The year 2014 will mark the centennial of the outbreak of World War I in August 1914. This historic anniversary will likely provoke several discussions from all fields in the humanities concerning the Great War's significance on contemporary culture through history, visual art, and in the case of this essay: literature. In light of this event, any serious discussion among scholars should undeniably begin with how the war continues to be represented today through a thorough, contemporary analysis of its many key literary texts. This essay will examine, in this regard, how past and contemporary discourses in literary theory-primarily concerned with how an individual combatant subject attempts to construct and understand their own traumatic experiences through poetic and literary discourse-can continue to incite discussion on why literature of the Great War and its influential role in defining how it has come to be understood in our cultural memory remains relevant even today. Under the guiding influence of Paul Fussell's classic The Great War and Modern Memory, I will discuss how three important works-a poetry collection, a memoir, and a modern work of historical fiction-all contribute to how the war has become represented as a tragic rupture in history that reversed the idea of human progress and left an entire generation disillusioned in its aftermath, regardless of the historical veracity of this legacy. The texts I will be examining include: select poems of Wilfred Owen, Goodbye to All That by Robert Graves, and Regeneration by Pat Barker. In addition to this, I will conclude with an analysis of how a contemporary reading of these texts can contribute to a larger discussion of the crisis of historicity in our current post-modern cultural landscape.

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The war against Germany was perceived by the majority of English Canadians as a necessity to defend the British Empire, democracy and justice. However, it became increasingly evident to the public that some individuals were being permitted to prosper, while others — particularly those of the working class — endured immense hardship. These individuals who prospered at a level judged excessive became known as "profiteers." Initial criticisms of profiteering were connected to graft, jobbery and patronage apparent in government military purchases. However, as public sacrifices intensified, the morally acceptable extent to which individuals and businesses could profit came to be more narrowly defined. Criticisms of profiteering expanded to challenge the mainstream liberal notions of private wealth and laissez-faire policies as being inequitable and undemocratic. The federal government's unwillingness to seriously implement measures against profiteering led to rising discontent. Consequently, working-class English Canadians aspired to form a 'new democracy' that was worth the sacrifices of the war. / Thesis (Master, History) -- Queen's University, 2013-09-19 19:02:13.077

Within a southern African literary-historiographical milieu, the corpse of the First World War (1914-1918) either wanders in the ‘darkling’ woods or wades in the ice-mirrored sea of a sinister psychological landscape. The veld, with its moon, flowers, bowers, animals and sea, is a potent South African metaphysical conceit in which both the white and black corpse – the horrific waste product of war – is seemingly safely hidden within euphemistic shadows. However, these shades are metonymic and metaphorical offshoots of an Adamastorian nightmare, which has its inception in a nascent South African literary tradition. This thesis explores these literary-historiographical leftovers within the war poetry of both civilians and soldiers. Both ‘white’ and ‘black’ poetry is discussed in a similar context of dressing the corpse in meaning: a meaning that resides deep within the wound of loss. In tracing this blood spoor in the poetry a highly eclectic approach has been followed. As the title illustrates, both literary and historical approaches were used in analysing the effect of the Great War on the poetry, and by implication, on the society from which it sprung. It is, therefore, a cultural history as well as an intellectual subtext of wartorn South Africa that has been scrutinised, and is revealed in its poetic literature. Archival research and the scouring of individual volumes were the sources of the poems for this study. This is true especially with regards to the ‘white’ poetry, where very few examples of poetry have been published in secondary histories. Various anthologies and studies on ‘black’ poetry considerably lightened the search for war izibongo. A variety of literary theoretical approaches have been most useful in extracting the subtext of early 20th century South African history. The psychoanalysis of Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung’s collective unconscious have been most insightful. The poststructuralist theory of Julia Kristeva has cast more light on the recalcitrant corpse, the main waste product of war. David Lewis-Williams’s recent archaeological-anthropological approach has also been crucial in understanding the indigenous izibongo by putting forward Neuroscience as an explanation of the universally held neuropsychological hallucinatory poetic experience. Finally, war poetry in this thesis is seen as verse written by both soldiers and civilians as a response to the reality – or rather surreal unreality – of conflict, in an effort to come to terms with the abjection of both body and mind. Thea Harrington‘s manqué reading of Kristeva’s poststructuralist corpse is used as a referent for the abject, or loss thereof, that is to be found in the war poetry. Throughout the thesis, the term manqué is used to refer to the corpse as a fluid linguistic-psychological signifier saturated with loss. It is the manqué that has essentially remained hidden behind the various political histories of the war. / English Studies

Tant pour les contemporains que pour les observateurs des XXe et XXIe siècles, la Première Guerre mondiale représente un épisode de l'histoire de l'Humanité particulièrement difficile à se représenter, que plusieurs ont qualifié de « guerre totale ». Ce concept, souvent utilisé comme synonyme une guerre d'extrême intensité, est généralement compris sous l'angle matériel; on parle de la mobilisation totale des ressources humaines, financières et matérielles. J'explore plutôt, dans cette recherche, l'intention de chercher à détruire totalement un ennemi au risque d'être soi-même détruit dans le processus. Car, comment peut-on en venir à jongler avec l'autodestruction sans que la guerre n'acquiert un sens logique, parce que nécessaire à sa propre survie, voire même désirable pour créer un avenir meilleur? À cet effet, l'étude du cas canadien est particulièrement pertinente, car le dominion britannique, sans être objectivement menacé de destruction, a fourni un effort de guerre relativement comparable aux États européens occidentaux. Comprendre la « guerre totale » canadienne de 1914-1918 peut alors aider à comprendre celles d'autres pays et d'autres conflits. Je propose dans ce mémoire une analyse discursive basée sur l'image de guerre – dessins, caricatures et affiches – en deux temps. Tout d'abord, il se crée au niveau international un « vocabulaire » de la guerre totale partagé par les Alliés et constitué de mythes, images, et mots-clés qui permettent l'articulation d'un discours de guerre commun. Ensuite, le Canada intègre de manière différenciée ce discours pour des raisons politiques, ethnolinguistiques, culturelles, etc. La dynamique de création identitaire empruntée à l'international (« nous », les Alliés, contre « eux », les ennemis de la civilisation) se transpose au plan national, avec pour point d'orgue les élections de décembre 1917. En observant comment le Canada réagit au stress de la guerre totale des Alliés, il est possible d'observer d'une autre manière que ne le propose l'historiographie traditionnelle les luttes politiques et sociales du dominion en guerre. Je propose un portrait de la société canadienne où l'identité, les idées, le genre, et l'appartenance à la communauté canadienne ne dépendent pas de l'ethnicité, mais plutôt de l'adhésion ou non aux buts de guerre totale avancés par les Alliés. En bref, l'appartenance à une communauté internationale d'idées en guerre – les Alliés – sert, selon cette analyse, de moteur aux acteurs nationalistes canadiens. / Ranging from contemporaries to observers of the XX and XIX centuries, the First World War is a part of human history difficult to portray that many have described as a “total war”. This concept, which is often employed as a synonym for a war of extreme intensity, is generally perceived from a material angle. In other words, it involves an all-out mobilisation of human, financial, and material resources. As part of this research, I focus on the intention to completely destroy the enemy at the risk of destroying oneself in the process. After all, why would actors think it logical to risk self-destruction in the war? Above all, this struggle needs to be perceived as logical, which would make it necessary for their own survival; it could even be perceived as desirable because it presages a better future. For this reason, the study of the Canadian case is quite instructive because this British dominion, without objectively being threatened with destruction, has participated in a war effort in a way comparable to Western European states. Hence, understanding the concept of Canadian “total war” of 1914-1918 can enable us to better understand total war efforts of other countries and other conflicts. In this dissertation, I propose a twofold discursive analysis based on images of war—drawings, caricatures, and posters. In the first part, a new “vocabulary” of total war common to the Allies and comprised of myths, images and key words geared to the articulation of a common war language is created in the in the international arena. In the second part, Canada adopts this language, albeit in a differentiated form, for political, ethno-linguistic cultural, and many other reasons. The dynamic of identity creation is borrowed from abroad (“Us”, the Allies against “Them”, the enemies of civilisation) and is transposed to the national level, culminating during the elections of December 1917. By observing how Canada reacted to the resulting stress of the total war effort of the Allies, it is possible to develop an alternative observation of political and social struggles of the Dominion at war that runs counter to traditional historiographies. I propose a portrait of Canadian society where identity, ideas, gender, and a sense of belonging to the Canadian community do not depend on one’s ethnicity, but rather on whether or not one supports the objectives of the total war put forth by the Allies. In brief, the sense of belonging to an international community of ideas at war—the Allies—, according to this analysis, is the guiding principle for nationalist Canadian actors.

Within a southern African literary-historiographical milieu, the corpse of the First World War (1914-1918) either wanders in the ‘darkling’ woods or wades in the ice-mirrored sea of a sinister psychological landscape. The veld, with its moon, flowers, bowers, animals and sea, is a potent South African metaphysical conceit in which both the white and black corpse – the horrific waste product of war – is seemingly safely hidden within euphemistic shadows. However, these shades are metonymic and metaphorical offshoots of an Adamastorian nightmare, which has its inception in a nascent South African literary tradition. This thesis explores these literary-historiographical leftovers within the war poetry of both civilians and soldiers. Both ‘white’ and ‘black’ poetry is discussed in a similar context of dressing the corpse in meaning: a meaning that resides deep within the wound of loss. In tracing this blood spoor in the poetry a highly eclectic approach has been followed. As the title illustrates, both literary and historical approaches were used in analysing the effect of the Great War on the poetry, and by implication, on the society from which it sprung. It is, therefore, a cultural history as well as an intellectual subtext of wartorn South Africa that has been scrutinised, and is revealed in its poetic literature. Archival research and the scouring of individual volumes were the sources of the poems for this study. This is true especially with regards to the ‘white’ poetry, where very few examples of poetry have been published in secondary histories. Various anthologies and studies on ‘black’ poetry considerably lightened the search for war izibongo. A variety of literary theoretical approaches have been most useful in extracting the subtext of early 20th century South African history. The psychoanalysis of Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung’s collective unconscious have been most insightful. The poststructuralist theory of Julia Kristeva has cast more light on the recalcitrant corpse, the main waste product of war. David Lewis-Williams’s recent archaeological-anthropological approach has also been crucial in understanding the indigenous izibongo by putting forward Neuroscience as an explanation of the universally held neuropsychological hallucinatory poetic experience. Finally, war poetry in this thesis is seen as verse written by both soldiers and civilians as a response to the reality – or rather surreal unreality – of conflict, in an effort to come to terms with the abjection of both body and mind. Thea Harrington‘s manqué reading of Kristeva’s poststructuralist corpse is used as a referent for the abject, or loss thereof, that is to be found in the war poetry. Throughout the thesis, the term manqué is used to refer to the corpse as a fluid linguistic-psychological signifier saturated with loss. It is the manqué that has essentially remained hidden behind the various political histories of the war. / English Studies

This essay attempts to bring the experiences of eight soldiers to light, seven of them Swedish and one English, that took part in the fighting on the western front as volunteers in the French foreign legion during World War One. The main source material consists of letters sent between these soldiers and another Swedish ex-foreign legionnaire, Sven Blom, both during Mr. Bloms recovery from wounds which put him out of service in late 1914, and through Mr. Bloms work as first secretary of the Swedish consulate in Paris, with the last letters dating to 1918. The letters, which are part of a large archive left behind by Sven Blom, are transcribed and analyzed in this essay to answer five questions posed in order to ascertain the experiences and mindset of these soldiers. Are there any common themes in the soldiers’ letters? Are there any examples where Swedish national identity is commented on by the soldiers? What is their experience of the war, and what do they choose to tell Mr. Blom about? How do they feel they are treated by the French system and French soldiers? And, what are the soldiers’ opinion of reports from the war, like their fellow Swede Elow Nilson’s articles in the Swedish newspaper Vecko-Journalen?

Cette thèse considère la place réservée aux soldats alsaciens-lorrains de la Grande Guerre dans la société française d’après-guerre, jusqu’à la fin des années 1930. En effet, en raison de l’histoire de leur province, annexée depuis 1871 à l’Empire allemand, ceux-ci sont appelés à servir dans les rangs de l’armée allemande tout au long du conflit. Or, pour l’essentiel, ils deviennent Français au lendemain de la guerre. Dans ce nouveau cadre national, la qualité d’anciens soldats allemands détermine pour beaucoup leur retour à la vie civile, et plus largement leur insertion sociale. Nous proposons donc d’interroger les implications non seulement concrètes, mais aussi symboliques et mémorielles qui caractérisent ce passé militaire hors norme dans le champ de la société française de l’entre-deux-guerres. Pour cela, nous analysons dans un premier temps le processus de retour et d’accueil des soldats, les modalités d’assistance et d’accompagnement en vue de leur réinsertion sociale, notamment pour les mutilés de guerre, ainsi que les recompositions sociales provoquées par leur expérience de guerre. Dans un second temps, nous tentons d’identifier les représentations véhiculées à leur sujet, afin de comprendre les enjeux mémoriels et sociaux qu’elles comportent et qui déterminent leur place dans la société. / This thesis examines the place reserved for Alsatian and Lorrainer soldiers of the Great War in postwar French society, from 1918 until the end of the 1930s. It is indeed because of the history of their province – annexed since 1871 to the German Empire – that they are called to serve as German soldiers throughout the conflict. Yet most of them become French citizens in the aftermath of the war. In this new national setting, it is their status as former German soldiers that largely determines their return to civilian life and, to a greater extent, their social integration. We thus intend to question the practical, symbolic and memory implications of this atypical military past, in the field of French society during the interwar years. To this purpose, we firstly analyze the process of return and reception of the soldiers, the terms and conditions of assistance and support with the aim of their social reintegration – particularly for the disabled veterans – as well as the social reorganizations caused by their war experience. Secondly, we try to identify the representations that were circulated and they were subjected to, so as to understand the memory and social issues at stake that determine their place in society.

Fino ad oggi, la storiografia occupatasi dell'atteggiamento tenuto dai vescovi italiani nel corso del primo conflitto mondiale aveva affrontato il tema in base a un’ottica essenzialmente politica, volta a stabilire la maggiore o minore adesione dell'episcopato agli ideali patriottici e il suo grado di sostegno alla guerra. In questo studio, da una parte l'analisi del discorso pastorale pubblicamente prodotto dall'episcopato italiano sulla e nella Grande Guerra, dall'altra l'analisi del discorso indirizzato all'interno della gerarchia ecclesiastica sia verso il basso (sacerdoti-soldati e chierici combattenti) sia verso l'alto (S. Sede), consentono di evidenziare le reali categorie interpretative con cui l'evento-guerra venne compreso e giudicato dai vescovi. Il quadro che ne emerge appare variamente articolato: se la retorica patriottica non mancò di manifestarsi, il discorso dominante fu tuttavia rappresentato dalla lettura provvidenzialistica del conflitto, che, culminando nell'attribuzione di un significato salvifico alla morte per la patria in guerra, svolse una funzione decisiva nel legittimare la partecipazione dei fedeli ad essa. L'analisi della corrispondenza tra i vescovi e i chierici combattenti e tra i vescovi e la S. Sede mostra l'esistenza di sfumature e di altre sensibilità, certamente importanti da registrare, ma non sufficienti a mutare il profilo complessivo emerso dall'analisi del discorso pubblico. / Until today, the historiography concerning the attitude of Italian bishops during the First World War dealt with the subject from essentially a political perspective, focused on bishops' commitment to patriotic ideals and the level of support for the war. This research takes into account, on the one hand, the analysis of the pastoral discourse made publicly by the Italian bishops about and during the «Great War», and on the other hand, the analysis of the discourse inside of the church hierarchy addressed both downwards (to priest-soldiers and fighting seminarists) and upwards (to the Holy See). Thus, the actual explanatory categories by which the war-event was understood and judged by bishops are revealed. The picture that emerges is heterogeneous: beyond patriotic rhetoric, the most dominant finding is represented by providential reading of the conflict. By attaching a redemptive meaning to death from fighting for one's country, it proved to be a decisive factor in legitimising the participation of the faithful. The analysis of the correspondence between the bishops and fighting seminarists, and between the bishops and the Holy See demonstrates the existence of different tones and sensibilities. Although worth recording, they do not seem to change the overall picture that the public discourse displays.