This thesis begins with the hypothesis that the role of ideas in urban and global development is understudied and understated in comparison to studies that privilege economic and political analyses. The thesis generates two related models that seek to provide a comprehensive means of analyzing both the political economic constraints of development as well as the ideational limits that are overlooked by conventional models. The political economic model adapts constructivist principles to explain the structural limits on urban development that emerge from the contemporary global political economy. The second model draws on previous work done in the field of policy diffusion to posit four relational ways in which ideas are adapted and localized. The thesis argues that political economy analyses provide a comprehensive but mostly macro-level analysis and often fail to adequately understand individual thinking outside of the rational actor model. The ideational adaptation model corrects for this, providing a detailed micro-level analysis that is founded on the political economic framework. Together, the two models provide a comprehensive understanding of the ideational limits and political economic constraints at work in any given development scenario. In order to demonstrate the utility of the combined models (termed combined conceptual approach), the thesis applies the models to four different applications. Three examples are historical secondary source examples (educational philosophy, international business councils, and water sanitation) related to the history of Shanghai and China, and the impact of foreigners on their development vision, strategies, and practice. One application is a case study of Shanghai’s Expo 2010, which uses original data established through high-level interviews with Expo participants. The use of the combined conceptual approach shows how the interpersonal and inter-institutional adaptation and localization of ideas affect the way we understand the concept of legitimate best practice in urban development. The combined conceptual approach highlights the role that human thought, emotions, and psychology play in urban development. It links political economic activity to constructed bonds of trust, learning, the mentality of competition, and soft forms of coercive power (hegemonic ideas, leadership, and conditionality). Finally, the most important contribution of the combined conceptual approach is that it allows for an analysis of both the macro- and micro-levels of development in a relational and holistic fashion.

在全球化的影響下，全球各地人才、物質、資金、資訊呈現高度流通的狀況，全球許多著名城市，便成為此一流動的匯聚之處，並具有影響全球資源流通的能力，亦即所謂的「全球城市」。其為「全球城市」，除了本身的發展規模外，更強調其在全球化時代，具有與其他城市的高度關連性，同時，亦具有影響全球政治、經濟的能力。 在此前提下，改革開放後，積極融入全球經濟體系的中國大陸，也著重於城市的發展建設，特別是經濟發展著有成效的上海市，更成為中國積極建構「全球城市」的標的，這樣的雄心企圖，具體體現在前上海市長陳良宇的眾多談話中。 有鑑於此，本論文即對於上海市積極建構「全球城市」的目標、過程、結果進行分析探討。全論文共分七章，除緒論外，分別探討「全球城市」的理論系譜與其在中國大陸的運用，其次，討論上海市在人口與空間佈局方面的政策與結果，再接著討論中央為了建構上海市，所提出的四大中心---經濟、金融、貿易、航運，其建設過程以及面臨的困境。於此之後，開始分析上海市與其他城市的關連性，分別就上海與長三角的其他十五個城市的關係、上海吸引跨國公司的博奕關係進行探討，並採取內容分析法，藉由上海文匯報、經濟學人、新聞週刊等傳播媒體，檢視上海與其他國內外重要城市的關連性。再者，則將重點分析討論，上海市在城市建構背後的主要動力，即「上海市政府」，其為了進行城市建設並積極融入全球化，所進行的「城市治理」。最後則是提出結論與討論。 藉由上述的分析，本研究指出，儘管上海市政府在建構「全球城市」的過程時，具有「政府主導型的互動建構」模式，積極規劃上海市的建設發展，但是由於中央政府的影響、與周邊城市的關係，使得上海在發展上，仍未能稱為「全球城市」，僅能達到「全球化城市」的階段。另外，也必須反思，上海市的發展也許未必適合套用西方的發展模式，而是具有其獨特的發展軌跡。 / Under the effects of globalization, the flows of people, material, finance, and information transit very fast, and a few famous cities with the power of affecting the flows become the places of gathering, namely Global Cities. So call depends not only on its scale , but the power of its connection with other cities as well. Considering this, China begin to emphasize its city development after its reform and open policy, and especially focuses on Shanghai to be a global city, and such ambition can often be seen from the several speeches of its former mayor Chen Lian Ju. According this background, the dissertation tries to research the construction process of Shanghai being a global city. It includes seven chapters, besides the introduction, it traces the development of the theory of global city, and then discusses the policies of Shanghai’s people and space arrangement. Ensuing we discuss its Four Centers—economic, financial, trade and shipping, their developments and difficulties. After these, we begin to discuss its connection respectively with Yangtze River Delta cities and foreign cities by adopting content analysis method to examine Shanghai Wenhui Newspaper, Economist, and Newsweek. And then we discuss Shanghai Government including its transformation and its urban governance. Finally it’s the conclusion. By this analysis and discuss, the dissertation points out the fact that spite of its striving construction, Shanghai with the trait of “Interactive construction mode by its government leading ”, it at most can only be called a “globalizing city”, not a “global city”. At the same time , it also reflects that adopting western theory to Shanghai may not be a good way , for Shanghai can be a global city by its own way.

二次大戰之後，東亞國家經濟快速發展，促使一些具策略位置的城市搖身一變成為重要的世界/全球城市，其中新加坡、香港、上海、台北及首爾等五個由南至北位居東亞重要位置的世界/全球城市，更進而積極鞏固或致力發展「區域金融中心」角色，由於這五個城市所擁有的優劣勢及利基未盡相同，以至於未來的發展態勢並不明朗。另方面「區域金融中心」的研究範疇是跨越了「城市和區域經濟」的空間領域與「貨幣和金融經濟」的金融領域，因此為了解新加坡、香港、上海、台北及首爾等五城市發展「區域金融中心」各自在空間與金融領域分別擁有的優劣勢及利基，本論文除蒐集空間及金融領域在資金流動、金融市場發展情形、金融業生產力及法制環境等方面的次級資料予以評比外，並透過專家學者深度訪談所提具對五城市優劣勢及利基的評比意見，進行內容分析。 研究發現空間及金融領域都強調「政府因素」以及政治穩定的重要，也一致認為「金融中心」必須要有「經濟力量」的支撐；不過空間領域認為世界/全球城市可由「政府力量」促成，而金融領域則認為「金融中心」係由「市場力量」所形塑，但是為使「市場力量」發揮運作機制，政府扮演最重要的角色。此外，受訪專家學者認為「金融中心」的評比指標，雖然有自由化、國際化程度、人才素質、基礎建設及金融市場效率等，但「政府因素」最具影響。最後，受訪專家學者一致認同香港發展「區域金融中心」最具優勢，新加坡次之；大體上同意台北第三，上海第三或第四，首爾居末。其中，最具爭議的台北及上海，都是由於「政府因素」而導致未來發展不明。此外，研究也發現五城市在發展「區域金融中心」的過程，由於各具不同優勢與利基，遂呈現不同的功能與特徵。 / Since the economy in East Asia has been flourishing remarkably after the World War II, few major cities in this region have undoubtedly become international and grow rapidly in the last few decades. Singapore, Hong Kong, Taipei, Shanghai and Seoul are the five leading cities in East Asia, located from south to north, in respect of their financial importance. Moreover, people in these cities eager to improve them to take the place as the leading regional financial center. It is but hard to estimate and compare each of them with the other, for each has both its advantages and disadvantages. In fact, the study on the concrete shape and future of the expected regional financial center must take into account not only the spatial field survey of city and local economy, but also that of the financial field concerning monetary and finance economy. That is, to bridge over the research of spatial and financial field as well as to understand the relative competitiveness among these cities to develop regional financial centers. In this regard, the study gathers information about the foreign direct investment of capital flows, the scope of financial market, the productivity of financial service industry as well as legal and regulatory environments in these cities on the one hand, and interview many experts to have their opinions on the issue on the other hand. The result of the study indicates that both the spatial and financial field survey emphasize the importance of governmental support and political stability, and prove consistency in the opinion about the supportive role of economic power in each financial center. However, the spatial field survey considers government-drive as the most relevant element of developing a global city as the regional financial centre, while that from financial field inclines to support market-drive as the key element and persuade government to keep the free-market policy. According to the analysis of expert interviews, there are many determinant elements for developing a regional financial centre, including financial liberalization, internationalization and human capital, fundamental infrastructure, efficiency of financial market and so on. They also indicate that local government plays a critical but most influential role. Meanwhile, all experts regard Hong Kong as the top one among these local financial centers, Singapore as the second, and most experts consider Taipei as the third and Shanghai as the third or the forth, while they all take Seoul as the last. Expert opinions about Taipei and Shanghai are ambiguous, so far as local governments in the two cities play the key role but fail to provide certainty in the future. Finally, it is without doubt that the five cities have their advantages and disadvantages to fulfill different functions.

This thesis begins with the hypothesis that the role of ideas in urban and global development is understudied and understated in comparison to studies that privilege economic and political analyses. The thesis generates two related models that seek to provide a comprehensive means of analyzing both the political economic constraints of development as well as the ideational limits that are overlooked by conventional models. The political economic model adapts constructivist principles to explain the structural limits on urban development that emerge from the contemporary global political economy. The second model draws on previous work done in the field of policy diffusion to posit four relational ways in which ideas are adapted and localized. The thesis argues that political economy analyses provide a comprehensive but mostly macro-level analysis and often fail to adequately understand individual thinking outside of the rational actor model. The ideational adaptation model corrects for this, providing a detailed micro-level analysis that is founded on the political economic framework. Together, the two models provide a comprehensive understanding of the ideational limits and political economic constraints at work in any given development scenario. In order to demonstrate the utility of the combined models (termed combined conceptual approach), the thesis applies the models to four different applications. Three examples are historical secondary source examples (educational philosophy, international business councils, and water sanitation) related to the history of Shanghai and China, and the impact of foreigners on their development vision, strategies, and practice. One application is a case study of Shanghai’s Expo 2010, which uses original data established through high-level interviews with Expo participants. The use of the combined conceptual approach shows how the interpersonal and inter-institutional adaptation and localization of ideas affect the way we understand the concept of legitimate best practice in urban development. The combined conceptual approach highlights the role that human thought, emotions, and psychology play in urban development. It links political economic activity to constructed bonds of trust, learning, the mentality of competition, and soft forms of coercive power (hegemonic ideas, leadership, and conditionality). Finally, the most important contribution of the combined conceptual approach is that it allows for an analysis of both the macro- and micro-levels of development in a relational and holistic fashion.

This thesis begins with the hypothesis that the role of ideas in urban and global development is understudied and understated in comparison to studies that privilege economic and political analyses. The thesis generates two related models that seek to provide a comprehensive means of analyzing both the political economic constraints of development as well as the ideational limits that are overlooked by conventional models. The political economic model adapts constructivist principles to explain the structural limits on urban development that emerge from the contemporary global political economy. The second model draws on previous work done in the field of policy diffusion to posit four relational ways in which ideas are adapted and localized. The thesis argues that political economy analyses provide a comprehensive but mostly macro-level analysis and often fail to adequately understand individual thinking outside of the rational actor model. The ideational adaptation model corrects for this, providing a detailed micro-level analysis that is founded on the political economic framework. Together, the two models provide a comprehensive understanding of the ideational limits and political economic constraints at work in any given development scenario. In order to demonstrate the utility of the combined models (termed combined conceptual approach), the thesis applies the models to four different applications. Three examples are historical secondary source examples (educational philosophy, international business councils, and water sanitation) related to the history of Shanghai and China, and the impact of foreigners on their development vision, strategies, and practice. One application is a case study of Shanghai’s Expo 2010, which uses original data established through high-level interviews with Expo participants. The use of the combined conceptual approach shows how the interpersonal and inter-institutional adaptation and localization of ideas affect the way we understand the concept of legitimate best practice in urban development. The combined conceptual approach highlights the role that human thought, emotions, and psychology play in urban development. It links political economic activity to constructed bonds of trust, learning, the mentality of competition, and soft forms of coercive power (hegemonic ideas, leadership, and conditionality). Finally, the most important contribution of the combined conceptual approach is that it allows for an analysis of both the macro- and micro-levels of development in a relational and holistic fashion.

This Master's thesis examines the foreign cultural policies of global cities, and incorporates case studies of London and Paris during the years 2007-2016. It answers the question why, in what manner and with what results do these two global cities form the cultural sphere of their respective foreign policies. Through the analysis of the British and French cultural diplomacy, the thesis determines whether the foreign cultural efforts of global cities differ from the ones of their states and share common features among themselves, or whether the influence of the national models, contrary to the global cities theories, still plays the key role. Furthermore, the question of if, to what extent and with what results do Paris and London participate in cooperation among cities is addressed in order to asses Saskia Sassen's hypothesis about the formation of transnational urban networks. The thesis concludes that even though the cultural spheres of London's and Paris's foreign policies share many similarities, the influence of state models is still evident. London, as opposed to Paris, just like the United Kingdom as opposed to France, makes use of modern methods, including marketing and city/state branding, and at the same time puts emphasis on economic profit. On the other hand, both cities use similar tools and...

Segregation is frequently described as a consequence of the global restructuring of social, economic, and political expansions in which multicultural cities, like Malmö, become part of them. This study aims to highlight how visions of housing segregation and exclusion in the city of Malmö has been represented in the local policy documents (Master Plans) through the last three decades and to understand how a newly emerged glocal actor, known as BID Malmö, have impacted the urban governance in the city. In order to investigate these developments, this study applies two analytical frameworks. In terms of policy analysis, it employs a what’s the problem represented to be? (WPR) approach and for the conceptualization of BID Malmö applies the theory of the Global City. Policy analysis shows that urban segregation has been persistent in the city of Malmö through the last three decades, however the representation of problem has shifted vibrantly from placing citizens as the main cause of housing segregation during 1990s to an arena that includes contingent processes and practices that need to be tackled. Policy analysis also shows that Malmö municipality, through shifting the burden of responsibility, now promotes partnership between public and private actors to reduce exclusion based on specific district needs. Moreover, this study argues that the city of Malmö, because of the cross-border network of global cities, is now a space where one can identify formation of new types of global politics of place where informal political actors are emerging and can actually impact the urban governance. Finally, this study maintains that the city of Malmö, along with its newly emerged glocalized actor, fit into the theory of the Global City, by Saskia Sassen. Therefore, this study has also a deductive qualitative analysis.

Submitted by Paulo Junior (paulo.jr@fgv.br) on 2010-12-14T19:44:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Mario.pdf: 1047144 bytes, checksum: 4739256da6fea7f80703770f5e351bfc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Paulo Junior(paulo.jr@fgv.br) on 2010-12-14T19:45:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Mario.pdf: 1047144 bytes, checksum: 4739256da6fea7f80703770f5e351bfc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-02-18T12:15:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Mario.pdf: 1047144 bytes, checksum: 4739256da6fea7f80703770f5e351bfc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-28 / This study aimed to verify to what extent the impacts and legacies of the implementation of the 2007 Pan American Games changed the social conditions and way of use of the urban space in Rio de Janeiro. It was taken into account that the Americas‟ competition is inserted in the application of the global city concepts, since the international sports festivals were transformed into mega events inside the consolidation of the competitive urban planning thought. In order to contextualize this analysis, it was needed a research on the urban history of the host cities at the intersection of two movements: the global city and mega events. Considering the that the decision to conduct the mega event in Rio was taken by the public sphere, as well as its financing, the state spending was analyzed and reclassified according to O‟Connor‟s methodology (1977), and afterwards divided into the functions of accumulation and of legitimacy, in order to identify the advantaged and disadvantaged by effected public policy. The research results showed that there was a deepening of the social and urban inequality and urban, through transfers of public resources for the dominance of private capital. / O presente estudo objetivou verificar até que ponto os impactos e o legado da implementação dos Jogos Pan-americanos de 2007 alteraram as condições sociais e a forma de utilização do espaço urbano na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Considerou-se que a competição das Américas esteja inserida na aplicação dos conceitos da cidade global, uma vez que os festivais esportivos internacionais se transformaram em megaeventos na esteira da consolidação do pensamento do planejamento urbano competitivo. Para contextualizar essa análise foi necessária uma pesquisa sobre a trajetória urbana da cidade-sede na interseção dos dois movimentos: cidade global e megaeventos. Tendo em vista que a decisão da realização do megaevento carioca foi tomada pela esfera pública, assim como o seu financiamento, foram analisados os gastos estatais e reclassificados, segundo a metodologia de O‟Connor (1977), e divididos nas funções de acumulação e de legitimação com o intuito de identificar os favorecidos e os desfavorecidos pela política pública efetivada. Os resultados da investigação sinalizam um aprofundamento da desigualdade social e urbana, via transferências de recursos públicos para o domínio do capital privado

Cette thèse propose d’explorer les modalités de formation des savoirs urbains et leur processus de normalisation. Dès lors, à rebours de la majorité des approches en vigueur en études urbaines, elle n’étudie pas les politiques urbaines à travers les acteurs qui les organisent ou les structures qui les déterminent. De ce fait, en déplaçant le champ d’analyse des acteurs et des structures vers la production des savoirs et de leur normativité, la thèse propose de revisiter les approches traditionnellement employées dans l’analyse des politiques urbaines contemporaines. <p>Au plan théorique, ce choix se construit autour de deux courants sociologiques issus des sociologies dites « pragmatistes ». Premièrement, la thèse développe un travail ethnographique sur des situations spatialement et temporellement délimitées dans lesquelles se jouent des épreuves d’urbanités. Celles-ci révèlent et distribuent les statuts des différents êtres qui participent à la composition de l’urbanité de la ville. C’est donc à l’examen de telles épreuves que peuvent se reconstruire les modalités de production de savoirs sur la ville qui donnent forme aux mondes urbains. Ce travail se complète ensuite d’une étude du processus de normalisation, inspiré de la théorie de l’acteur-réseau. La notion d’épreuve est là conçue comme un ensemble de situations où s’observe la stabilisation de différentes formes de savoirs. Cette stabilisation peut ainsi se comprendre comme un processus de normalisation de certains cadres cognitifs qui conditionnent des manières différentes d’agencer l’ordre urbain, c’est-à-dire de le gouverner.<p>Au plan empirique, ce type d’approche implique l’étude de situations concrètes où se joue le gouvernement de la ville. De ce fait, la thèse structure la description du processus d’internationalisation de la ville à travers l’ethnographie de six situations spécifiques où le lien entre la ville et son internationalisation est mis à l’épreuve :un débat parlementaire, une assemblée consultative, la constitution d’un groupe de pression, une exposition d’architecture, une occupation artistique d’espace public et la production d’un guide touristique. L’étude de telles situations permet d’isoler cinq modèles du gouvernement de la ville (administrer, gérer, projeter, dénoncer et imaginer). Ceux-ci sont observés autant dans leur version purement discursive au sein de l’assemblée parlementaire que dans le contexte matériel, discursif et visuel qui organise leur pratique dans les cinq autres situations. Cette étude permet ainsi d’aborder, en profondeur, une histoire très contemporaine de l’internationalisation de Bruxelles qui montre la manière dont certaines modalités de son gouvernement se sont développées et stabilisées.<p>Enfin dans une dernière partie, les différents modèles sont respécifiés afin de saisir le processus de normalisation de certaines manières de gouverner la ville. Cette respécification des modèles passe par l’exploitation de la notion de "régime" telle qu’elle est conçue dans les sociologies pragmatistes, c’est-à-dire l'isolement, à partir des observations de terrain, d’un ensemble conventionnel qui ordonne la tenue des situations. Une telle respécification des modèles en régimes s’opère par l’intermédiaire d’une grille d’analyse qui rassemble dix-sept valeurs correspondant à six régimes particuliers (les régimes d’énonciation publique, d’action, d’engagement, cognitif, figuratif et d’urbanité). Ceux-ci permettent d’appréhender dans le même mouvement autant les modalités d’action retrouvées dans l’ensemble des modèles que le type d’urbanité auquel il fait droit. Dans un deuxième temps, les modèles sont évalués dans leurs rapports réciproques afin de saisir les valeurs qui les caractérisent le plus par rapport aux autres. Enfin, ce travail permet de hiérarchiser les différentes valeurs orientant les cinq régimes de gouvernement de la ville et d’évaluer les rapports de domination et de marginalisation entretenus entre les différents modèles.<p>Une telle exploitation de l’hypothèse des « régimes de gouvernement de la ville » permet ainsi de ne pas dissocier les modalités de gouvernement de la ville des situations dans lesquelles elles sont mises à l’épreuve. De ce fait, cette hypothèse incite directement à un travail comparatif qui permettent leur réévaluation à partir de nouveaux terrains. L’examen de leur hiérarchie permet en outre d’appréhender la question des rapports de force et de pouvoir non entre acteurs mais entre cadres cognitifs.<p> <p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished