A tese estuda a evolução histórica do atitude multilateral do Brasil. Parte da noção que o multilateralismo é um aspecto significativo da política externa brasileira, desde as primeiras conferências internacionais dos países americanos, que começam ainda no fim do século XIX. Em tempos recentes, na Liga das Nações, mas sobretudo nas Nações Unidas, a importância das instituições multilaterais só fez crescer. O estudo parte, no ângulo teórico, da perspectiva de que o multilateralismo tem uma lógica própria e que, ao aceitá-la, o comportamento diplomático dos Estados deve naturalmente estar em sintonia com o que aquela lógica impõe. A concepção de John Ruggie apóia a parte teórica da tese e sustenta o seu objetivo central, que é o de procura definir o que seriam constantes do comportamento multilateral do Brasil. Procura-se mostrar que suas origens estariam nas reações que a diplomacia brasileira teve ao Pan Americanismo, se fixaram com nossa participação na II Conferência da Haia, quando, com Ruy Barbosa, defendemos que as instituições multilaterais deveriam estar fundadas na igualdade entre os Estados e com a aspiração a uma participação influente nos processos decisórios internacionais, expresso recentemente com a aspiração a um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações. / The thesis studies the evolution of Brazil´s multilateral attitude. It accepts the notion that multilateralism has been a meaningful aspect of Brazilian foreign policy since the first conferences of American States, a series of international gatherings that began at the end of nineteenth century. From them on, after the creation of the League of Nations and, specially, the United Nations, the importance of multilateral institutions for Brazil has grown consistently. From the theoretical perspective, the thesis accepts the idea that multilateralism is defined by a singular logic and States, when working in multilateral institutions, are bound by that logic. John Ruggie´s conception of nultilateralism supoorts that idea and frames the main goal of the thesis, that is, a investigation of the constant patterns of Brazil´s multilateral behavior. The origins of those patterns could be identified in the diplomatic reactions to the challenges of the Pan American conferences. But, the patterns became more evident during our participation in the II Peace Conference (Hague, 1907) when our delegation, headed by Ruy Barbosa, advocated the understanding that necessary foundation of the multilateral institutions is the equality among States. Another constant is the Brazilian wish to have a more influential participation in the decision making process of the international institutions, as today shown in our aspiration to occupy a permanent seat at the Security Council of the United Nations.

The purpose of this study was to examine the Indigenous Navigator partnership through its Bésiro project in Bolivia to find out whether the partnership approach can enhance Indigenous participation in global education. In the short term, enhancing the participation of Indigenous peoples in global education may help them maintain their unique identity and culture. In the long term, it may enable Indigenous peoples to actively decide on policy that concerns them. The objective of the research was to help policymakers and those working in the field of international and comparative education to secure Indigenous peoples’ right to determine their own education development. In the 19th and 20th centuries, after the creation of nation-states in Latin America, national education efforts sought to unify populations through assimilationist policies. Those policies used the dominant language as the language of instruction, and the content of curricula responded to the national vision of those in power. Indigenous peoples held on to their culture and language despite the external pressure to assimilate and the lack of recognition and support. In the second half of the 20th century, a global Indigenous movement took place that claimed Indigenous peoples’ collective rights within the nation-state, including the right to self-determine their education. This movement succeeded in garnering international attention, which led to the adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. This declaration served as a framework upon which states were expected to model their laws. While this helped put the plight of Indigenous peoples in the international spotlight, some countries have implemented the Declaration to a greater extent than others. As a result, many Indigenous peoples remain stripped of the power and legal authority to ultimately decide on the education (and other) issues that concern them. The power asymmetries that have been affecting them in international education politics persist. A global education system that does not count on the continuous participation of Indigenous peoples as collective actors fails to meet the goals of inclusion and equality that it intends to achieve. Against this background, the following questions remained unanswered: Who is entitled to participate in global education and in what capacity? How are Indigenous peoples currently participating in global education? Why and how should the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, which is the international agency tasked with promoting peace through international cooperation in education, science, culture, communication, and information, enhance Indigenous participation in its education politics? Driven by the questions above, I carried out a qualitative case study involving a multistakeholder partnership–the Indigenous Navigator. The Indigenous Navigator partnership includes Indigenous and non-Indigenous nongovernmental organizations, civil society organizations, and other international and national stakeholders. This partnership developed a framework and a set of tools to produce Indigenous data and track progress toward the fulfillment of Indigenous human rights. When applied to education, the Indigenous Navigator partnership translates the data collected into projects designed by Indigenous peoples for their own purposes. The Indigenous Navigator partnership offers an alternative approach for global education to enhance Indigenous participation in education policy. The Indigenous Navigator partnership’s project that became the case study was called Revitalization and Vitalization of the Bésiro Language of the Monkox Nation. This project was designed by the Monkox, a people indigenous to Bolivia. The Monkox utilized the Indigenous Navigator’s framework and set of tools, and focused on revitalizing their Bésiro language. This Bésiro project was implemented between 2019 and 2020 in Lomerío, in Bolivia’s lowlands. The case of the Monkox within Bolivia stands out because even though the Monkox are small in number, they have a long history of defending their language and their education. Bolivia, in turn, has drawn regional and international attention because it adopted Indigenous human rights into its political constitution and has come forth with a unique education model based on intraculturality, interculturality and plurilingualism, and in which Indigenous peoples are seen not only as individuals with a right to education, but also as peoples with collective education rights. To analyze the effectiveness of the Indigenous Navigator partnership and the Bésiro project, I spent 7 months observing the functioning of the Indigenous Navigator partnership prior to fieldwork, then spent another year interviewing 42 key stakeholders, out of whom at least 17 were Indigenous. I also analyzed relevant documents related to Indigenous education in Bolivia, global education, and enhanced participation. The results of the study offer a glimpse into present-day Indigenous education in Bolivia; an analysis of the Indigenous Navigator partnership and the Bésiro project; and a comparison between local, national, and international power dynamics that interacted throughout the project and can further impact education politics in Bolivia and beyond. The results show that the Indigenous Navigator partnership operated through what I call multisphere Indigenous ownership (i.e., the capacity of each partner to contribute from their own area of expertise while reducing the stratification of power) to ensure the Monkox’s self-determination in the Bésiro project. The analysis also shows that interculturality is difficult to reach if intraculturality, or the reaffirmation of a people’s identity, culture, and politics, has not been strengthened. To reaffirm intraculturality, the active participation of Indigenous peoples in their own education policy processes is vital. Only then will Indigenous peoples be able to achieve sustainable education along with national efforts. Lastly, the case study revealed that the Indigenous Navigator partnership worked through tacit interculturality between the European Union and Latin America, that is, the implicit reciprocity of two Indigenous systems in both parts of the world. As an outcome of this analysis of the Indigenous Navigator partnership and the Bésiro project, it is suggested that the global education community, guided by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, implement multistakeholder Indigenous ownership to allow Indigenous peoples, as collective stakeholders, to participate in education policy processes that concern them. This study closes with a policy and research agenda that contributes to achieving sustainable, quality education for Indigenous peoples.

This thesis examines the effect regionalism had upon North Carolina and Virginia during the 1847-1862 legislative battles over the Danville, Virginia, to Greensboro, North Carolina, railroad connection. The first chapter examines the rivalry between eastern and western North Carolina for internal improvement legislation, namely westerners’ wish to connect with Virginia and easterners’ desire to remain economically relevant. The second chapter investigates the Tidewater region of Virginia and its battle against the Southside to create a rail connection with North Carolina. The third chapter examines the legislation for the Danville Connection during the American Civil War in the Virginia, North Carolina, and Confederate legislatures. Through an examination of voting patterns and public opinion, this thesis finds that, despite Confederate President Jefferson Davis’s designation of the Danville connection as a military necessity, regionalism overcame Confederate nationalism during this instance.

This study analyses the Actorness Cohesion (AC) of the EU’s foreign policy in the United Nations General Assembly First Committee by comparing the EU Delegation foreign policy-maker’s role conceptions to those made by the EU Member State (EU MS) Delegations on the same topic clusters. The concept of AC is developed from actorness and role theory as an ideational, constructivist measure of vertical policy coherence. AC represents the absence of ‘vertical conflicts’ between the EU and EU MS Delegation’s expressed role conceptions along four dimensions; Identity Cohesion, Goal Cohesion and Function Cohesion and Worldview Cohesion. This is studied by interpreting the role stability in the role-set; whether the contents are consistent, the EU role conception is central or whether the EU MS Delegations complement and/or are compatible to the EU role conception. Statements on topic clusters: ‘Disarmament Machinery’, ‘Conventional Weapons’ and ‘Outer Space (disarmament aspects)’ are analysed in order to determine the AC. The study concludes that whilst there is little evidence of the EU Delegation’s role conception being central to the EU MS Delegations, there is considerable consistency of contents. There are also indications of an emerging AC due to the EU MS Delegation’s role conceptions being complementary to that of the EU Delegation. The study calls for more research that will complement this plausibility-probe study and the concept of AC.

A tese tem por objeto a articulação político-institucional de mecanismos de controle dos atos ministeriais - os pedidos de informações e solicitações de esclarecimentos e a responsabilidade penal com efeitos políticos dos ministros e secretários de Estado -, durante a Primeira Legislatura (1826-1829), com o objetivo de consolidar o sistema de governo monárquico hereditário constitucional representativo proclamado pela Carta de 1824, de modo a estabelecer limites às amplas atribuições conferidas pelo texto constitucional ao imperador, e tornar seu papel possível e viável, tendo em vista as aspirações dos diversos segmentos econômico-sociais das províncias representados na Assembleia Geral Legislativa. A partir da reflexão sobre a relação existente entre constituição e responsabilidade, na teoria política e nas experiências legislativo-constitucionais inglesa, norte-americana, francesa e portuguesa, de modo a possibilitar a compreensão do significado do conceito de responsabilidade na década de 1820, debruça-se sobre a estratégia articulada pelos membros do Corpo Legislativo, em especial os deputados da oposição, para atingir seus objetivos e as conquistas político-institucionais obtidas no decorrer das quatro primeiras sessões anuais legislativas. Com a presente tese, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da forma como estabeleceu na prática político-institucional o diálogo entre os membros dos Poderes Legislativo, Executivo e Moderador, o qual teve no conceito de responsabilidade um de seus principais componentes. / This thesis aims to analyse the political articulation of measures of control over the ministers\' decisions - parliamentary proceedings to obtain informations about ministerials\' decisions, and to promote ministers\' accountability - during the First Legislature (1826-1829) with the aim to consolidate the representative constitutional hereditary monarchy system proclaimed by the Charter of 1824, in order to establish limits to the royal prerrogatives established by the constitutional text and to construct a possible and feasible role to the emperor, in view aspirations of the various economic and social sectors of the provinces represented in the General Assembly. From the reflection on the relationship between constitution and accountability in political theory and in the legal and constitutional experiments made in England, in North America, in France and in Portugal to enable the understanding of the meaning of the concept of responsive and accountable government in the 1820s, this thesis shows how the Chambers\' members - especially the opposition\'s members - had achieved their purposes, as well the political and institutional achievements had accomplished during the four first legislative annual sessions. With this thesis is intended to contribute to the understanding about how has established, in the political and institutional practice, a dialogue between the members of the Legislative, Executive and Moderator Powers to which the concept of responsive and accountable government had a central role.

L'absence de définition du crime international d’agression, qualifié pourtant comme la mère de tous les crimes internationaux, par la Cour pénale internationale ainsi que l'incapacité du Conseil de sécurité de qualifier et de sanctionner de telles violations afin d’établir la justice et la paix internationales, participent au fait que l’agression, au travers du recours à la force armée, reste malheureusement de nos jours une vieille tradition aussi fréquente que dangereuse. Au-delà de la difficulté conceptuelle, il existe une autre difficulté difficilement surmontable sur les scènes nationale et internationale, à savoir la question de la répression de ces guerres. L’absence d’identification des auteurs et la non reconnaissance des victimes conduisent à une totale impunité, source de répétition de cette violation, par les grandes puissances. Afin de savoir s’il est réaliste et opportun de poursuivre les auteurs de ce crime en tant qu’acte de l’État sans cependant oublier principalement la dimension individuelle de l'acte, l'objet de cette recherche a été de déterminer tous les recours possibles tant par la voie judiciaire que par la voie politique (l’ONU, les organisations régionales, les parlements nationaux, l’opinion publique). Concernant la voie judiciaire, il s'est agi d'analyser tant la répression par le juge interne (dans les systèmes français, allemand, américain et anglais) que par le juge international devant la Cour pénale International et les autres tribunaux internationaux.Cette thèse s’efforce de faire une présentation de toutes les possibilités réelles d’engager la responsabilité pour crime international d'agression, aussi bien en ce qui concerne l’agression en tant que faute politique majeure que comme crime, l’étude de ces deux aspects étant dressée par une analyse des obstacles rencontrés par l’application du droit international et national dans le contexte du crime d’agression. / The lack of definition of the international crime of aggression, described as the mother of all international crimes, by the International Criminal Court, and the inability of the Security Council to qualify and punish such violations to establish justice and peace, participate that the aggression, through the use of armed force, remains unfortunately nowadays a tradition as often as dangerous. Beyond the conceptual difficulty, there is another problem that is as difficult to overcome in the national and international scenes, namely identifying the way to repress these wars. The lack of identification of the authors of these wars and the non-recognition of the victims lead to lack of punishment which is the main source of repetition of the violations by the great powers.In order to know whether it is realistic and appropriate to prosecute this crime as an act of the State, without forgetting the individual dimension of the act, the purpose of this research was to identify all remedies whether through the courts or by political means (the UN, regional organizations, national parliaments, public opinion). Concerning judicial matters, this research analyzes internal repression by the judge (in the French, German, American and English systems) and by the international judge to the International Criminal Court and other international tribunals. This thesis aims to present all real possibilities of engagement and liabilities for international crimes of aggression, whether these are treated as major political mistakes or crimes, through an analysis of the obstacles encountered by the application of international and domestic laws in the context of crimes of aggression.

A tese tem por objeto a articulação político-institucional de mecanismos de controle dos atos ministeriais - os pedidos de informações e solicitações de esclarecimentos e a responsabilidade penal com efeitos políticos dos ministros e secretários de Estado -, durante a Primeira Legislatura (1826-1829), com o objetivo de consolidar o sistema de governo monárquico hereditário constitucional representativo proclamado pela Carta de 1824, de modo a estabelecer limites às amplas atribuições conferidas pelo texto constitucional ao imperador, e tornar seu papel possível e viável, tendo em vista as aspirações dos diversos segmentos econômico-sociais das províncias representados na Assembleia Geral Legislativa. A partir da reflexão sobre a relação existente entre constituição e responsabilidade, na teoria política e nas experiências legislativo-constitucionais inglesa, norte-americana, francesa e portuguesa, de modo a possibilitar a compreensão do significado do conceito de responsabilidade na década de 1820, debruça-se sobre a estratégia articulada pelos membros do Corpo Legislativo, em especial os deputados da oposição, para atingir seus objetivos e as conquistas político-institucionais obtidas no decorrer das quatro primeiras sessões anuais legislativas. Com a presente tese, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da forma como estabeleceu na prática político-institucional o diálogo entre os membros dos Poderes Legislativo, Executivo e Moderador, o qual teve no conceito de responsabilidade um de seus principais componentes. / This thesis aims to analyse the political articulation of measures of control over the ministers\' decisions - parliamentary proceedings to obtain informations about ministerials\' decisions, and to promote ministers\' accountability - during the First Legislature (1826-1829) with the aim to consolidate the representative constitutional hereditary monarchy system proclaimed by the Charter of 1824, in order to establish limits to the royal prerrogatives established by the constitutional text and to construct a possible and feasible role to the emperor, in view aspirations of the various economic and social sectors of the provinces represented in the General Assembly. From the reflection on the relationship between constitution and accountability in political theory and in the legal and constitutional experiments made in England, in North America, in France and in Portugal to enable the understanding of the meaning of the concept of responsive and accountable government in the 1820s, this thesis shows how the Chambers\' members - especially the opposition\'s members - had achieved their purposes, as well the political and institutional achievements had accomplished during the four first legislative annual sessions. With this thesis is intended to contribute to the understanding about how has established, in the political and institutional practice, a dialogue between the members of the Legislative, Executive and Moderator Powers to which the concept of responsive and accountable government had a central role.

Graves discusses the important role that women played in the anti-ERA campaign in Georgia during the late 1970s and early 1980s. The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) was a controversial and divisive piece of legislation that polarized both legislators and constituents throughout the United States. Graves uses the anti-ERA campaign in Georgia as a model for studying the women who opposed the ERA on a national level. She writes about the differences between the feminist movement and the conservative grassroots movement, the role that anti-ERA women played in the rise of the New Right, and the legacy of the ERA’s failure in contemporary political context. Graves uses interviews and primary resource documents of the women involved in the campaign as well as a plethora of scholarly materials previously written about the ERA.

The text describes the main progress in depicting the LGBTI topic in the Inter-American area. It begins with the analysis of some conceptual issues that are crossed to the topic and discuss the importance of including political commitments and statements in the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly of OAS (Organization of American States) related to the LGTBI community protection. Even though, a few cases have gone to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, some landmark cases have deserved the Inter-American Court of Human Rights opinion. This produces an interesting case law on the matter. Finally, the text covers the latest Inter-American Convention on human rights adopted by the General Assembly of OAS in 2013, which includes the LGBTI community. That Conventionconstitutes the first regional treaty in force on the matter. / El artículo describe los principales avances que han contribuidoa visibilizar la temática de las Lesbianas, Gays, Bisexuales, Travestis e Intersexuales (LGBTI) a nivel interamericano. Para ello, comienza con el análisis de algunas cuestiones conceptuales que son transversales al tema y discute la importancia que tiene la inclusión de varios compromisos políticos y declaraciones en las resoluciones de la Asamblea General de la OEA referentes a la protección de la comunidad LGBTI. Si bien aún pocos casos han llegado a la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, algunos casos emblemáticos han merecido el pronunciamiento de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, lo que ya genera una jurisprudencia interesante sobre el tema. Finalmente, el texto aborda el contenido de la más reciente Convención Interamericana sobre derechos humanos adoptada por la Asamblea General de la OEA en 2013, la cual incluye dentro de su ámbito de aplicación al colectivo LGBTI. Así, dicha Convención constituye el primer tratado regional en vigor referido a la materia.

This dissertation has as general objective to analyze the speeches and debates of the Bahian deputies in the General Courts of Lisbon (1821-1822) and the General Constituent Assembly of Rio de Janeiro (1823), in order to understand the process of political participation of the political leaders of the constitutional experiences. Its specific objectives are: to analyze the debates of the Bahia deputation; to discuss the construction of the speeches of the Bahian deputies about the relevance of the province for the construction of the State; understand the proposals of formation of the political pact by the Bahian deputies. The justification for this study lies in the relevance of the situation of armed conflict in Bahia to the events that unfolded in the process of Brazilian Independence, and the formation of the constitution was a fundamental condition for the foundation of the State, where war in Bahia was also relevant fact to the same process. Among the analyzed sources, are the diaries of the Courts and Assembly, periodicals, correspondence, minutes and reports. The methodology used was inspired by Renewed Political History and Social History of Concepts, which seek to discuss political processes based on concepts, discourses, institutional redefinitions and projects put in dispute by the subjects that act in the public spheres of power, constituting political cultures. However, the work does not lose sight of the analysis of events, institutions and trajectories of political subjects, so that it is possible that the discourses investigated are understood. / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo geral analisar os discursos e debates dos deputados baianos nas Cortes Gerais de Lisboa (1821-1822) e na Assembleia Geral Constituinte do Rio de Janeiro (1823), com vistas a entender o processo de participação política das lideranças políticas da província nessas experiências constitucionais. Tendo como objetivos específicos: analisar os debates da deputação baiana; discutir a construção dos discursos dos deputados baianos em torno da relevância da província para a construção do Estado; entender as propostas de formação do pacto político por parte dos deputados baianos. A justificativa para o presente estudo se encontra na relevância que a situação de conflito armado na Bahia teve para os acontecimentos que desenrolaram no processo de Independência do Brasil, sendo que a formação da constituição era condição fundamental para a fundação do Estado, onde a guerra na Bahia também era fato relevante para o mesmo processo. Dentre as fontes analisadas, encontram-se os diários das Cortes e da Assembleia, periódicos, correspondências, atas e relatórios. A metodologia empregada foi inspirada na História Política Renovada e na História Social dos Conceitos, que buscam discutir os processos políticos a partir dos conceitos, discursos, redefinições institucionais e projetos colocados em disputa pelos sujeitos que atuam nas esferas públicas de poder, constituindo culturas políticas. Entretanto, o trabalho não perde de vista a análise sobre acontecimentos, instituições e trajetórias de sujeitos políticos, para que assim, seja possível que os discursos investigados sejam compreendidos. / São Cristóvão, SE