Ausgangspunkt der Arbeit ist der Wandel des Pazifismus bei Bündnis 90/Die Grünen zwischen 1990 und 2000. Um diesen Wandel in Programmatik und Handeln der Partei zu erklären, werden drei Variablen bestimmt: Eine sich verändernde internationale Umwelt, die Konkurrenz demokratischer Parteien sowie innerparteiliche Faktoren. Systematische Aussagen zum Stellenwert des Pazifismus werden erreicht, indem dieser als Ideologie behandelt wird. Die Wirkungseffekte der Ideologie richten sich auf Wahrnehmung, Handlungsoptionen und „Kollektiv“ der Partei. Die Untersuchung von Präferenzen, Optionen und Alternativenwahl von Parteiakteuren erlaubt einerseits eine differenzierte Erklärung des Pazifismus im Kontext des außenpolitischen Handelns von Bündnis 90/Die Grünen. Außerdem liefert die Arbeit weiterführende Ergebnisse zum Stellenwert der institutionellen Identität sowie zu Identifizierungsprozessen außen- und sicherheitspolitischer Probleme. / The point of departure for this thesis is the change of pacifism within the political party “Bündnis 90/Die Grünen” between 1990 and 2000. In order to explain this change, which was manifested both in policies and the party´s conduct, three variables are assumed: changing international environments; the competion of democratic parties; and inner party factors. Systematic accounts are achieved by treating pacifism as an ideology which effects perception, policy options and the party´s “collective”. The analysis of party actors´ preferences, options and decision making permits a differenciated explanation of pacifism within the context of the party´s performance. Additionally, it offers results concerning the functioning of an institutional identity and concerning the identification of foreign and security policy issues.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation is inserted in thematic studies of political elites. The main objective of this work is to analyze the leaders of the Green Party (PV) in the State of Sergipe, trying to understand, through the analysis of their itineraries, as is the process of recruitment and selection of those who occupy a position of leadership within the party. The central question of the study was to capture the main features used by these leaders in order to allow them access to available positions in the party. It is, therefore, to examine how to combine different resources (social, cultural, professional, economic) regarding access and the rise to positions of leadership in that party. These objectives were achieved from a research agenda established in the "sociology of engagement" in which it was possible to develop a theoretical-methodological strategy that allowed the understanding of the relationship between the social, cultural and accumulated knowledge with access to positions of prominence in college. The methodological procedures adopted for the "construction" of this work were, in addition to data collected by the current literature, primary data collected through interviews with the group considered. The results indicate that we deal with a rather homogeneous as to social resources and professional. Its members, mostly provide the middle and upper classes, and the example of other party elites, professional categories most frequent traders and freelancers traditional (RODRIGUES, 2009). However, some elements also show that dealing with a very specific group devoid of militant and political capital which, to some extent, explains the "success" in a party without a lot of "force" in the Brazilian political system. As a result, the PV is set for a good portion of which are part of the group considered as an important space for socialization political activist. / A presente dissertação está inserida na temática sobre os estudos das elites políticas. O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar os dirigentes do Partido Verde (PV) no Estado de Sergipe, buscando compreender, através da análise de seus itinerários, como ocorre o processo de recrutamento e seleção dos que ocupam algum posto de liderança dentro do partido. A questão central do trabalho consistiu em apreender os principais recursos utilizados por estes líderes, no sentido de lhes permitir o acesso aos postos disponíveis no partido. Trata--se, portanto, de examinar como se combinam diferentes recursos (sociais, culturais, profissionais, econômicos), no tocante ao acesso e à ascensão aos postos de liderança no referido partido. Esses objetivos foram alcançados a partir de uma agenda de pesquisa estabelecida na “sociologia do engajamento”, na qual foi possível desenvolver uma estratégia teórico-metodológica que permitiu a compreensão da relação entre recursos sociais, culturais e saberes acumulados com o acesso a cargos de destaque na agremiação. Os procedimentos metodológicos adotados para a “construção” deste trabalho foram, além dos dados coletados pela literatura corrente, dados primários colhidos através de entrevistas com o grupo considerado. Os resultados indicam que tratamos de um grupo bastante homogêneo quanto aos recursos sociais e profissionais. Seus integrantes, em sua maioria, provêm das classes média e alta e, à exemplo de outras elites partidárias, as categorias profissionais mais frequentes são os comerciantes e profissionais liberais tradicionais (RODRIGUES, 2009). Todavia, alguns elementos também demonstram que tratamos de um grupo bastante específico desprovido de capital militante e político, o que, em alguma medida, justifica o “sucesso” num partido sem muita “força” no sistema político brasileiro. Em função disso, o PV se configurou, para uma boa parte dos que fazem parte do grupo considerado, como um importante espaço de socialização político-militante.

Ireland is generally seen as one of the biggest supporters of the European Union. Irish public opinion researches have been showing long-term and extremely positive attitudes to the European integration. The pro-European consensus is also known among the local political parties. Moreover, at the end of the 20th century, a strong economic growth had started and the Ireland quickly became a model example of how positive impact the European integration may have on its Member states. European issues therefore did not attract too much attention in the local political discourse. This changed in the early 21st century, when the increasing public euroscepticism began observable. The thesis examines whether selected Irish political parties adapted their rhetoric and actions to ever more critical mood of voters. These are Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party. The thesis covers three critical moments of the Irish European integration, namely the Nice Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty and the Irish debt crisis. It searches for negative comments about the EU and European integration of examined political parties in the campaigns before the referendum on European issues, as well as in their election statements to the Irish parliamentary elections, also taking place in the selected period. The aim of the thesis is...

This thesis presents and analyzes the media image of political programs of parties Christian and Democratic Union - Czechoslovak People's Party, Green Party, Party of Civic Rights - Zemanovci and Sovereignty after parliamentary elections in 2010 in programs of publice service media Czech Television and Czech Radio Political Spectrum and Twenty Minutes of Radiojournal. The theoretical part is introduced by description of the relationship between public service media and political sphere together with the different approaches to the study and exploration of public service media. There is a description of concepts of news coverage in the media public service generally as well specifically in the Czech Republic. This thesis also includes a description of management concepts of broadcasting public service media. Further more ale explained ideas of impartiality, objectivity and balance in public service media. The last area of theoretical part presented political programs of examined parties and surveyed programs. After the introduction of a methodology practical section contains a description of the results of the author's research. The final part of the thesis contains the interpretation of results and recommendations for further research.

This thesis presents and analyzes the media image of political programs of parties Christian and Democratic Union - Czechoslovak People's Party, Green Party, Party of Civic Rights - Zemanovci and Sovereignty after parliamentary elections in 2010 in Czech public service media - Czech Press Agency, Czech Television and Czech Radio. In the theoretical part of the thesis are presented political party programs in the period 2010-2013, and also briefly introduced Czech public service media, their historical development or their current position in the media world. The practical part contains an analysis of textual and audiovisual content of individual media in the selected time period and focuses on the search for mentions of individual program points. Minor, but for understanding the role of public service media is an important part that compares the situation of position Czech public service media with those from another countries. The practical part then also examines the situation in the Czech world media after parliamentary elections in 2013 and if there are any consequences based on these results. Hypothesis of work - proof unevenly provided media space by Czech Press Agency, Czech Television and Czech Radio to four non-parliamentary parties that based on the results of parliamentary elections in...

The thesis informs a reader about problems of establishing new/small political parties and their activities in Czech Parliament during the period of 2002 -- 2010. The surprising and unexpected results of Chamber of Desputies election that took place in May 2010 and brought considerable transformation of contemporary political establishment in Czech republic, represented the main impulse for writing this thesis. The aim of the thesis was to find out the size of political market openness for new/small political parties during the period of 2002-2010 and simultaneously evaluate what kind of position and substance these new/small political subjects in the political market have. A content of thesis is divided into two main parts. The first part is focused on theoretical theme and includes four chapters. There are mentioned mainly the issues of new/small political parties' definitions, the role of relevant parties in proportional representation systems and also some of the most important attempts of electoral reforms. The second part includes the final chapter that is focused on analysis of the factors that had influence on increase or decrease in chances of new/small parties to be successful in Chamber of Desputies elections from 2002 and thus become the part of political establishment. The fundamental questions were: How have the new/small political parties built up in that period of 2002-2010 and under what circumstances have they become the part of political establishment.

This paper examines how the eight parties in the Swedish parliament pit different social groups against each other, in the 2015 Almedalstal compared to the 2016 Almedalstal, when using the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde’s definition of populism. The speeches are analysed using a qualitative content analysis. The results show that several parties are more populist in the 2016 speech than the 2015 speech and that the parties have shifted focus from solutions to blaming as well as elevating their own core electorate and their primary areas of confidence with the electorate. The analysis shows that some parties have tendencies to use some populist discourse. The paper identifies that the Swedish Democrats continues to use a populist discourse while the Left party has become more populist in their discourse in the 2016 speech. The Christian Democrats and the two major political parties, the Moderate party and the Social Democrats, tend to accentuate more of a populist discourse in the 2016 speeches but not to the extent to say that they use a populist discourse as defined by Mudde.