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La fête nationale française, décrétée en 1880, vise à consolider l’adhésion à la Troisième République, régime né dix ans auparavant et toujours en déficit de légitimité. Malgré les efforts du gouvernement pour rejoindre les Français de toutes allégeances, des discordes idéologiques persistent et la fête nationale du 14-Juillet ne parvient pas à faire l'unanimité. Telle est la situation sociale et politique de la France à l’aube de la Grande Guerre. Alors que se multiplient les batailles et les pertes militaires, la conviction d'une guerre courte fait place à la réalité d'une guerre aussi destructrice qu’interminable. Les 14-Juillet de ces années-là démontrent la nécessité d'adapter les célébrations nationales à la réalité de la guerre totale et des besoins qu'elle engendre. Parallèlement, le deuil et la souffrance de la guerre ravivent les oppositions sociales et politiques d'avant-guerre, remettant en question les capacités du gouvernement à faire face à la situation, menaçant tant l'Union Sacrée que la République. L'entrée en guerre des États-Unis, en avril 1917, offre l'occasion à quelques hommes politiques prévoyants de rétablir la cohésion sociale autour des valeurs républicaines. En 1917, puis en 1918, le gouvernement mise sur l'union des fêtes nationales républicaines française et américaine pour ranimer l'espoir, le courage et le patriotisme de tous les Français. Au-delà de l'hommage rendu à un allié que l'on espérait plus, l'union des deux fêtes devient le symbole de la solidarité et de la fraternité qui unit les deux Républiques-sœurs, et réaffirme la force et la légitimité du régime français en place. Le 14-Juillet, emblème du parcours social et politique français, connaît donc, à l’occasion de la Grande Guerre, une mutation, une redéfinition de sens. À l'image de la France, « moderne », le 14-Juillet tel que développé lors du conflit, ne cesse de s'adapter aux besoins et à l'image d'une société en constante évolution. / The French national holiday, Bastille Day, was established in 1880 to strengthen popular support to the Third Republic, a disesteemed political regime born ten years earlier. Despite the government’s efforts to rally French people of all allegiances, ideological discord persisted and the parties involved were unable to reach a unanimous decision regarding the national holiday of July 14. Such was the political and social situation in France in 1914, at the dawn of the Great War. While battles and military losses multiply, convictions of a short war gave way to the reality of an endless and destructive conflict. During the years of ceaseless battles, the celebrations of the Bastille Day demonstrated the necessity of adapting national holidays to the context and needs brought to a country by a total war. In parallel, the mourning and suffering birthed by the Great War revived pre-war oppositions, both social and political, thus undermining the Union sacrée, as well as the Republic. The United-State’s involvement in World War I, beginning in April 1917, offered to a few passionate and far-sighted political figures the opportunity to restore consensus among the French people on republican values. In 1917 and 1918, the French government united both French and American national holidays, in the hope to revive optimism, courage and patriotism amongst the population. Beyond the initial tribute to a long sought-after ally, the union of national holidays became a symbol of solidarity and fraternity between both republics, thereby reaffirming the strength and legitimacy of the French political regime in place. The French national holiday, emblematic of the social and political evolution of its people, faced a sense-defining mutation during the Great War. The “Modern” Bastille Day, as developed during the war, never ceases to adapt to the needs and image of the ever-growing society it celebrates.

La Première Guerre mondiale est une période de développement sportif intense qui marque une rupture dans l’histoire culturelle et sportive de la France. La rencontre sur le front Ouest des soldats alliés, porteurs d’une culture sportive moderne, avec la population civile et militaire française, majoritairement éduquée par les méthodes de gymnastique conscriptive, provoque en effet une acculturation sportive qui participe à la modernisation du modèle culturel et sportif français. A travers l’étude du football et à l’aide d’un cadre d’analyse anthropo-historique, l’objet de notre travail doctoral est d’étudier l’impact de l’interpénétration de groupes de cultures différentes dans la transformation du « sport en guerre ». A la suite d’un état des lieux du mouvement sportif français avant-contact, sept études rendent compte du résultats des contacts primaires, symboliques et de l’en-groupe sur l’acculturation sportive des français, à savoir : a) l’analyse de la construction d’un creuset interculturel et sportif dans la France en guerre, b) de la diffusion du football chez les Poilus, c) du développement du football dans les villes de garnisons britanniques, d) de la légitimation et de la médiatisation du football en guerre, e) du renforcement de la dimension internationale du football, f) de la construction de la masculinité sportive en guerre et g) de la ruralisation du football dans la zone des armées. Les résultats ont été obtenus par la consultation de sources très diverses. Les archives militaires britanniques et françaises, complétées par plusieurs carnets personnels de soldats et des historiques régimentaires, constituent le socle de notre étude. Toutefois, suivant le cadre théorique emprunté et pour obtenir des informations plus précises sur le football en guerre, nous avons aussi procédé à la consultation de la presse sportive nationale, de la presse locale de la zone des armées et de la presse de tranchées. Enfin, les fonds d’archives audio-visuels des armées britanniques et françaises ont été consultés afin de donner de la chair à nos propos et vérifier, à travers les photos, les vidéos et les archives sonores, l’engouement sportif de la France en guerre. Pour conclure, notre travail doctoral consacre le football comme un construit de la culture de la Grande Guerre mais également comme le grand vainqueur sportif de la guerre 1914-1918 / During the First World War, France knew an intense development of sport who marked a turning point in French sport and cultural history. Indeed, on the Western front, the interpenetration between Allied soldiers, who had a modern sporting culture, and the French civilians and soldiers, educated by patriotic gymnastic, elicited a sporting acculturation and a modernization of the French cultural and sporting model. Through the study of football and using an anthropo-historic analysis framework, this doctoral work focused on the effects of the interpenetration of different cultural groups in the transformation of “sport in war”. After describing the French sporting trend before contact, seven studies showed the results of primary, symbolic and in-group contacts on the French sporting acculturation. We analysed a) the construction of an intercultural and sporting melting pot during war in France, b) the dissemination of football within the Poilus, c) the development of football in British garrison towns, d) the legitimatization and mediatization of football during the war, e) the reinforcement of international dimensions of French football, f) the construction of sporting masculinity during the war, and g) the ruralisation of football in army zones. A wide-range of sources were consulted to obtain the current results. The British and French military archives, several personal notebooks of soldiers, and regimental registers were the basis of our study. Moreover, the national sporting press, the local press of army zones and the press of the trenches were consulted to follow the theoretical framework and to obtain additional information about football during the war. Finally, audio, photo and video recordings of British and French armies were analysed to support our comments and attest the French passion for sport during the war. To conclude, this doctoral thesis defined football as a feature of the culture of the Great War, and the sporting winner of the First World War

<p>Faktagranskning: Mats Bergquist, Docent i Statsvetenskap</p>

L'objectif de la thèse, réalisée dans le cadre du programme IMPACT14-18 (2015-2018), est de cartographier et de mesurer les impacts environnementaux de la Première Guerre Mondiale en Champagne-Ardenne. Le projet propose une nouvelle approche de la Grande Guerre par une analyse spatiale des réseaux de défense sur 115 km de front (13 000 km de tranchées et de boyaux) réalisée sous SIG à partir des plans directeurs au 1/20 000 de 1918 des Groupes de Canevas de Tirs des Armées. Le traitement de la banque de données spatiales permet non seulement de déterminer le potentiel de « polémo-paysages » de la Grande Guerre mais aussi de comprendre les facteurs militaires et géographiques (géomorphologie, géologie, hydrographie) structurant les réseaux. Les morphologies associées (tranchées, boyaux, entonnoirs de mines, trous d’obus), intégralement nivelées en grande culture mais recoupées par l’approche archéologique, sont étudiées de manière sectorielle, sous forêt à l’aide du Lidar aéroporté pour déterminer leur taux de conservation, sous la commande des pratiques sylvicoles. L’application opérationnelle des résultats s’intègre dans l’évaluation environnementale et les problématiques territoriales post-conflit de la Grande Guerre (aléa « cavités », bombturbation, contamination des sols et des nappes souterraines) mais révèle également un potentiel de valorisation patrimoniale. / The purpose of the thesis, carried out under the IMPACT14-18 program (2015-2018), is to map and measure the environmental impact of the First World War in Champagne-Ardenne. The project offers a new approach of the Great War by a spatial analysis of the defense networks on the 115 km of front (13 000 km of trenches and communication trenches) achieved under GIS from the 1/20 000 of 1918 trenches maps of the “Groupes de Canevas de Tirs des Armées”. The treatment of spatial database not only helps us to determine the potential of "Polemo Landscapes" of the Great War but also to understand the military and geographical factors (geomorphology, geology, hydrography) structuring the networks. Associated morphologies (trenches, communications trenches, mine craters, shells craters), fully leveled in the field but highlighted by the archaeological approach, are studied sectorally under the forest thanks to the airborne Lidar, in order to define their conservation rates, according to the silvicultural practices. The operational application of the results fits the environmental assessment and the post-conflict territorial issues of the Great War ("cavities" hazard, bombturbation, soil and groundwater contamination) but also reveals a potential for heritage enhancement.

During the Great War, the horse was essential to military efficiency. Horses hauled artillery guns, transported vital supplies and ammunition, and carried men into battle. The military horse was, in fact, a weapon. Many thousands of horses were purchased and supplied to the British Expeditionary Force at great expense, because without them an Army could not function. Although the British Army was the most modern of all the belligerent forces during the Great War, the horse was nevertheless favoured because of its reliability and versatility. For example, horses coped much better than motor vehicles where the going was difficult. It was horse-power that ensured the Army’s lines-of-communication were maintained. Indeed, without an adequate supply of horses it is probable that the British Army would not have achieved victory in 1918. However, the military horse was also a weapon which quickly broke down when it was not properly maintained. The British Army had learned this to its cost during the Boer War, when more horses had been killed by bad management than by enemy action. Good horse management in the field depended upon the soldier. It was essential that he had received adequate training, and it was also essential that he take responsibility for his horse’s well-being. During the Great War, all soldiers given ‘ownership’ of a horse were taught to put their horse’s needs before their own, and to always think first of their horse. They were taught to see their horse in the same way as an infantryman would his rifle; as something he may have cause to rely upon and which it was therefore in his best interests to look after. The soldier-horse relationship developed once the soldier’s care became one of sympathetic consideration. Soldiers and their horses spent most of their lives together when on active service, and it was this close proximity which helped to bond them into a unit. Many soldiers came to see their horses as comrades; they named them, and went to great lengths to protect their horses from harm. From the Army’s perspective, the soldier-horse relationship ensured that an expensive military asset was properly maintained. At home, portrayals of the soldier-horse relationship extended this vital contribution to the war effort beyond the battlefield. For example, images and stories that told of the soldier’s kindness to his horse bolstered a positive illusion the British had of themselves as a people capable of both strength and compassion. Images of the soldier-horse relationship played an important part in helping the British people to imagine war. They also provided much-needed comfort and reassurance when friends and loved ones were in danger. Importantly, by studying these portrayals dispassionately, we find that they were never entire flights of fancy, and often bore more than a passing resemblance to the soldier’s actual experience. Indeed, it becomes possible to question whether sense and sentimentality ever did entirely part company in the British imagination. Like their flesh and blood inspiration, portrayals of the soldier-horse relationship have not received the attention they merit. By rectifying this oversight, this thesis not only contributes to study of the horse-human relationship, but also to our knowledge of the Great War. Not least, because we achieve a better appreciation of what it was like to live in the War’s shadow.

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Thèse sur travaux en vue d’obtenir le grade de Docteur d’État en Littérature française de Sorbonne Université. Le présent volume regroupe un certain nombre d’articles répartis en dix sections : « Barrès et le dix-neuvième siècle » ; « Cultes du Moi » ; « Du côté de Venise » ; « Évolutions spirituelles » ; « Interrogations barrésiennes » ; « Journalisme et critique littéraire » ; « Juges et parlementaires » ; « La Grande Guerre » ; « Fortune et infortune » ; « Ouvertures ». Ces articles sont principalement consacrés à l’œuvre de Barrès mais aussi à ses relations avec des contemporains (Lemaitre, Péguy, Schlumberger, Suarès, Cocteau, Mauriac) ainsi qu’à plusieurs autres auteurs, de Mme de Staël à Claude Vigée, en passant par Musset, Renan, Vogüé, Bourget, Claudel ou encore Déon. Ils étudient, chacun à sa manière, les relations de l’écrivain avec la société, qu’il s’agisse, pour lui, de cultiver son Moi en restant à l’écart de cette société ou, au contraire, d’essayer d’agir sur elle à travers les journaux et l’engagement politique, ou encore de subir son jugement et, comme Barrès, d’être condamné à un purgatoire, semble-t-il, définitif. Le dossier de soutenance se compose également de notre édition des Romans et voyages de Barrès dans la collection « Bouquins » ainsi que de celle des Diverses familles spirituelles de la France (en collaboration avec Denis Pernot) aux Classiques Garnier. Un volume annexe présente les années 1914 et 1915 que nous avons personnellement annotées de l’anthologie de Chronique de la Grande Guerre qu’avec Denis Pernot nous préparons pour les Classiques Garnier. / Research thesis presented on works with a view to obtaining the grade of Doctor of the State in French Literature at the Sorbonne University. The present volume brings together a number of articles divided into ten sections: “Barrès and the nineteenth century”; “Cults of Self”; “Venice”; “Spiritual evolutions”; “Questions about Barrès” ; “Journalism and literary criticism” ; “Judges and members of Parliament” ; “The Great War” ; “Good and bad fortunes” ; “Enlargements.” These articles are principally devoted to Marice Barrès but also his relations with his contemporaries (Lemaitre, Péguy, Schlumberger, Suarès, Cocteau, Mauriac) as well as several other authors, from Mme de Staël to Claude Vigée, through Musset, Renan, Vogüé, Bourget, Claudel and even Déon. They study, each in their own way, the relationship between the writer and society, whether it be the writer’s cultivation of his ‘Moi’ while remaining at a distance from society or, conversely, his efforts to act on this society through newspapers and political action, or even to be subjected to social judgement and, like Barrès, become condemned to a purgatory which, for him, seems definitive. The dossier to be defended is also composed of our edition of Romans et voyages in the collection “Bouquins” as well as that of Les Diverses familles spirituelles de la France from Classiques Garnier (in collaboration with Denis Pernot). An extra volume presents the years 1914 and 1915, which we have personally annotated for the anthology of Chronique de la Grande Guerre, which we are preparing with Denis Pernot for Classiques Garnier.

Alan Alexander Milne’s authorship was never limited to being the author of the very beloved teddy-bear, far from it. In addition to being a successful playwrite and editing Punch, Milne also wrote several poetry collections which all have been out of print since the 1940s in the entire English-speaking world. His war poetry and social engagement reached far beyond the Bloomsbury group of influential authors and thinkers in the early 20th Century. Milne was a liberal, in terms of what the term denoted in the early 20th century, notably, that is, not in the way we perceive the term today, in the 21st Century. As a perhaps eery echo of the occurrences from a Century ago Milne’s political poetry will be set in motion again; his poetry reflects times of distress and global political unrest. And, in Milne’s own phrasing, 'it’s a silly thing to say', Milne’s poetry pinpoints the ever-present core issues of the inner and external struggles of humanity and individuals. Milne believed in Freedom and liberalism as he knew it in his days, but he also saw what happened when these values were under threat of being sacrificed and lost. Despite all darkness and despair in the early 20th Century, Milne’s focus as a poet was to bring joy and laughter to people, and he chose to do so with poetry, in popular verse, -a bold move in a world where not even courageous people always had someone to voice their situation and their daily struggles. Milne’s poetry is in many aspects the story of the every-day hero, and the ordinary person, yet his depictions of the human struggles is unique and heartfelt. The main focus of this essay is the ways in which Milne’s idea of liberalism effect his poems in portraying serious political topics through the medium of popular verse with its direct relationship to defining and exploring multitude within every word. For the multi-talented Milne his idea of liberalism revolves around Four Freedoms; freedom from want, freedom from fear, freedom of religion, and freedom of expression. Without further delay it is time to bring back into the sphere of well-known (war-)poets from the early 20th Century, the liberal humourist and pacifist war-poet Milne.

L’Action française fut un mouvement idéologique et intellectuel marquant de l’histoire politique et culturelle de la Troisième république. Elle défendait, au moyen d’une rhétorique nationaliste et antirépublicaine, ainsi que d’un militantisme tapageur et d’un journal quotidien, l’idée d’une restauration de la monarchie en France sur les ruines d’une démocratie qu’elle estimait viciée et délétère. Durant la Grande Guerre, elle mit cependant en veilleuse son combat royaliste et se recentra sur son patriotisme. Cette approche la mena à appuyer pendant tout le conflit les gouvernements de défense nationale issus d’une Union sacrée résolument républicaine et à se poser comme l’un des principaux remparts contre les menaces à la nation, qu’elles soient intérieures ou extérieures. À l’issue du conflit, l’Action française était ainsi devenue un acteur politique reconnu et elle avait acquis une notoriété intellectuelle inédite. Cette volte-face notable n’a néanmoins été que très peu abordée de front dans l’historiographie du mouvement. Le présent mémoire vise à y remédier par l’examen du parcours politique et de l’évolution idéologique de l’Action française à partir de l’analyse des chroniques à saveur politique publiées dans son quotidien entre 1914 et 1918, ainsi que de rapports d’enquêtes de la Sûreté générale du ministère de l’Intérieur. Cette étude dresse un portrait plutôt bigarré de ce parcours et de cette évolution. En effet, au moment où le journal et les maîtres de l’Action française attinrent une renommée singulière grâce à leur discours et leurs campagnes guidés par l’intérêt national, son militantisme fut en contrepartie pratiquement annihilé par la mobilisation militaire. De même, malgré son adhésion de principe à la trêve politique que fut l’Union sacrée, l’Action française ne délaissa pas pour autant son procès idéologique du régime républicain et la valorisation de son projet royaliste. La façon dont l’Action française a commenté et pris part à la vie politique de la Grande Guerre révèle également cette équivoque, tout en offrant un portrait singulier des grands débats de cette période. / L’Action française was a significant ideological and intellectual movement in the French Third Republic’s political and cultural history. With its nationalist and antirepublican rhetoric, its flashy political activism and its daily newspaper, it advocated the idea of the restoration of the French monarchy to replace the democratic government, which it considered deleterious. However, it put its royalist agenda on hold during the Great War and refocused on its patriotism. L’Action française backed the governments of the firmly republican Union Sacrée throughout the war and became one of the staunchest allies against the threats to the nation, whether internal or external. At the end of the war, L’Action française had become an acknowledged political actor and had acquired intellectual notoriety. Though significant, this turnaround has nonetheless received little attention in the movement’s historiography. This thesis aims to examine L’Action française’s political journey and ideological evolution based on an analysis of politically-flavored columns published in its daily newspaper between 1914 and 1918 and reports of investigations by the French Department of the Interior (Sûreté générale). This study depicts a rather colorful portrait of the movement’s path and evolution. While L’Action française’s theoreticians and newspaper acquired a great fame thanks to their views and efforts moved by national interest, its political activism was practically destroyed by the military mobilization. Moreover, despite adhering in principle to the political truce brought by the Union Sacrée, it never gave up on its ideological criticism of the republican regime and the promotion of its royalist agenda. Studying the French political scene during the Great War and the role L’Action française reveals this ambiguity while illustrating the singularity of the period’s major debates.