<p>In this thesis, I investigate the effects of social and political context on the process and outcomes of science communication in two different settings, using Dietram Scheufele’s interpretation of science communication as political communication. </p> <p>In the first setting, I examine the communication of climate tipping points at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) using 26 semi-structured interviews and 271 surveys administered to members of the UNFCCC policy community. Survey results revealed that only a small minority (14.3%) of policymakers defined climate tipping points consistently with the scientific community. Interview responses revealed that many policymakers believed they were not responsible for incorporating new scientific advice into their work on negotiations, and that this was the responsibility of scientists. Scientists interviewed expressed frustration that policymakers were not willing to hear scientific information they saw as irrelevant to their work on the negotiations. Policymakers responding to interviews were also unwilling to defy social norms by introducing a topic they saw as “complicated” into negotiations. Interview respondents who believed climate tipping points should be discussed within formal negotiations also noted that they interpreted the effects of climate change as temporally or spatially immediate to themselves. </p> <p>In the second setting, I examine how the United States print media incorporated discussion of climate change into coverage of the 2017 hurricane season via a content analysis of hurricane coverage in six major US newspapers. Conservative papers and liberal papers displayed significant differences in frequency and directness of references to climate change, as well as a significant difference in the references to climate denial messages, climate consensus messages, and use of proximity cues. However, the conservative paper near a 2017 hurricane consistently displayed significant differences in coverage from the other conservative papers. This paper frequently used social norms in messaging to shift narratives of acceptability of climate change discussion among conservatives. Both conservative and liberal papers near a 2017 hurricane used proximity cues to indicate the effects of climate change are both physically and temporally near at greater rates than elite and regional papers not near a 2017 hurricane.</p> <p>Taken together, these results reveal that three major factors influenced climate change communication in these two settings. First, power to define direction and content of science communication explains the lack of communication about climate tipping points at the UNFCCC. Policymakers’ hold legitimate power over science communication. This power is codified within UNFCCC structure. Policymakers’ expert power is also interpreted as more relevant to negotiations processes than scientists’ expert power; meaning policymakers are free to define what information is “policy relevant” and therefore, what is communicated. Second, social norms influenced how and whether communication occurred. Social norms prohibiting behavior disruptive to consensus building influenced policymaker definitions of “policy relevant.” Social norms among US conservatives prohibiting serious discussion of climate tipping points were also apparent. Finally, perceptions of climate change as immediate and nearby seemed related to willingness to defy social norms around climate change communication. </p> <p> </p> <p> </p>

No description available.

The planet’s biodiversity is in a worrying state. Palm oil production significantly contributes to biodiversity loss in Southeast Asia, especially in Indonesia. Unfortunately, the different forms of public and private regulation in place have had limited success in regulating the sector and protecting the environment. Three of the biggest palm oil traders – Cargill, Musim Mas, and Wilmar International – were chosen as subjects of an embedded case study to answer whether their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) efforts have the potential to drive transformation in the palm oil sector towards more environmental sustainability.  This thesis contributes to the debate around the role of business actors in Global Governance and their ability to tackle social and environmental problems caused by their business models with CSR. The thesis engages deductively with capitalism-critical theories on CSR. Carol Bacchi’s “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” (WPR) approach will guide a discourse analysis of the 2019 sustainability reports of the three companies regarding their efforts to improve sustainability in the palm oil sector. A comparison with research articles and NGO reports reaches the conclusion that the measures taken by Cargill, Musim Mas, and Wilmar are not enough to improve sustainability sufficiently.

The leader of the climate change regime is the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) which hosts the international climate change negotiations at the annual Conference of Parties (COP). In addition to official parties which represent nations in the UNFCCC, businesses and environmental groups are also playing a role in the negotiations as observers, which are grouped together in constituencies. This research will look at the two largest and original constituencies, the Business NGOs (BINGOs) and the Environmental NGOs (ENGOs) which represent business and environmental groups respectively. Both constituencies have a focal point for their members with the UNFCCC Secretariat, which for BINGOs is the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and the Climate Action Network (CAN) for ENGOs. Specifically, this paper compares the ICC and CAN and finds similarities and differences between their functioning within the UNFCCC in regards to their ability to build coherent policies between their members and how transparent they are in their activities. It was predicted that businesses groups have a harder time working together and are less transparent than the environmental groups which the research indeed confirmed. A series of interviews with various actors in the climate negotiations...

This study seeks to advance the understanding of the development of public trust in the EU during the Covid-19 pandemic (from its beginning to March 2022). The importance of this study lies in the relevance of public trust in institutions in impacting their legitimacy and success, e.g. of policies. It is found that the EU has lost trust during the pandemic among a majority of especially central- and Northern- European member states. Four factors relating to public trust, namely trust in national governments as well as the vaccine, perceived job insecurity, and the receiving of additional financial aid from EU institutions were explored as potentially correlating variables in a mixed-method multi-stage research design. Based on the Eurofound data set titled “Living, Working and Covid-19 Data”, a high substantive but negligible statistical significance was identified regarding all four variables. In narrowing in on the negative outlier cases Austria and Germany through newspaper analysis, a correlation between the sentiment of newspaper reportings and the development of public trust was identified and the statistical findings were strengthened for all variables but trust in the vaccine.

The purpose of this thesis is to explore a local organization’s adoption of global sustainability policy, in terms of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The Agenda is a response to global sustainability challenges which require action by international cooperation and actors on all levels. For such a policy to fulfill its purpose, means of implementation must be ensured. This study aims to answer both why and how a small organization located in Malmö, Sweden, has adopted the Sustainable Development Goals, and what it implies for its operations. More specifically, the focus is on the perceptions of people involved in the selected case organization. These perceptions have been captured by interviews. In addition to the interviews, the case data also consists of a document that directs parts of the organization’s operations. Furthermore, to connect the global and local levels, the case data is supplemented with the 2030 Agenda. By conducting a thematic analysis, our main findings indicate that the SDGs are adoptable to a local organization, but that their main function seems to be to frame and legitimize already existing activities in a context of sustainable development.

No description available.

This thesis contributes to debates on the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in global governance by asking if their participation in the global response to HIV/AIDS has been transformative – with transformation conceptualized as change towards a more equitable order. Adopting a critical International Relations approach, and applying qualitative methods, it analyzes how CSOs used the initial failure of biomedical responses to the epidemic to advance a human rights frame, which justified their participation in global governance. This frame complemented conceptions of AIDS exceptionalism, and has recently shifted in response to an increased focus on key populations. CSOs continue to advance the rights frame in global institutions – the focus here being on how they have done so within UNAIDS and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis. However, rigid bureaucracies and dominant power relationships limit CSOs’ ability to transform these institutions to be more responsive to and representative of those affected by the epidemic. CSOs have further struggled to influence the largest global donors of the HIV/AIDS response – the Global Fund and PEPFAR – to direct greater resources to rights-based initiatives, despite CSO participation in resource mobilization. Though CSO participation has been restricted by donor state power, bureaucratic structures, and changes in the political economy of global health, CSOs have continued to promote potentially transformative alternatives, and so have continued to represent the interests of those most affected by the epidemic. This allows potential for further transformative alternatives.

[pt] A quarta revolução industrial já está bem próxima do seu ponto de inflexão. As novas tecnologias que, em breve, farão parte das nossas vidas irão impactar a forma como os indivíduos e sociedades se relacionam. A Governança da Saúde Global também precisará se adaptar para absorver essas inovações e o poder que elas terão sobre a agenda de saúde. Avaliar os possíveis impactos sobre os atuais desafios, aumenta a capacidade de se antecipar e incorporar as mudanças. Isso será fundamental para acelerar os processos de fortalecimento e convergência, necessários, em direção à Cobertura Universal da Saúde, até 2030. / [en] The fourth industrial revolution is already very close to its inflection point. The new technologies that will be soon part of our lives, will impact how individuals and societies relate. The Global Health Governance also need to adapt and absorb these innovations and the power it will have on health s agenda. Assess potential impacts on current challenges, increases the ability to anticipate and incorporate these changes. This will be valuable to accelerate processes of strengthening and convergence necessary towards Universal Health Coverage by 2030.

在目前相關文獻中，在全球治理架構下所制定的政策，必將對於各國內部相關政策造成影響。然而，這樣的聯想常被視為是理所當然，卻鮮有實證資料，證明一個國家的公共政策在全球治理的架構下，是否真正受到影響？在哪些面向會受到影響？這些面向實際受到影響的程度為何？需要藉由何種工具，來衡量國家政策受到全球治理影響的程度？ 為了解答上述之問題，本文之研究目的可歸納為以下三點： 1.經由全球治理、全球治理與國家公共政策間關係等文獻探討建立全球治理影響國家公共政策之理論架構 2.藉由理論架構與政策德菲法建立全球治理影響國家公共政策之指標系統 3.透過指標系統實證檢驗京都議定書對於台灣公共政策之影響 本研究最後獲致三大重要成果。首先，建構出全球治理影響國家公共政策之「GG-NPP理論架構」；其次，經由政策德菲法的徵詢結果，彙整出適合用以衡量全球治理對於國家公共政策影響之指標系統，共可分為三大面向、六大變數以及十六項指標。再者，透過前述的指標系統，以京都議定書為個案檢證台灣現行因應之政策。透過數據的整理，發現我國在十六項指標項目中，有十項是呈現因應京都議定書的正向趨勢；但是其餘六項指標，由於受到如主權、國際現實環境等外在因素的侷限，或者是受制於政府自己內部的組織、人事、預算、府際關係等因素，故而全球治理並未對於國家公共政策的結果必然造成影響。 / In some relative literature, we can see the policy outcomes in the national governance level “could” be affected by those in the global level. But there is little practical evidence to affirm such cause and effect. How can we evaluate exactly such relation, dimension and degree? This paper will be grouped into third parts. First, I will review the literature of global governance, the relations between global governance and public policy. By doing so, the theory framework could be formulated. Second, I will select and construct the dimensions, variables and indicators that are related to the relations between global governance and public policy. And I will check and confirm the dimensions and indicators through the “Policy Delphi” method to build the indicator system completely. Third, I will evaluate the impacts of Kyoto Protocol on public policy in Taiwan. Finally, I got three important outcomes. First, I formed a “GG-NPP theory framework”. Second, I constructed an indicator system that can be formed to measure the relation between global governance and public policy by two round “Policy Delphi” process. There are three dimensions, six variables and sixteen indicators in this indicator system. Third, I examine the indicator system by the case of “Kyoto Protocol”. I checked the impacts of Kyoto Protocol on public policy in Taiwan and found some interesting outcomes. And I knew the impacts of Kyoto Protocol on public policy will be affected by some external and internal elements.