The present study examined the influences of gender-role stereotypes, gender-role congruity, and the sex-typing of the professor job on performance evaluations of university educators in actual classroom settings. Participants used the Schein Descriptive Index (Schein, 1973) to define gender-role stereotypes, characteristics of their professor/instructor, and the characteristics of an "Effective Professor." Participants used a behavior summary scale (BSS) formatted student assessment of instruction to evaluate their professors/instructors performance after a full semester of class participation. It was hypothesized that a pro-male bias would exist in the sex-typing of the professor job, and that combined with the gender-role stereotypes of participants and the gender-role congruity of professors/instructors, would influence performance evaluations. In support of hypothesized relationships, results demonstrated that male and female participants hold different gender-role stereotypes of Men and Women, that the professor job is sex-typed in favor of men for male participants, and that gender-role stereotypes and the gender-role congruity of actual professors/instructors can influence performance evaluation ratings. Contrary to previous research and hypothesized relationships, the sex-typing of the professor job was not significantly related to performance evaluation scores. Additionally, results of regression analyses revealed no gender differences in performance evaluation ratings; however, age differences were found, in favor of older professors/instructors. Possible explanations for obtained results, as well as study limitations, are discussed.

This study explores fatherhood in contemporary Canadian society by drawing on the experiences of nine full-time care-giving fathers in Vancouver, Canada. Using a social constructionist epistemology, the study explored how fathers who are primary caregivers to their young children construct masculinity, how they enact primary care-giving, and how they can be better supported within communities. Fathers were recruited through posters in community centres and through snowball sampling and volunteered to participate in interviews lasting between one and three hours. Interviews were audio-taped, transcribed and analysed using pragmatic thematic analysis. Three key themes were constructed to represent the fathers’ self-reported experiences: fathers’ enactment of primary care-giving; fathers’ constructions of masculinity within dominant discourses of masculinity and care; and father’s support needs. Findings suggest that for these primary care-giving fathers, care-giving is active and adventurous, and egalitarian beliefs and roles regarding child care and domestic responsibility predominate within their co-parenting relationship. Traditional Euro-western masculine ideology tends to give way to a “hybrid” ideology that emphasizes affection, emotional intelligence, and caring for one’s family as a whole. Fathers indicated a preference for supports that are self-sought such as the internet and support from partners, and informal supports such as community events and time with peers to structured supports provided by community programs. Fathers who reported benefits from formal community programs offered insight into father-friendly practices. Stigma about primary care-giving by fathers was a significant theme constructed from the data. Implications for community programs for families and primary care-giving fathers in particular are discussed. / Graduate

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Theatre, 2004. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-137).

Esta dissertação analisa como professoras mulheres da Rede Municipal de Ensino (RME) de Porto Alegre relacionam seu trabalho docente com os feminismos a partir dadiscussão sobre a narrativa conservadora da ―ideologia de gênero‖ nas escolas. A partir do uso de uma perspectiva sociológica crítica de estudos educacionais, a pesquisa utiliza os conceitos de hegemonia e ideologia para compreender a organização social. Em uma realidade tramada por disputas por hegemonia, em que distintas ideologias se fazem presentes de forma contraditória e pulverizada no senso comum, analisa-se o fenômeno da chamada ―ideologia de gênero‖ – narrativa inventada pelo Vaticano nos anos 1990 como tentativa de interromper os avanços dos Estudos de Gênero e movimentos feministas. Entende-se que, através de uma aliança conservadora entre neoliberais e neoconservadores, esse movimento ―antigênero‖ e ―antifeminista‖ tem-se popularizado no contexto educacional brasileiro. Embora tenha sido constatado debate crescente acerca da temática no campo científico, buscou-se investigar uma perspectiva ainda invisibilizada: a de professoras mulheres. Entende-se que quaisquer mudanças propostas e instauradas na legislação educacional concernem, primordialmente, às mulheres: são elas a maioria absoluta do corpo docente brasileiro da educação básica e, apesar de historicamente organizado e resistente como categoria, o trabalho docente se (con)forma ainda por heranças patriarcais e sexistas Através da condução de dois grupos focais com oito professoras, pretendeu-se observar aproximações e distanciamentos das perspectivas feministas com seus trabalhos docentes, utilizando como disparador dos debates iniciativas ―antigênero‖ e ―antifeministas‖, como as do Movimento Escola Sem Partido. Visibilizando contradições existentes nas dinâmicas sociais, foi possível constatar reverberações tanto dos discursos conservadores quanto dos feministas no senso comum das participantes. Inerentemente contraditório e heterogêneo, o senso comum é permeado também por elementos de ―bom senso‖, que podem causar identificação com discursos baseados no convencimento. Assim, a narrativa da aliança conservadora se dá relativamente bem-sucedida entre as professoras, causando identificação com o uso do gênero como instância biologizante e com elementos de culpabilização acerca de seus trabalhos. Observou-se preocupação de que, uma vez interessadas em desconstruir estereótipos e problematizar desigualdades de gênero/sexualidade, as professoras pudessem estar interferindo negativamente na formação identitária dos alunos Constatou-se também a presença de perspectivas feministas no trabalho docente das professoras que, em suas práticas, procuram acolher e legitimar existências distintas da norma binária e heterossexual e demonstrar olhar atento à (re)produção de desigualdades. Ainda que indiquem uma diferença geracional, cultural e social entre elas e seus alunos – interpretada como efeito da institucionalização de demandas feministas e LGBTT na sociedade e sua popularização no senso comum –, as participantes manifestam empenho em revisar suas noções aprendidas sobre o que é normal para melhor atender seus estudantes. Por fim, observou-se também discurso contraditório entre as professoras sobre a importância de políticas educacionais que proponham o debate de gênero: declaram considerar necessário o debate e, simultaneamente, parecem subestimar a eficácia de políticas. Por outro lado, em função de reconhecerem a existência de um contexto social que tem progressivamente legitimado pautas feministas e LGBTT, consideram inviáveis legislações que proíbam a discussão desse tipo de temática nas escolas. / This thesis analyzes how female teachers in the Public School System (PSS) of the city of Porto Alegre link their teaching practices to feminisms from a discussion about the conservative narrative of ―gender ideology‖ in schools. From a critical sociology of education perspective, the study uses the concepts of hegemony and ideology to understand social organization. In a reality permeated by disputes for hegemony, in which different ideologies are present in a contradictory and pulverized way in the common sense, this thesis analyzes the phenomenon of the so-called ―gender ideology‖ – a narrative invented by the Vatican in the 1990s as an attempt to interrupt the advances of Gender Studies and the feminist movements. Through a conservative alliance between neoliberals and neoconservatives, this ―antigender‖ and ―antifeminist‖ movement has become popular within the Brazilian educational context. Although a growing debate has been present in the scientific field, this study sought a perspective that is still invisible, that of female teachers. Any changes proposed and introduced to educational laws concern women primarily: they are the absolute majority among Brazilian basic education teachers, and, despite being historically organized and resistant as a category, teaching practices are still (con)formed by a patriarchal and sexist heritage. Two focal groups composed of eight teachers examined the approximations and distances from feminist perspectives within their teaching practices. ―Antigender‖ and ―antifeminist‖ initiatives, such as the movement for ―unpolitical schools‖, were used to trigger the debates. Considering the contradictions present in social dynamics, it was possible to verify reverberations of both conservative and feminist discourses in the participants‘ common sense Inherently contradictory and heterogeneous, common sense is also permeated by elements of ―good sense‖, which may make them identify with ―convincing‖ discourses. Thus, the narrative of the conservative alliance is relatively successful among the teachers, making them identify with the use of gender as a ―biologizing‖ instance and with elements of blame within their work practices. Concern was expressed that, because they were interested in deconstructing stereotypes and problematizing gender/sexual inequalities, teachers could be interfering negatively in the students' identity formation. The participants‘ discourses also evidenced the presence of feminist perspectives in the teaching work of teachers who, in their practices, seek to accept and legitimize existences that differ from the binary and heterosexual norm and to be attentive to the (re)production of inequalities. Although they indicate generational, cultural and social differences between them and their students – interpreted as an effect of the institutionalization of feminist and LGBTT demands on society and its popularization in common sense – the participants show commitment to revise their learned notions about what is normal to better serve their students. Finally, there was also a contradictory discourse among the teachers about the importance of educational policies that propose debates about gender: they declare the debate to be necessary, and at the same time seem to underestimate the effectiveness of policies. On the other hand, recognizing the existence of a social context that has progressively legitimized feminist and LGBTT guidelines, they consider that laws prohibiting the discussion of this subject in schools are unfeasible.

To achieve organizational effectiveness, leaders must examine what impacts productivity, such as workplace equality for women hindered to the point of exclusion and discrimination. The purpose of this correlational study was to determine if gender ideology, as the predictor variable, and male and female impressions toward an opposite-gendered coworker, as the criterion variable, predicts an individual's impressions toward an opposite-gendered coworker, in alignment with gender role theory. The Gender Role Ideology measure was used to assess perceptions about appropriate roles for men and women, and Coworker Resource Scale was used to assess the nature of coworker relationships among 203 middle- to upper-level managers. Data collection was conducted via Survey Monkey and SPSS was used to analyze the data. According to study results, there were no statistically significant correlations between the predictor and criterion variables. However, future research is warranted in relation to opposite-gendered coworkers and their gender ideologies. An in-depth examination of how gender ideologies relate to employee interaction has positive social change implications for workplace attitudes through improved employee cohesiveness as opposed to discrimination and exclusion. The proposed implications for positive social change from workplace attitude awareness include knowledge useful to employees in shifting their gender ideologies, increasing levels of employee interaction, and moving toward a more supportive and satisfactory existence in the workplace.

This article examines the Swedish government's decoupling of feminism and gender equality. Drawing on scholarship on feminist backsliding and gender ideology, this article suggests that the Swedish government's decision to abandon the feminist agenda in its foreign policy reflects broader trends of anti-genderism as both an international and transnational phenomenon. I argue that the Swedish government separates feminism from gender equality in order to allow for a more conservative shaping of women's roles without rejecting gender equality, while respecting the social and cultural context. The study uses norm spoiling and critical frame analysis on the political manifestos of the governing parties to examine how the issue of feminism and gender equality are respectively framed and serve to drive a wedge between the two ideas. The article concludes by discussing similarities between the key frames identified in the analysis and those identified in the literature on transnational gender ideology discourse, finding that a common strategy to impede women's rights is evident.

This thesis represents an investigative critique of ethics in mass media representation of trans people. It advances its respective set of ethics regarding trans representation by critically examining how contemporary capitalist media produces a more "sanitized" trans representation that fails to reflect the material living conditions of the immense majority of trans people underneath the regime of capitalism. This study also advocates a black feminist-positive transfeminism that critiques the assimilationist trans narratives reproduced across mass media and social media. This thesis thereby constitutes a case study of trans representation in media. It specifically implements critical discourse analysis and comparative case studies as its research methods, with critical media studies as its methodological discipline. This approach critically engages with the material in unison with trans studies, transfeminism, and media studies theoretical frameworks. This study thereby builds on and contributes to the research field of transgender media studies. Core findings in this thesis involve that neoliberal media integrates a preoccupation with predominantly white, "passing," and indifferent trans women who firmly rejects critical self-reflection. That is, a media fixation with trans women who essentially "blend in" among cisgender people as if these women allegedly represent the "exemplary" trans people distinguished from "undesirables." This thesis discerns this capitalist arrangement as a prejudiced groundwork that ultimately engenders conflict rather than cooperation between the academic labor of Black feminism and transfeminism.

The purpose of this study was to describe and analyze the work of ice hockey clubs work to create audience interest in women's ice hockey from a gender perspective. This study also aimed to investigate two different perspectives. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with representatives of different clubs and their organized fan clubs. The results were analyzed in a gender perspective where the mainstarting point was Coakley's orthodox gender ideology with a main approach of male-dominated, male identified and male-centered point of view. A thematic analysis was used to process the material from the interviews. The study found that the clubs aimed to improve women's ice hockey and create value for the audience. However, traditional views of gender negatively affected the respondents' views on female ice hockey and players, often comparing them to male ice hockey players. The respondents also believed that it will be difficult to be equal because of men's hockey culture and history. The study concludes that traditional gender views consciously and unconsciously affect women's activities.

This thesis investigates conservative social movements’ discursive strategies and the ways in which discourse is used depending on a constructed threat. This is done through a discourse analysis on online published material by pro-life groups in Latin America, using the case of abortion. The research question is “How does the construction of threats influence discursive adaptation among pro-life actors in Latin America?” It is divided into sub-questions, asking (a) how pro-life actors perceive and construct threats, and (b) how do pro-life activists in Latin America use religious argumentation, pro-women discourse, and law and legal-based arguments respectively, to oppose a decriminalization of abortion? The study finds that arguments centered on rights and the national constitutions dominate. The most common threats are the real or hypothetical legalization of abortion, its increased access or increased normalization, as well as the threat of the international community and gender ideology, and what I refer to above as the hypothetical threat, in which the case of abortion serves as a gateway. The central findings are that the unit or phenomenon perceived as threatened is often the same as what constitutes a node of familiarity, i.e., appeals to individuals based on an experience shared by a community, and that the discourse used in response often reflects that of the constructed threat itself. The thesis illustrates the many ways that the pro-life movements use a combination of discourse based on religious values, gender, and rights to construct arguments, and thereby, the adaptability and creativity displayed by the organization.

The antigender discourse emerged in Argentina after the rejection of the bill to decriminalize and legalize abortion in 2018. Due to the lack of material available to conduct a thorough research, they emerged as a group academically unexplored. This thesis aims to fill this gap while studying the discursive strategies and organizational structure of the groups against “gender ideology”. Drawing from contributions of decolonial feminisms and intersectional analyses, this study depicts the intricate context where such groups are situated, recognizing the effects of coloniality permeating their discourse. While contrasting the information collected, through online research and semi-structured interviews, this study aims to dismantle the politics of identity beyond the façade of the antigender cause.