate. The audiovisual market is dominated by the operators who obtain the concession contracts of the State for too long. The solution of the mentioned problem is proposed by the 1997 Constitution, which is to create an independent regulatory authority for audiovisual communication to improve the exercise of freedom of expression on communication law and to implement the basic principles of audiovisual communication. Moreover an allotment of new frequencies is also important for the full opening of the audiovisual market in order to vary the choices for viewers and listeners. The creation of the regulatory authority of audiovisual communication has been interrupted several times by the committee’s conflict of interest. In 2006, it was unfortunately withdrawn by the coup by repealing the 1997 Constitution. After that in The 2007 Constitution, it is required the establishment of a single regulatory authority for broadcasting and telecommunications to meet the development of converging technologies however the authority has not been implemented yet. So the gaps in regulation between two areas of communications are growing.In France, there are three of regulatory authorities of audiovisual communication which have been formed after the abolition of state monopoly of broadcasting. The study of French’s basic principles of audiovisual communication could guide Thailand in several ways since the rights and the freedoms of communication in Thailand have been democratically developing gradually

In this thesis I argue that First Amendment free speech and exercise claims do not grant religious business owners the ability to bypass statutes that prohibit discrimination on sexual orientation and gender identity grounds in areas of public accommodations. My arguments focus on the constitutional claims made in the case Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission. Furthermore, I determine that Congress can rely on both the Commerce Clause and the Fourteenth Amendment to pass legislation that prohibits discrimination on sexual orientation and gender identity grounds in areas of public accommodations. I argue that despite the Court’s holding in the Civil Rights Cases, Congress can regulate discrimination by private actors, not just state sponsored discrimination, through the Fourteenth Amendment. I analyze the potential avenues religious business owners can use to undermine both state and federal antidiscrimination statutes and have their discriminatory practices legally sanctioned. I conclude by arguing that religious exemptions do not belong in antidiscrimination statutes.

The purpose of this essay is to see if the upper secondary school in Sweden meets the acquirements of freedom of religion, in this particular study I focused on the Christian pupils at the school. Could it be that the Christian pupils feel that the school won’t accept them because the school is a secularized institution? Or do they feel that the school encourage their right to practice their religion at school? I interviewed six pupils at two different schools to find out about their experience with the school and the opportunity to practice their religion. The result shows that the pupils feel encouraged to practice their religion, with little or no resistance from the school.

The purpose of this study, is to explore whether or not prison sentences of less than a year, are appropriate, when judged from an individual preventive angle. This will be discovered through processing the interviews of a criminologist, a district prosecutor and a prison governor. Their expertise covers the areas of criminals, institution and crime prevention. Our data is drawn from parts of the theory about denial of freedom by Michel Foucault, who explores prison as an institution; the theory about prisonization by Donald Clemmer, who explored the process of socialization, that occurs when an individual goes to prison, and becomes a part of the prison sub culture; also the theory of moral sociology by Èmile Durkheim, who defines what we call a society, the basis of moral action and how these two interact. The result showed that prison sentences of less than a year are not appropriate, when judged from an individual preventive angel. Though judged from a general preventive angle, it can be seen as appropriate. / Studien syftar till att undersöka om fängelse som påföljd, gällande straff kortare än ett år, är ändamålsenligt utifrån ett individualpreventivt perspektiv. Detta uppnås genom tre kvalitativa intervjuer med en kriminolog, en kammaråklagare och en anstaltschef som utifrån deras olika yrkesroller bidrar med expertis inom det valda området. Empirin tolkas sedan utifrån delar av teorin om den frihetsberövande sanktionen av Michel Foucault som tittar närmare på fängelset som institution; teorin om prisonisering av Donald Clemmer, som tar fakta på den socialiseringsprocess som sker med individen när denne hamnat i fängelse och anammat en del av fängelsets subkultur, samt utifrån moralsociologin av Émile Durkheim som beskriver vad som utmärker ett samhälle, vad som är grunderna för ett moraliskt handlande och hur dessa två samspelar med varandra. Resultatet visade att fängelsestraff kortare än ett år ur ett individualpreventivt perspektiv inte är ändamålsenligt. Däremot kan det ur ett allmänpreventivt syfte verka avskräckande för samhällets övriga medborgare.

This dissertation develops a new theory of specific and overall socio-political freedom and discusses its role in normative political theory. The aim is to dissolve some of the conceptual confusions that have often beset previous discussions and to develop a theoretical framework with which to approach questions of public policy. This dissertation consists of three parts. In the first part, I develop a new account that specifies under which conditions a person is specifically free and when she is unfree to do something. It is shown that republican accounts of freedom are unsatisfactory and that a trivalent liberal account that equates freedom with ability is most plausible. A new analysis of unfreedom is defended according to which a person is made unfree (as opposed to merely unable) to do something only if she would have this freedom in a better and available distribution that another person could have foreseeably brought about. In the second part, I discuss how to move from an account of specific freedom and unfreedom to a measure of overall freedom. I develop a new and simple aggregation function and argue that the measurement of overall freedom requires both quantitative and evaluative factors. In the third part, I then discuss what role freedom should play in a theory of distributive justice. Instead of freedom deontologically constraining the reach of distributive justice, freedom should be one of its distribuenda. I will first discuss how best to distribute freedom across a person’s lifetime and how this impacts on discussions of paternalistic policies. It will then be shown that we ought not simply maximise freedom between persons, not aim to give everyone enough freedom nor aim at equal freedom. Instead, distributing freedom requires a principle that combines maximisation with a concern for fairness.

Personal autonomy is often lauded as a key value in contemporary bioethics. In this thesis, I aim to provide a rationalist account of personal autonomy that avoids the philosophical flaws present in theories of autonomy that are often invoked in bioethics, and that can be usefully applied to contemporary bioethical issues. I claim that we can understand the concept of autonomy to incorporate two dimensions, which I term the 'reflective' and 'practical' dimensions of autonomy. I suggest that the reflective dimension pertains to the critical reflection that agents must carry out on their motivating desires, in order to be autonomous with respect to them. I begin by rejecting prominent desire-based and historical accounts of this dimension of autonomy, before going on to defend an account based upon a Parfitian analysis of rational desires. Following this analysis of the reflective dimension of autonomy, I argue that autonomy can also be understood to incorporate a practical dimension, pertaining to the agent's ability to act effectively in pursuit of their ends. I claim that recognising this dimension of autonomy more comprehensively reflects the way in which we use the concept of autonomy in bioethics, and makes salient the fact that agents carry out their rational deliberations in the light of their beliefs about what they are able to do. I go on to argue that this latter point means that my account of autonomy can offer a deeper explanation of why coercion undermines autonomy than other prominent accounts. Having considered the prudential value of autonomy in the light of this theoretical analysis, in the latter half of the thesis I apply my rationalist account of autonomy to a number of contemporary bioethical issues, including the use of human enhancement technologies, the nature of informed consent, and the doctor-patient relationship.