The overall purpose of this study was to find out whether changes in social action or social practices are predicated on, or correspond with changes in ontological assumptions and social normative structures or ethical orientations. Specifically, this study investigated the relationship between a range of farming practices and the two predominant ontological assumptions about human-nature relationship. As well, the study investigated the relationship between the range of farming practices and categories of environmental ethical orientations. The two ontological orientations include the 'externality' assumption, which represent the social understanding that humans interact with nature but are only externally related to nature. The 'internality' assumption, on the other hand, is the understanding that humans are internally related to nature or the physical environment. The study also investigated the role of other structural forces that can shape farming practices. The theoretical orientation that informed this study was Habermas' neo-modernity thesis, which primarily argues that changes in social normative structures, which induces appropriate social action can, and do develop, without changes in ontological assumptions about human-nature relationship. The Habermasian approach thus rejects the reenchantment thesis espoused by constructive postmodernists. In this study Habermas' thesis has been contrasted with the neo-conservative and postmodernist approaches. The study involved two forms of investigation. One aspect of the study involved archival research of Canadian agricultural policy as an overarching background against which contemporary farming practices may be understood. The other aspect of the study involved a survey of farm families living in the south western Saskatchewan section of the Palliser Triangle. The study found a moderate to strong relationship between the 'internality' ontological assumption and alternative farming practices. The 'externality' assumption was more predominant among conventional farmers. This pattern also corresponded with a relatively higher incidence of environmentalism among alternative farming practitioners, with a relatively higher incidence of resourcism among conventional and conventional-alternative farmers. Despite these patterns the study found partial support for the Habermasian thesis. For example, a significant minority of alternative farmers who espouse environmentalist ethics also espouse an 'externality' ontological assumption.

<p>This research investigates the nature of the social project surrounding the lawsuit between the organic farmers of Saskatchewan, Canada, and Monsanto and Bayer, the two largest biotechnology companies in Canada. The thesis also explores the culture of organic farming in an era of high technology and globalization. An ethnographic approach is employed in order to address this research aim from the perspective of study participants. Based on interview data, I detail the difficulties facing farmers, especially small organic farmers, in Canada today. I also describe a hope and determination amongst organic farmers who see themselves resisting the erosion of the rural landscape at the hands of powerful corporations and a dominant industrial model of food production. In the end, the organic farmers of Saskatchewan are recognized as part of a broad, coalitional and embryonic new social movement whose lifeworld, or cultural, focus reflects the post-modern character of contemporary society and presents some interesting challenges for social science.</p>

Denna studies övergripande syfte är att studera hur personer som härbärgerar flyktingar  ser på relationen mellan individers handlingar och hela samhällets ansvar för  flyktingarna. För att uppnå syftet studeras tre mer konkreta frågeställningar; hur  människor som härbärgerar papperslösa finner legitimitet för sin handling, hur de tror  att andra människor i samhället ser på deras engagemang och vad de själva tycker om  människor som inte är engagerade i detta.  Studiens teoretiska utgångspunkt bygger på Jürgen Habermas arbete för att  begreppsligöra civil olydnad. I syfte att sätta in dessa i en förståelse hur informanterna  ser på sig själva i relation till samhället används också Georg Simmels teoretiska tankar  om samhället utifrån hans begrepp; kristallisering, dubbel kategorisering av människor  och församhälleligande (vergesellschaftung).  Som metod för att samla in studiens källmaterial används en tematiskt öppen intervju.  Kodning och analys genomförs med så kallad databaserad kodning, som sedan med  hjälp av identifierbara underteman (antingen förbestämda eller skapade av  informanterna) försöker bena ut en tankestruktur hos informanterna som kan besvara på  studiens frågor. Resultatet av studien visar att legitimeringen har två delar. En är att de bistår med akuta  åtgärder som exempelvis tak över huvudet för människor i nöd, den andra är att de vill  ändra "systemet" på längre sikt.  När det gäller den andra frågan, menar informanterna  att de i många fall beskrivs som hjältar av andra. Den sista frågan kan delas upp i två  delar. En del som gäller myndigheter, där informanterna har svårt att förstå hur de som  arbetar med dessa frågor kan rättfärdiga/legitimera sina handlingar. Samtidigt tror de  också att det går att förändra dem, genom att hjälpa dessa att tänka kritiskt. När det  gäller den andra delen, andra i samhället, är de övertygade om att fler i samhället skulle  bli aktiva om de faktiskt blev tillfrågade.

Det övergripande syftet med undersökningen ”Internet och det öppna samhällets drivkrafter” är att i första hand påvisa, förklara och förstå olika samband mellan språklig kommunikation och demokratiska processer. Ett särskilt fokus läggs på studier av internet som kommunikationsmedium. En central frågeställning kretsar också kring vad som möjliggör och har möjliggjort väl fungerande demokratiska processer genom historien och i nutid. Den hypotes som läggs fram är att det i grunden är kommunikation mellan människor genom mänskliga språk som möjliggör demokratiska processer.

本論文之首要目標在於針對Rawls後期思想體系的核心，亦即「公共理性之理念」的意涵與理論地位，以及他將「整全性的學說」排除於公共論理之外此一作法，透過提出三種詮釋觀點予以逐步釐清，並嘗試為Rawls加以辯護。第一章藉由說明Rawls以六個基本理念建構而成的基本理念體系，在其整體正義理論中將「公共理性之理念」予以初步定位。為了要進一步理解此一理念之主要特徵，以及它在當代政治哲學的中所扮演的角色與可能引發的相關爭議，在第二章中對於Habermas與審議式民主理論略作介紹，以作為理解Rawls的適當脈絡。第二章首先介紹Habermas對於「人權」與「人民主權」之緊張關係的分析，並將他用以解決此一爭議的理論設計，亦視為一種廣義的「公共理性之理念」來略加說明。至於第二章的末兩節，則以審議式民主理論內部的「實質性」與「程序性」之爭議為焦點，並指出「審議的無窮回歸」此一審議式民主理論無法解決的難題，以作為理解Rawls的「公共理性之理念」的線索。餘下的三至五章，依序提出了三種不同的詮釋觀點。第一種詮釋觀點將「公共理性之理念」理解為一種以審議式民主為理想藍圖的民主改革方案；第二種詮釋觀點則將該理念視為Rawls針對「自由憲政民主之理念」所提出的辯護方案：至於在第三種詮釋觀點中，「公共理性之理念」成為針對在TJ中仍有疏漏之證成策略的一種修正方案。

Nürnberg, Universiẗat, Diss.--Erlangen, 2006.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2000. Graduate Programme in Sociology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 313-322). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ56262.

How does the international system move from an anarchic system driven by power to a global community driven by the needs/wants of the community at large? Jürgen Habermas utilizes the tenets of his Communicative Action Theory to underline the importance of communicatively based repertoire in the international system between and among states and non-state actors and the citizens themselves. How does arguing and reasoning among states and international institutions bring together legitimization and order? My research aims to analyze the movement of the international system from anarchy towards a global civil society. In doing so, I will examine Communicative Action Theory in International Relations, in particular the development of legitimization processes in international politics, the role of state sovereignty and its effect on the legitimization process of non-state actors. I argue that underdeveloped legitimization processes at the international level consist of fragile consensus building mechanisms that explain why disagreement can and often does lead to violence. However, I also contend that the international system is moving toward a more developed global civil society.

The Bush Doctrine represents a paradigm shift in international security policy. Never had a foreign policy demonstrated such will through unilateralism, preemptive militarism, and a sense of exceptionalism. I argue that this shift in policy resists modern international order in an attempt to reestablish ancient modes of power and control. The international system maintains order through rules and institutions which are perceived to be legitimate because they have the consent of the governed. An example of this would be the UN, where member states engage in a democratic deliberation geared towards reaching understanding and consensus. However, order breaks down when a member state fails to recognize the legitimacy of a rule or institution. This was the case for the Bush Doctrine when the U.S. decided to invade Iraq without a UN resolution. The Bush Doctrine is the embodiment of neoconservatism, an intellectual movement influenced by the thoughts of Leo Strauss. What neoconservatism has inherited from Strauss was a fear of relativism. Strauss's critique of modernity holds that liberal society fosters moral relativism which, in turn, destroys the moral fabric of society. Strauss calls for a revival of antiquity, more specifically a Platonic design of society, where elites rule through the use of myths which provide society with moral truth and national purpose. Neoconservatism has projected Strauss's war on modernity onto the international level. The Bush Doctrine assumes its core democratic values to be universal and thus views consensus building as unnecessary. Rather, deliberating on 'right' may enlighten us to the conventional nature of morality. Therefore, neoconservatism works to reestablish ancient modes of control through the use of moral absolutes, where the practice of these values, consequentially, resists international order governed by liberal principles. As a result, neoconservative policies disrupt international order and isolate the U.S. from the modern world.

The concept of democracy is of importance to the Swedish educational system. The best proof of that is the central position democracy has had in the education program we attended at the Örebro university. This study analyses the concept of democracy and its leading foundation, namely the so-called “deliberative dialog”. The last is belived to be an ideal of democracy which schools in Sweden should follow. This is at least how prominent academics and advocates of “deliberative dialog” Tomas Englund and Jurgen Habermas, see this phenomenon and its role in our schools. Pierre Bourdieu, French sociologist and social theorist has though shown that there is danger in believing that dialog is the only foundation of democracy. Accordig to him in every dialog exists a certan power struggle. What Bourdieu really means is that in a dialog actors are not equal, but there is great risk that some actors get dominated by other actors. These different views of dialog and its role in the school world has inspired us. In our study we wanted to see whether there are students or groups of students, that based on gender or ethnicity are dominated by other students in the everyday classroom dialog. The empirical part of the study shows that those who were not activly engaged in the observed classroom dialog were boys of Swedish origin. The study also shows that those who seemed to have no problem with an active participation in the classroom dialog were girls, and very often girls of Swedish origin.The results of this study are though not completely unambiguous. As the group of students we observed were of differnt gender and came from different ethnic backgrounds we choose to see them as individuals. That means that they as individuals have differnt abilities when it comes to adapt to the climate of the classroom.