Studiens syfte är att utforska hur Aftonbladet och Expressen gestaltade bostadsministern Mehmet Kaplan från den 14 april 2016 fram till 18 april 2016 då han avgick som minister. Syftet är också att se hur förändring av gestaltningen under dessa dagar ter sig. Slutligen kommer studien att jämföra de två tidningarna för att se om och hur de skiljer sig åt i sin gestaltning. De frågeställningar som studien utifrån detta syfte ämnar behandla är följande. -       Hur gestaltas Mehmet Kaplan mellan den 14- 18 april? -       Hur förändras gestaltningen under dessa dagar? -       Hur skiljer sig de olika tidningarnas gestaltning åt?   Metoden som tillämpas är en kvalitativ textanalys, som i praktiken innebär att ställa frågor till texten. Frågorna har byggts upp utifrån Strömbäcks och Entmans teori och definition av gestaltningens fyra grundläggande egenskaper. Vidare har resonemanget om den journalistiska dramaturgins grundläggande element och språkliga redskap inom sensationsjournalistik, använts som stöd i utformandet av analysfrågorna.   Analysmaterialet är hämtat från Retriever, begränsat på redaktionellt digitalt publicerade artiklar mellan datumen 14 - 18 april. Urvalet resulterade i 23 aktiva analysenheter för studien varav är 11 från Aftonbladet och 12 från Expressen.   Studiens resultat är att Mehmet Kaplan gestaltades från Aftonbladet och Expressens håll som otillgänglig, antisemitisk och islamistisk. Samtidigt vidhöll hans politiska kollegor utåt att Kaplan var humanist, demokrat och antirasist. Rapporteringen under de fyra aktuella dagarna var i olika skeenden. En upptrappning, följas av tystnad och sedan explodera i en enorm rapportering, fram tills att Kaplan avgått. Rapporteringen mellan de tidningarna skiljde sig åt, det förklaras i studien på grund av dess olika politiska ideologier. / The study aims to explore how Aftonbladet and Expressen portrayed Housing Minister Mehmet Kaplan from April 142016 until April 18, 2016 when he resigned as minister. The aim is also to see how the change in depiction during these days seems. Finally, the study will compare the two newspapers to see if and how they differ in their interpretation. The issues that the study on the basis that purpose intend to treat is the following. -How portrayed Mehmet Kaplan from 14-18 April? -How to change the design on these days? -How do the various newspaper design at? The method used is a qualitative text analysis, whichin practice means to put questions to the text. The questions have been built up on the basis Strömbäcks and Entmans theory and definition of Gestalt Association four basic characteristics. Furthermore, the reasoning of the journalistic dramaturgy basic elements and linguistic tools in sensational journalism, used to support the design of analytical questions. The analysis material is taken from the Retriever, bounded on digital editorial articles published between the dates of April 14 to 18. The selection resulted in 23 active units of analysis for the study of which 11 are from Aftonbladet and 12 from Expressen. The study's resultis that Mehmet Kaplan figure was from Aftonbladet and Expressen hold as unavailable, anti-Semitic and Islamist. At the sametime maintained his political colleagues out that Kaplan was a humanist, democrat and anti-racist. Reporting during the four days in question were in various stages. An escalation,followed by silence and then explode in a huge reporting, until the Kaplanresigned. The reporting of the newspapers differed, it is explained in the study because of its different political ideologies.

This diploma thesis deals with the so-called advocacy journalism, which is in the Czech media environment trying to explain on the example of a journalist, sociologist, former environmental activist and member of two political parties - ČSSD and Green Party - Jakub Patočka. The thesis puts journalism in context with other types of journalistic roles and the concept of journalism in liberal democratic societies. The research method of the work is an in-depth semi-structured interview, which examines primarily Patočka's perception of journalism and politics and their blending. The text focuses primarily on the period since 2003 when Patočka joined the Green Party until 2017, when the Brno Social Democrats decided to exclude him from the party. The work is divided into Patočka's journalistic and political career. Journalistic chapters are devoted to his work in the magazine Last (later Seven) generation, Literární noviny and Deník Referendum. One chapter describes his role in the so-called Kuřim case. In the section dedicated to Patočka's political engagement there are mentioned European Parliament elections 2004, in which Patočka stood as a leader of the Green Party, his attempt to reform the Green Party together with Jan Beránek or Patočka's expulsion from the ČSSD due to his organization of a...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Vitoria dos Santos.pdf: 847864 bytes, checksum: 45daf4d97f6c5f18f6d069002fdb2132 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-25 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / The objective of this research is to analyze the political process that led to the creation of the Partido Verde ("Green Party") in Brazil. We have investigated what are the mechanisms that mobilize people around collective issues, specifically what are the motivations that led part of the environmentalist movement to opt for the creation of the party PV (Partido Verde) as a mobilization strategy. The research will focus on the political process and the negotiations around the creation of the PV in the 80s. Although the Brazilian party Partido Verde is mentioned in studies about environmentalist movements, it has never been the topic of any specific study. The creation of PV was not a unanimous decision among the diverse environmentalist groups. For this reason, we have deemed paramount a comparative analysis between the groups in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in order to understand their particularities. Thus, this study identified the reasons why the majority of the movement had engaged in the party in Rio and not in São Paulo. We will begin with the approach of the theory of political process (Tarrow, 1994) in order to explain the phenomenon, specially the concepts of "structure of political opportunities" and "structures of mobilization". Two research procedures were used: information gathering from archives of newspapers and magazines at that time; and semi-directive interviews with the main founders of PV and with the movement activists who were against that strategy. The first hypothesis examined was the importance of the redemocratization process, for which the country was going through from the 70 s to the 80 s, to promote new social movements and their later institutionalization. Besides the analysis of the political context, we have noticed relevant differences in the paths taken by the environmentalist groups and militants in São Paulo and in Rio de Janeiro. Therefore, a second hypothesis was identified related to the importance of an analysis on the formation of environmentalist groups to determine their view on the strategy to institutionalize the movement though a political party. As a result of the investigation, we demonstrate that the structure of national and regional opportunities stimulated the group of former exiles from Rio de Janeiro to create the Partido Verde in Brazil. Furthermore, the political militancy path previously taken by this group has also shown to be a motivation to bring the issue of the "partyzation" into the environmentalist movement / O objetivo dessa pesquisa é analisar o processo político que levou à criação do Partido Verde no Brasil. Investigamos quais os mecanismos que fazem as pessoas se mobilizarem em torno de questões coletivas, no caso, quais as motivações que levaram parte do movimento ambientalista a optar pela fundação do PV como uma estratégia de mobilização. A pesquisa incidirá sobre o processo político e as negociações em torno da criação do PV, em meados da década de 80. Embora seja mencionado nos estudos sobre o movimento ambientalista, o Partido Verde brasileiro ainda não foi objeto de nenhum estudo específico. A criação do PV não foi uma unanimidade dentre os diversos grupos ambientalistas. Por isso, identificamos como fundamental uma análise comparada dos grupos cariocas e paulistas com o intuito de entender suas especificidades. Assim, este estudo identificou as razões pelas quais a maioria do movimento teria se engajado no partido no Rio e não em São Paulo. Partiremos da abordagem da teoria do processo político (Tarrow, 1994) para a explicação do fenômeno, especialmente dos conceitos de estrutura de oportunidades políticas e estruturas de mobilização . Dois procedimentos de pesquisa foram utilizados: coleta de informações em arquivos de jornais e revistas da época; e entrevistas semi-diretivas com os principais fundadores do PV e com ativistas do movimento contrários a essa estratégia. A primeira hipótese examinada foi a importância que teve o processo de redemocratização pelo qual passava o país desde os anos 70 até meados da década de 80, para impulsionar os novos movimentos sociais e sua posterior institucionalização. Além da análise do contexto político, percebemos diferenças relevantes nas trajetórias dos grupos ambientalistas e dos militantes em São Paulo e no Rio de Janeiro. Identificamos, assim, uma segunda hipótese que diz respeito à importância da análise da formação dos grupos ambientalistas para definir o seu posicionamento quanto à estratégia de institucionalizar o movimento através de um partido político. Como resultado da investigação, demonstramos que a estrutura de oportunidades nacionais e regionais impulsionou o grupo de ex-exilados cariocas a criarem o Partido Verde no Brasil. Assim como a trajetória de militância política anterior do grupo também mostrou-se um incentivo para trazer a questão da partidarização para dentro do movimento ambientalista

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ermeli Damazo Viviani.pdf: 1048724 bytes, checksum: 2c0ecf2905ffb5653e4aa37ba508f1d9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present work aims to point at the existing relations between the rise of the post-modern condition, the development of a worldwide agenda for the environment, and hence the institutionalization of the environment issues. For the latter, we can point some processes such as: the realization of international summits, the creation of international organizations with the sole purpose of dealing with the environment, the commitment of national governments, and also the environment issue party-building process. Post-modernity represents, in its sense, the crisis of modernity, based on the Enlightenment values. The search for human emancipation, in accordance with the universal albeit restrained notion of progress and science resulted in extremely harmful consequence to the environment. The strengthening of the concept of postmodernity came as a result from the capitalistic systemic re-positioning (which took place during the flexible accumulation system, during the 1970s and forth that has resulted in many cultural changes), together with the crumbling of the soviet socialism and the so-called social fragmentation. The latter is represented by the multiplicity of social actors as legitimate vectors of political processes. Therefore, our main general hypothesis relates the condition of post-modernity as sponsor to environmental themes and crucial for the process of institutionalization and internationalization of the environmental agenda. Furthermore, the post-modernity condition has also rendered the worsening of the ecological problem, the fostering of new kinds of socio-political mobilization that brought the attention of the international community to the matter / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo maior apontar para as conexões existentes entre o advento da condição pós-moderna, o desenvolvimento das questões ambientais em âmbito internacional e a conseqüente institucionalização das questões ecológicas. Esta última, por sua vez, pode ser visualizada através de alguns processos, tais como: a realização de conferências internacionais, a criação de organismos dispostos a tratar especialmente sobre o tema, o comprometimento de governos nacionais, assim como o processo de partidarização do ecologismo. A pós-modernidade representa, em última instância, a crise da modernidade, pautada pelos ideais iluministas. O desejo pela busca da emancipação humana, baseado na concepção universal, porém restrita, de progresso e de ciência acabou por agravar incomensuravelmente a situação do meio ambiente. A consolidação do conceito de pósmodernidade passou a ser encarada como resultado da rearticulação sistêmica do capitalismo (assentada na implantação do sistema de acumulação flexível, a partir da década de 1970 - com sucessivas repercussões culturais), em conjugação com o desmantelamento do socialismo soviético e a intitulada fragmentação social. Esta última representada pela multiplicação dos atores sociais como interventores legítimos dos processos políticos. Portanto, nossa hipótese geral baseia-se na afirmação da condição pós-moderna como patrocinadora das questões ambientais, e fundamental para o processo de internacionalização e institucionalização do ambientalismo, na medida em que condicionou o agravamento dos problemas ecológicos e incentivou novas formas de mobilização sociopolítica, assim como a articulação da comunidade internacional em torno do assunto

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Vitoria dos Santos.pdf: 847864 bytes, checksum: 45daf4d97f6c5f18f6d069002fdb2132 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-25 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / The objective of this research is to analyze the political process that led to the creation of the Partido Verde ("Green Party") in Brazil. We have investigated what are the mechanisms that mobilize people around collective issues, specifically what are the motivations that led part of the environmentalist movement to opt for the creation of the party PV (Partido Verde) as a mobilization strategy. The research will focus on the political process and the negotiations around the creation of the PV in the 80s. Although the Brazilian party Partido Verde is mentioned in studies about environmentalist movements, it has never been the topic of any specific study. The creation of PV was not a unanimous decision among the diverse environmentalist groups. For this reason, we have deemed paramount a comparative analysis between the groups in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in order to understand their particularities. Thus, this study identified the reasons why the majority of the movement had engaged in the party in Rio and not in São Paulo. We will begin with the approach of the theory of political process (Tarrow, 1994) in order to explain the phenomenon, specially the concepts of "structure of political opportunities" and "structures of mobilization". Two research procedures were used: information gathering from archives of newspapers and magazines at that time; and semi-directive interviews with the main founders of PV and with the movement activists who were against that strategy. The first hypothesis examined was the importance of the redemocratization process, for which the country was going through from the 70 s to the 80 s, to promote new social movements and their later institutionalization. Besides the analysis of the political context, we have noticed relevant differences in the paths taken by the environmentalist groups and militants in São Paulo and in Rio de Janeiro. Therefore, a second hypothesis was identified related to the importance of an analysis on the formation of environmentalist groups to determine their view on the strategy to institutionalize the movement though a political party. As a result of the investigation, we demonstrate that the structure of national and regional opportunities stimulated the group of former exiles from Rio de Janeiro to create the Partido Verde in Brazil. Furthermore, the political militancy path previously taken by this group has also shown to be a motivation to bring the issue of the "partyzation" into the environmentalist movement / O objetivo dessa pesquisa é analisar o processo político que levou à criação do Partido Verde no Brasil. Investigamos quais os mecanismos que fazem as pessoas se mobilizarem em torno de questões coletivas, no caso, quais as motivações que levaram parte do movimento ambientalista a optar pela fundação do PV como uma estratégia de mobilização. A pesquisa incidirá sobre o processo político e as negociações em torno da criação do PV, em meados da década de 80. Embora seja mencionado nos estudos sobre o movimento ambientalista, o Partido Verde brasileiro ainda não foi objeto de nenhum estudo específico. A criação do PV não foi uma unanimidade dentre os diversos grupos ambientalistas. Por isso, identificamos como fundamental uma análise comparada dos grupos cariocas e paulistas com o intuito de entender suas especificidades. Assim, este estudo identificou as razões pelas quais a maioria do movimento teria se engajado no partido no Rio e não em São Paulo. Partiremos da abordagem da teoria do processo político (Tarrow, 1994) para a explicação do fenômeno, especialmente dos conceitos de estrutura de oportunidades políticas e estruturas de mobilização . Dois procedimentos de pesquisa foram utilizados: coleta de informações em arquivos de jornais e revistas da época; e entrevistas semi-diretivas com os principais fundadores do PV e com ativistas do movimento contrários a essa estratégia. A primeira hipótese examinada foi a importância que teve o processo de redemocratização pelo qual passava o país desde os anos 70 até meados da década de 80, para impulsionar os novos movimentos sociais e sua posterior institucionalização. Além da análise do contexto político, percebemos diferenças relevantes nas trajetórias dos grupos ambientalistas e dos militantes em São Paulo e no Rio de Janeiro. Identificamos, assim, uma segunda hipótese que diz respeito à importância da análise da formação dos grupos ambientalistas para definir o seu posicionamento quanto à estratégia de institucionalizar o movimento através de um partido político. Como resultado da investigação, demonstramos que a estrutura de oportunidades nacionais e regionais impulsionou o grupo de ex-exilados cariocas a criarem o Partido Verde no Brasil. Assim como a trajetória de militância política anterior do grupo também mostrou-se um incentivo para trazer a questão da partidarização para dentro do movimento ambientalista

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ermeli Damazo Viviani.pdf: 1048724 bytes, checksum: 2c0ecf2905ffb5653e4aa37ba508f1d9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present work aims to point at the existing relations between the rise of the post-modern condition, the development of a worldwide agenda for the environment, and hence the institutionalization of the environment issues. For the latter, we can point some processes such as: the realization of international summits, the creation of international organizations with the sole purpose of dealing with the environment, the commitment of national governments, and also the environment issue party-building process. Post-modernity represents, in its sense, the crisis of modernity, based on the Enlightenment values. The search for human emancipation, in accordance with the universal albeit restrained notion of progress and science resulted in extremely harmful consequence to the environment. The strengthening of the concept of postmodernity came as a result from the capitalistic systemic re-positioning (which took place during the flexible accumulation system, during the 1970s and forth that has resulted in many cultural changes), together with the crumbling of the soviet socialism and the so-called social fragmentation. The latter is represented by the multiplicity of social actors as legitimate vectors of political processes. Therefore, our main general hypothesis relates the condition of post-modernity as sponsor to environmental themes and crucial for the process of institutionalization and internationalization of the environmental agenda. Furthermore, the post-modernity condition has also rendered the worsening of the ecological problem, the fostering of new kinds of socio-political mobilization that brought the attention of the international community to the matter / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo maior apontar para as conexões existentes entre o advento da condição pós-moderna, o desenvolvimento das questões ambientais em âmbito internacional e a conseqüente institucionalização das questões ecológicas. Esta última, por sua vez, pode ser visualizada através de alguns processos, tais como: a realização de conferências internacionais, a criação de organismos dispostos a tratar especialmente sobre o tema, o comprometimento de governos nacionais, assim como o processo de partidarização do ecologismo. A pós-modernidade representa, em última instância, a crise da modernidade, pautada pelos ideais iluministas. O desejo pela busca da emancipação humana, baseado na concepção universal, porém restrita, de progresso e de ciência acabou por agravar incomensuravelmente a situação do meio ambiente. A consolidação do conceito de pósmodernidade passou a ser encarada como resultado da rearticulação sistêmica do capitalismo (assentada na implantação do sistema de acumulação flexível, a partir da década de 1970 - com sucessivas repercussões culturais), em conjugação com o desmantelamento do socialismo soviético e a intitulada fragmentação social. Esta última representada pela multiplicação dos atores sociais como interventores legítimos dos processos políticos. Portanto, nossa hipótese geral baseia-se na afirmação da condição pós-moderna como patrocinadora das questões ambientais, e fundamental para o processo de internacionalização e institucionalização do ambientalismo, na medida em que condicionou o agravamento dos problemas ecológicos e incentivou novas formas de mobilização sociopolítica, assim como a articulação da comunidade internacional em torno do assunto

Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.

Problem definition and purpose: A debated question in journalism today is if the mass media have the power to affect norms and values in the society. There are therefore many who believe that the media must works for democratic and equitable news coverage. Studies have shown that there are still many differences in how women and men are being portrayed in the Swedish media, even if Sweden is one of the most equal countries in the world. This inequality may affect the democracy and equality in the society negative. Previous studies have mainly been using gender as the only explanatory factor to explain the difference of coverage between men and women in the news content. The purpose of this study will therefore not only be to compare the coverage of the Green Partys two spokespersons, Åsa Romson and Gustav Fridolin, from a gender perspective but also to take in count other factors that could contribute to differences in the news coverage. Method and material: To find an answer to the purpose of this thesis a quantitative content analysis have been done on a total of 238 news articles in which Åsa Romson and/or Gustav Fridolin occur. Main results: The results of the content analysis show that Gustav Fridolin occurs more frequently in the news than Romson does, and that the articles he appears in is lager than the articles in which Romson appears. The results also show that the tone towards Fridolin in the articles about him is more positive and less negative than the tone towards Romson in the articles about her. Our results also show that Fridolin mainly occur in content related to school and education while Romson occurs more frequently in content dealing with environmental questions.

Studies of why political parties in Sweden motivated their change of statements and policies during the refugee crisis in 2015 have been limited. I argue that it is relevant to question Swe- den’s traditional image as an open and generous country towards refugees. A change of policies took place within the traditional refugee friendly political parties in Sweden. Therefore, this thesis helps explain context for changes in the policies of the Green and Left parties during the refugee crisis 2015 in Sweden. It outlines the different policy outcomes between the Green and the Left parties and explains why two parties with initially similar positions concerning refugee issues became so markedly divided in a time of crisis. In this study, both quantitative and qual- itative methods involving content analysis and semi-structured interview techniques have been used in order to examine to what extent a change of reasoning led to different policy outcomes for the Left and Green parties. Interviews were used to gain deeper knowledge about each party’s approach towards refugees during Fall of 2015. Studies on Swedish refugee policies during the refugee crisis 2015 have either focused on 1) how refugees have been framed in news media and by politicians and 2) the socio-economic effects refugees have on Sweden because of badly managed integration policies. Less focus has been placed on how social economic reconstruction (proactive planning that allows groups from below to organize their resources) can become a powerful tool for political parties to provide solution-oriented refugee policies. Considering this unexplored area, this study analyses the Green and Left Parties’ refugee policies and how they developed during the refugee crisis by 2015. The research questions therefore relate to the change of policies of the Green and Left parties related to concepts such as solidarity and compassion for refugees and the need for greater restrictions on the number of refugees coming to Sweden through scarcity reduction and shifting budgets. The conclusion is that during the crisis, the concept of solidarity towards refugees was being tested and the debate mainly focused on quick solutions to the current crisis by restricting the number of asylum seekers through stricter laws. In contrast, policy discourse did not engage investments in solution-oriented policies with long run benefits, e.g. improving the efficiency of labor market policies to facilitate new arrivals’ labor market entry and social inclusion.

Práce se zabývá vývojem ekologického hnutí v Československu. Svoji pozornost zaměřuje především k vývoji ekologických iniciativ a ekologického diskurzu v době komunistické nesvobody a v době celospolečenských změn v listopadu 1989 do období rozpadu Občanského fóra v roce 1991. Nedílnou součástí je rovněž analýza vzniku a vývoje Strany zelených, která se stala předmětem scénářů a pokusů o provedení politických reforem v rámci komunistického režimu. Cílem práce je zjistit, jak téma ochrany přírody rezonovalo především v oblasti opozičních a režimních struktur a jaký osud jej následoval v období porevolučního vývoje následovaný otázkou, proč došlo k postupnému úpadku ekologického povědomí ve společnosti. Ke splnění cíle práce byla využita metoda orální historie, jež zprostředkovává pohledy oslovených narátorů - pamětníků problematiky úlohy ekologické karty. Tímto přístupem se snaží nahradit především chybějící archivní materiály. Formou obsahové analýzy a komparace se práce pokouší srovnávat procesy probíhající v západní Evropě s ekologickou tématikou v Československu. Práce se oborově nachází na pomezí historie, politologie, ale také sociologie, přičemž zdůrazňuje akcent historicko-politologický. Ze závěru práce vyplývá, že ekologická karta v rámci československé společnosti získala silnou tradici,...