This thesis explores the history of the New Age movement through a political analysis of influential New Age books. By drawing upon cultural, religious and American studies, and concepts from literary criticism and political science, a new understanding of the movement becomes possible. This thesis analyses the ideological representations and rhetorical strategies employed in both New Age literature and American presidential discourse. It is argued that their shared imagery and discursive features indicate that New Age writings derive their ideological underpinnings and textual devices from dominant beliefs of American nationalism. This historical examination begins with the Cold War in the late 1940s and ends with the 1990s. Each chapter traces parallels between a particular presidential discourse and New Age texts published in the same decade commencing with Dwight D. Eisenhower and The Doors of Perception and finishing with William J. Clinton and The Celestine Prophecy: An Adventure. It argues that the appropriation of particular spiritualities in New Age texts is closely related to contemporary American geo-political interests and understandings. Major New Age spiritual trends are derived from regions, most often in the third world, which are considered to be under threat from forces such as Communism. New Age writings construct an imaginary possession of these worlds, reconfiguring these sites into frontiers of American influence. In particular, this study examines the influence of the jeremiads and the ensuing Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny ideologies upon post-war national beliefs and the extent to which these understandings of nationalism inform New Age discourse. Representations of time and space, destiny and landscape, and self and other in these literary and political contexts are analysed. From this perspective, the eclecticism that marks the New Age can be historically understood as a shifting cultural expression of Cold War and post-Cold War political responses. Consequently, New Age literature is one of the means by which dominant American identity is reproduced and disseminated in what seems to be an alternative spiritual context.

This thesis is a feminist reading of the work of Henry Handel Richardson (1870-1946), which considers her four major novels: Maurice Guest (1908), The Getting of Wisdom (1910), The Fortunes of Richard Mahony (1930), and The Young Cosima (1939). It proposes that Richardson foregrounds the work of gender ideology in her novels, and that her work is also conscious about its own fictional procedures. This thesis argues that Richardson consciously examines the ideological aspect of narrative modes, such as naturalism, the Bildungsroman, and popular romance. Moreover, it illustrates her attempts to invent narrative strategies which subvert the conventional assumptions about gender inherent in those forms. ???Gender Ideology and Narrative Form??? draws on recent theoretical approaches to narrative, ideology, subjectivity, and dialogism, to argue that Richardson makes the ideological shaping of her stories most visible through manipulations of genre, plot, narrative voice, and point of view. Aspects of ideology examined include the Victorian and late-Victorian equation of masculinity with public rationality, mind, public achievement, and genius: and, on the other hand, the association of femininity with the body, passion, and private or domestic spaces. The thesis also considers some of the values and assumptions about gender implicit in nineteenth-century scientific thinking. Henry Handel Richardson has been viewed as a conservative writer, in both aesthetic and political terms. By contrast, I suggest that she resists the moral and representational codes of the realist or naturalist form, and that her uncompromising oppositional strategy achieves a number of radical results. It exposes and criticises the masculinist bias of certain representational methods; it offers new ways of representing female experience; and it insists that the private sphere must be treated also as a political space in which crucial power relationships are at work. My approach to Henry Handel Richardson???s fiction opens new ways to see her work as the product of a distinctive feminist consciousness.

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-12-19T17:22:15Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Isabella Bruna Lemes Pereira - 2017.pdf: 2979049 bytes, checksum: de529671e0d34cfbcb13624c14079816 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-12-21T12:32:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Isabella Bruna Lemes Pereira - 2017.pdf: 2979049 bytes, checksum: de529671e0d34cfbcb13624c14079816 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-21T12:32:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Isabella Bruna Lemes Pereira - 2017.pdf: 2979049 bytes, checksum: de529671e0d34cfbcb13624c14079816 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-17 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / The aim of the dissertation is analyzing parliamentarian discourses about the human rights of people whom the sexuality, or the gender identity does not satisfy the heteronormative and heterosexual standard imposed by society. The methodology used is the analyze of the discourses using studies developed by Michel Foucault e Dominique Maingueneau. The analysis’ constitutive matter, the corpora, were the written or verbal federal congressmen’ discourses related to the House of Representatives’ parliamentarian bills with related themes to the School Without Party Movement. They are: Bill 7180/2014 (aims the insertion of the familiar value reasons precedence above the scholar education on the aspects related to the moral, sexual and religious education as a principle). Bill 7181/2014 (aims the application of a ten-year validity to the National Curricular Parameters (NCP)). Bill 867/2015 (aims the insertion of the “School Without Party Program” in the NCP). Bill 6005/2016 (aims the creation of the “Free School Program”). Bill 1859/2015 (aims the prohibition of “gender ideology” teaching policies development). Bill 5487/2016 (aims the prohibition of sexual orientation and the distribution of books about sexual diversity orientation for children). The understanding of the parliamentarian about Human Rights is relative, since it does not involve all the people, i.e., it is restricted to certain social categories, which is explained by the way the Brazilian citizenship was formed: patriarchal, full of conservatism and religious ideals that prevent a less prejudiced, sexist and colonized look about the differences and the multiple sexual identities, and allow the imposition of unfounded speeches, e.g., the “gender ideology”, restricting spaces that should be democratic. / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar os discursos dos parlamentares quanto aos direitos humanos de pessoas cuja sexualidade ou a identidade de gênero não satisfazem o padrão heternormativo e heterossexual imposto pela sociedade. A metodologia do trabalho foi a análise do discurso a partir de Michel Foucault e Dominique Maingueneau. O material constitutivo da análise, o corpora, foram os discursos escritos ou verbais dos deputados federais, relacionados aos projetos de lei de parlamentares na Câmara dos Deputados com temática afim ao Movimento Escola sem Partido. São eles : PL 7180/2014 (objetiva inserir como princípio a precedência aos valores de ordem familiar sobre a educação escolar nos aspectos relacionados à educação moral, sexual e religiosa), PL 7181/2014 (objetiva aplicar vigência decenal aos PCN), PL 867/2015 (objetiva inserir no PCN o “Programa Escola sem Partido”), PL 6005/2016 (objetiva criar do “Programa Escola Livre”), PL 1859/2015 (objetiva proibir de desenvolvimento de políticas de ensino que versem sobre “ideologia de gênero), PL 5487/2016 (objetiva proibir a orientação e distribuição de livros que verse sobre orientação de diversidade sexual para crianças e adolescentes). A compreensão de direitos humanos dos parlamentares é relativa, posto que não abrange a todos, mas se restringem a certas categorias sociais, o que se explica pela forma com que se deu a cidadania brasileira, patriarcal, carregada de conservadorismos e ideais religiosos que impedem um olhar menos preconceituoso, sexista e colonizado sobre as diferenças e as diversas identidades sexuais, e permitem que discursos infundados, como o da “Ideologia de Gênero” se imponham, restringindo espaços que deveriam ser democráticos.

[pt] Esta dissertação analisará a (re)produção das formas de controles de corpos e sexualidades em diferentes espaços e tempos. Tal análise é possível através do entendimento, desenvolvido em trabalhos anteriores, de que o pensamento moldado pela Inquisição e a caça às bruxas na Idade Média foi reproduzido durante a construção do Brasil enquanto sociedade. No trabalho presente, será somada a tal entendimento a hipótese de que o pensamento medieval continua permeando o imaginário social da sociedade brasileira na atualidade. Para tal, serão analisadas práticas de esterilização involuntárias de mulheres negras no Brasil a partir da década de 1980; assim como, discursos e práticas violentas contra a comunidade LGBTQIA+ (Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis/Transexuais/Transgêneros, Queers, Intersexuais, Agêneros/Assexuais/Arromânticos e outras possibilidades de orientação sexual e identificação de gênero) perpetrados por grupos contra a ideologia de gênero, representados aqui em grande parte por membros do governo Bolsonaro. Com base em correntes teóricas feministas, principalmente dos feminismos negro e decolonial, serão ressaltados os efeitos das posicionalidades de gênero, sexualidade e raça dos sujeitos alvos de violência. / [en] This dissertation will analyze the (re)production of forms of control of bodies and sexualities in different spaces and times. Such an analysis is possible through the understanding, developed in previous works, that the thought shaped by the Inquisition and the witch hunt in the Middle Ages was reproduced during the construction of Brazil as a society. In the present work, it will be added to this understanding the hypothesis that the medieval thought continues to permeate the social imaginary of Brazilian society today. To this end, involuntary sterilization practices of black women in Brazil from the 1980s will be analyzed; as well as, violent speeches and practices against the LGBTQIA+ (Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Trans/Transsexual/Transgender, Queer, Intersex, Asexuals/Aromantics and other possibilities of sexual orientation and gender identification) community perpetrated by groups against the gender ideology, represented here largely by members of the Bolsonaro government. Based on feminist theoretical currents, mainly black and decolonial feminisms, the effects of the gender, sexuality and race positions of the subjects targeted by violence will be highlighted.

No description available.

本研究以電視新聞社會線為研究場域，旨在探討電視社會女記者與電視社會新聞之陰性化現象之間的關連。本研究採取質性研究的多元途徑，以參與觀察法、深度訪談法、案例分析法，探討兩大研究問題：一、近年來，電視社會新聞內容有沒有陰性化的傾向？1.社會新聞記者怎麼看待陰性的社會新聞主題？2. 社會新聞記者怎麼看待陰性的新聞報導角度？3.社會新聞記者採取什麼樣的工作倫理？二、電視新聞工作場域文化與社會女記者的新聞產製1. 社會線的文字記者需要具備什麼特質？ 2. 社會線女記者的女性身份，是否影響：(1)社會線女記者線上關係之建立(2)社會線女記者在組織中的任務分配與評價(3)社會線女記者和受訪者的互動(4)社會線女記者社會新聞的角度？ 在電視社會新聞的陰性化方面，本研究發現，在電視社會新聞內容方面，由於以市場為主要考量，軟性議題儘管增加，其份量和重要性仍低於感官化取材，而女性議題仍居少數。在電視社會新聞的處理方式與記者敘事方式上，趨向實用、貼近觀眾感受的陰性報導角度增加，但社會新聞仍以陽性化的感官處理為主要走向。 在電視社會新聞工作場域文化方面，研究發現組織當中父系意識型態的主導，與商業邏輯的感官化操作思維相結合。在社會女記者的新聞產製方面，女記者發展出中性化的性格特質與女性化的性別特質，並接受父系觀點對她們的觀視或期待，這是一種對場域文化的投降策略。因此，女記者的社會新聞報導與男性記者沒有差別。 / This study takes the impact of TV female journalist on the feminization of TV social news as the main inquiry. Adopting the channel of qualitative research, this study takes the participant-observation method, in-depth interview method, and case study method to discuss two significant issues. I. Is TV socail news feminized in the past few years? 1. How do journalists of TV social news view feminine topic of news reporting? 2. How do journalists of TV social news view feminine angle of news reporting? 3. What kind of working ethics do journalists of TV social news hold? II. The field culture of TV news work & the news production of female journalists 1. What are the conditions required for female journalists? 2. Does sex factor have influence on TV social news female journalists in aspects below: (1) their relationship with steady news source (2) the assignments and evaluation they get (3) their interation with news source (4) their angle of news? As to the phenomenon of the feminization of TV social news, we have found that market is the major consideration of news production. Though the soft news issues have increased, the amount and value of this kind of issues are still far less then those of sensational issues. Meanwhile, women issues are few. Concerning the style and the way of reporting of TV social news, it has tended to practical value and has become closer to the feelings of audience, which is a feminized new style. However, sensationlism remain the main mode that journalists deal with social news. In the aspects of the field culture of TV news work, we have found that the paternal hegemony is the leading power in newsroom, and it has been integrated with the sensational ways of newsmaking oriented towards commercial pursuits. As to female journalists, they practice neutralized characters and female sexual characteristics, and accepted the paternal gazing and expection imposed on them, which is considered as a strategy of surrender to the field culture. Therefore, there is no distinct difference between the news reporting of male and female journalists.

[pt] O Brasil tem experimentado uma mudança no seu campo religioso com o decrescimento do catolicismo e o aumento das religiões protestantes, principalmente as de denominação pentecostal e também dos indivíduos que se declaram sem religião. Atesta-se que a sociedade está vivendo um processo de reforma moral e a escola pública é um dos seus principais palcos. Tal instituição é também o resultado de intensas disputas sociais. Esse cenário é o foco desta dissertação. Desenvolve-se, à luz dos conceitos de secularização e laicidade para compreender o processo brasileiro, em direção à constituição de uma sociedade pluralista. Isso se percebe historicamente; por meio de pistas empíricas e bibliográficas; e também a partir de propostas legislativas e resoluções para o currículo escolar recentes. É constatado que a interface entre religião e escola no Brasil é umbilical, ora aparece de forma explícita, ora subjacente nas disputas para a constituição do que se entende por escola pública. A novidade é que a transição para um campo religioso mais diverso, em especial, por conta do pentecostalismo, faz com que a naturalizada acomodação entre Estado e Igreja Católica seja abalada e se dispute o significado do próprio conceito de laicidade e até, no limite, do de democracia no cotidiano das relações que se travam no chão da escola. / [en] Brazil has been experimenting change in their religious field with the decrease of catholicism and increase of protestant religions, especially those of pentecostal denomination, and individuals declared without religion. It is attested that society is living a process of moral reform and the public school is one of the main stages. Such institution is also, to a high degree, the result of intense social dispute. This situation is the focus of this dissertation. It is developed, under the concepts of secularization and laicity in order to understand the Brazilian process, towards the constitution of a pluralist society. It is noticed historically: through empiric clues and bibliography; also, through legislatives propositions and recent public policies. It is noted that the interface between religion and school in Brazil is intrinsic, sometimes showing explicitly, sometimes subjacent to disputes for the constitution of what is comprehended as public school. The innovation is the transition to a more diverse religious field, especially because of pentecostalism shaking the complacent situation between State and Catholic Church, thus disputing the meaning of the concept of laicity or, ultimately, that of democracy in the daily relations waged at the schools floor.

The diploma thesis Antifeminism in Contemporary Teaching of the Roman Catholic Church examines the mechanisms which shape the identity of women in Roman Catholic teachings. This is the starting point for the subsequent constitution of gender order, i.e. the way the relationship between man and woman is constructed, and in which woman is subordinated to man. To support the subordinate position of women, Roman Catholic theology implemented theory of complementarity into its teachings. This inequality provides an important underpinning of gender-based violence. Feminist movement and feminist theology, such as that of Mary Daly brought new analytical tools in the 1960s and 1970s to understand the functioning of the social mechanisms that lead to women's subordination. These tools are, in particular, feminist critique and perspective, critique of power relations and of androcentrism, and a specifically feminist understanding of woman's identity. The Istanbul Convention, with its perspective that rejects inequality, promotes criticism of power relations and describes violence against women as gender-based violence, is conceptually in accordance with the methods and goals of the feminist movement as well as with democratic principles. In particular, it agrees with them on the issue of gender-based...