Comment des travailleurs marocains ont-ils été utilisés pour fermer les mines de charbon du Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? C'est à cette question que répond cette thèse. Elle s'inscrit dans une histoire économique du secteur charbonnier, et dans une socio-histoire des politiques migratoires vues du point de vue non pas de l'Etat mais d'une entreprise, de ses dirigeants et des agents impliqués dans le recrutement, l'administration et le contrôle de ces travailleurs immigrés. Alors que les puits d'extraction du charbon ferment les uns après les autres dans le Nord-Pas-de-Calais, comprendre quel a été le rôle des travailleurs marocains nécessite de situer leurs trajectoires professionnelles dans une histoire de la lente disparition du groupe professionnel des mineurs. Le contexte colonial pèse aussi lourdement, interrogeant les relations entre institutions étatiques et entreprises de part et d'autre de la Méditerranée, ainsi que les modalités d'importation de schèmes racialistes et de pratiques d'encadrement et de contrôle des populations.Cette recherche s'inscrit ainsi à l'intersection d'une sociologie économique de l'entreprise et de la régulation par l'Etat d'un secteur économique, et d'une sociologie historique du travail des politiques migratoires, et de la classe ouvrière. Afin de comprendre la manière dont une grande entreprise a mené, dans la durée, une politique de recrutement de travailleurs immigrés, il est nécessaire de mener l'analyse conjointe des transformations du système productif et des conditions économiques de production de l'entreprise, de l'évolution de la politique de main-d’œuvre interne à l'entreprise, et des trajectoires individuelles au sein d'un groupe professionnel segmenté et hiérarchisé.Les sources mobilisées sont constituées des fonds d'archives des Houillères du Nord-Pas-de-Calais et des Charbonnages de France, des fonds relatifs à la politique charbonnière des gouvernements français, des écrits et débats au sein d'un petit groupe d'ingénieurs-économistes du corps des Mines ayant contribué au pilotage de la récession charbonnière, et de dossiers de carrière de travailleurs des mines. Deux types de quantification sont mis en œuvre : à partir de statistiques de gestion et de main-d’œuvre produites par l'entreprise, et à partir d'un échantillon de 400 dossiers de carrière de mineurs (200 Marocains et 200 non marocains).De la nationalisation du secteur minier à la fermeture du dernier puits du Nord-Pas-de-Calais en 1990, apparaissent les liens entre politiques économiques, évolution du capitalisme français et modalités concrète de la construction, de l'affaiblissement, et de la disparition d'une frange importante de la classe ouvrière. / How were Moroccan workers utilised to close coal mines in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? This thesis answers this question by studying the economic history of coal mining in France, and migration policies. Such a historical sociology of migrations sees migration policies from the point of view of a firm -- and not of a state --, and of the agents who contributed to the recruitment, management and control of these migrant workers. As coal pits were being closed one by one, understanding the role of Moroccan workers requires to analyse both their professional trajectories and the slow historical process of disappearing of coal miners. Colonial context also weights heavily, raising the issues of the relationships between state institutions and companies on each shore of the Mediterranean Sea, and of the modalities of importation of racialist ideals and of practices of population management and control.This research is defined at the crossing of an economic sociology of the firm and of state regulation of an economic sector, and a historical sociology of work, migration policies and the working class. In order to understand the way a big company implemented, on the long run, a recruitment policy of immigrant workers, one needs to analyse the transformations of productive systems, the evolutions of the firm's workforce policy, and the individual trajectories of a segmented and hierarchised professional group. Sources are constituted of archives of the Houillères de Nord-Pas-de-Calais and of Charbonnages de France, of archives of the governments coal policies, of writings and debates amongst a small group of engineers-economists (Corps des Mines) who contributed to the piloting of coal recession, and of carreer files of mine workers. Two types of quantification are implemented: from the firm's administrative and workforce policy, and from a sample of 400 career files (200 Moroccans, 200 non Moroccans). From the nationalisation of the whole mining sector to the closing of the last pit in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais, this history manifests the relationships between economic policies, the evolution of French capitalism, and the concrete modalities of the construction, weakening and disappearing of an important segment of the working class.

This dissertation focuses on the development of autism in the Czech Republic from an historical-sociological perspective. The study pursues the structural processes related to autism and their impacts on individuals, as well as the roles of various agents in the shaping of these processes. The study utilises the social constructivist approach as well as the standpoints of the interpretative stream of sociology. The concept of autism was introduced in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s. It was understood as a rare psychiatric disorder and was known about by only a few professionals. Until the beginning of the 1990s, autism wasn't recognised in Czechoslovak society. Since the beginning of the 1990s new processes have emerged, resulting in the formation of a paradigm of autism - a new dominant and increasingly recognized system of values, methods, approaches and institutions, all connected to the concept of autism. The category of autism was reconceptualized in the 1990s and has started to be used more widely in Czech society. Based on the concept of autism, new institutions have emerged, such as specialized educational approaches and services, therapeutic methods, social services and NGOs etc. Discourses of autism have also started to form. This paradigm has been crucial for the social history of autism...

The natural resource curse is a widely debated phenomenon usually proposing a connection between large extractive resource wealth and substandard economic performance. This paper concerns the connection between large extractive resource wealth and the potential for its effects on long term political stability. Using Venezuela as a case study, this paper delves into the political history of Venezuela, plagued by endemic political instability, and attempts to test the political aspect of the resource curse, analysing history with a focus on the oil industry. The conclusion is that there is a clear connection between oil price volatility and political instability, but only evident starting in the latter half of the 20th -century. Further research into specific regimes, eras, as well as comparative analyses between Venezuela and other states is required to provide additional answers in regard to specific causes for political instability in the early 20th -century and the pre-oil period.

This thesis utilizes an historical sociology approach to examine women’s organizations in Canada between 1930 and 1955. I consider their responses to changes in women’s lives among three key areas: birth control, sex education and motherhood in the context of macro level events in Canadian society. This research utilizes a moral regulation framework to consider the ways in which the discourses, images and programmes of women’s organizations such as the National Council of Women and the Women’s Institutes created a space for norm-based adaptations to women’s intimate lives during the mid-twentieth century in Canada.

This dissertation focuses on the development of autism in the Czech Republic from an historical-sociological perspective. The study pursues the structural processes related to autism and their impacts on individuals, as well as the roles of various agents in the shaping of these processes. The study utilises the social constructivist approach as well as the standpoints of the interpretative stream of sociology. The concept of autism was introduced in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s. It was understood as a rare psychiatric disorder and was known about by only a few professionals. Until the beginning of the 1990s, autism wasn't recognised in Czechoslovak society. Since the beginning of the 1990s new processes have emerged, resulting in the formation of a paradigm of autism - a new dominant and increasingly recognized system of values, methods, approaches and institutions, all connected to the concept of autism. The category of autism was reconceptualized in the 1990s and has started to be used more widely in Czech society. Based on the concept of autism, new institutions have emerged, such as specialized educational approaches and services, therapeutic methods, social services and NGOs etc. Discourses of autism have also started to form. This paradigm has been crucial for the social history of autism...

A Dinamarca possui, sem dúvida alguma, uma das políticas mais excepcionais em relação à Europa integrada. Desde os primórdios da integração europeia, no início dos anos 50, o país demonstrou um forte ceticismo e, para alguns, um forte receio com a ideia de uma Europa unida. Mesmo após sua incorporação à Comunidade Europeia, no início dos anos 70, a Dinamarca se posicionou como membro de uma outra comunidade, a nórdica, e que, dessa forma, seu papel na Comunidade Europeia consistia em criar uma ponte entre estas duas comunidades. Era de comum entendimento entre as elites do país, bem como por grande parte da sociedade civil, que a integração europeia representava valores típicos da Europa continental que, por sua vez, conflitavam com os valores nórdicos. O excepcionalismo dinamarquês manteve-se mesmo após o término da Guerra Fria, quando, em 1993, o Governo do país compreendeu, em seu Livro Branco, que a União Europeia seria o principal fórum internacional para a promoção dos valores e interesses da Dinamarca, mas devido a uma recusa popular em aceitar o Tratado que Estabelecia a União Europeia, o país estipulou a existência de quatro ressalvas formais os opt-outs às políticas europeias, entre aquelas mais sensíveis à soberania nacional. Inúmeras hipóteses foram levantadas na tentativa de compreender tal peculiaridade, entre estas, destacamos a existência de uma percepção mantida tanto pela elite política do país, como por parte da sociedade civil, de uma alternativa nórdica à Europa. Dessa forma, a relutância dinamarquesa com o processo europeu de integração poderia ser compreendido pelo desejo do país em se inserir em um outro processo de integração, somente entre os países nórdicos. Tendo em vista tal entendimento, esta pesquisa, através de uma abordagem sociológico-histórica, tem por objetivo compreender em que medida a percepção de uma alternativa nórdica à Europa impactou na construção do, então chamado, dilema de integração dinamarquês, ou seja, desta posição relutante desenvolvida pelo país em relação à Comunidade Europeia / União Europeia. Para colaborar, iremos analisar a questão nórdica no desenvolvimento da política externa e de segurança da Dinamarca. Argumentaremos que embora nem sempre tenha sido apresentado como uma alternativa real, a questão nórdica demonstra-se de extrema importância para compreender a posição dinamarquesa na Europa. / Denmark has, without doubt, one of the most exceptional policies towards Europe. From the beginning of European integration in the early 50s the country has demonstrated a strong skepticism and, for some, a strong concern with the idea of a united Europe. Even after her incorporation into the European Community in the early 70s, Denmark has positioned herself as a member of another community, the Nordic one, and, therefore, the Danish role in the European Community was to \'build bridges\' between these two communities. It was a common understanding among the Danish elites, and to a large part of civil society, that European integration represented typical values of the \'continental Europe\' which, in turn, were in conflict with the Nordic values. The Danish exceptionalism remained even after the end of the Cold War, when in 1993 the Danish government understood in its White Paper that the European Union would be the main international forum for the promotion of Danish values and interest, but due to a popular refusal to accept the Treaty that established the European Union, the government stipulated the existence of four formal reservations - the opt-outs to European policies, among those most sensitive to national sovereignty. Several hypotheses have been raised in an attempt to understand this peculiarity, among these, we can highlight the existence of a perception both by the political elite of the country as by civil society of a Nordic alternative to Europe. Thus, the Danish reluctance to the European integration process could be understood by the country\'s desire to be part in another integration process, among the Nordic countries. Therefore, through a historical sociological approach, this research seeks to understand to what extent the perception of a Nordic alternative to Europe impacted on the construction of the so called \'Danish integration dilemma, i.e. in this reluctant position developed by the country towards the European Community / European Union. To this end, we will examine the Nordic question in the development of the Danish Foreign and Security Policy. We will argue that although it has not always been presented as a real alternative, the Nordic question can be seen as a very important factor to understand the Danish position in Europe.

The commercialisation of military services has increased in importance since the end of the Cold War. Commercial Military Service Providers (CMSPs) have found increased respectability and worked in states on every continent. Writing on CMSPs has similarly increased. Several high profile incidents have come under intense scrutiny, and has led to some portions of the literature demonising their use. However, there are still conceptual and theoretical issues which have been under explored. This thesis contributes to the literature which has sought to address this theoretical lacuna. Historical Sociology and comparative analysis are employed to analyse the implications of CMSP use on the state. A modified version of the Ideological, Economic, Military and Political (IEMP) model developed by Michael Mann, is used to theorise the impact of commercial security providers on existing sources of power within the state, and the relationship between them. The thesis uses two case studies which are representative of the use of CMSPs during this time period. The Sierra Leone Civil War and the invasion and reconstruction of Iraq since 2003. It will be argued that CMSPs alter the balance between power structures within the state, positively and negatively affecting the power of the state. The short term use of CMSPs has proven to be useful and of increasing importance; especially when military weakness is an urgent problem. However, although there has been no example of CMSPs intentionally threatening state stability, they can also subvert the power of the state. CMSPs, particularly when used for an extended period, have undermined the relationship between the sources of power, undermining political stability. Most significantly they weakened the state by undermining the strength it gains from its embeddedness in society.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta é uma tese sociológico-histórica sobre o constitucionalismo liberal na América Latina. A hipótese principal deste trabalho seria de que o liberalismo colocado em prática nas constituições latino-americanas durante o século XIX foi sofrendo algumas transformações que levaram à atenuação de sua proposta original. A matriz inicial extremamente focada na afirmação abstrata da individualidade natural e autocentrada das pessoas sujeitos de direito presente nas constituições promulgadas no século XIX passou por processos de redefinição e re-substancialização no decorrer do século XX e princípio do XXI. É o que chamamos de transformação da noção de pessoa. Nesse processo de atenuação transformadora, podemos, também, observar que o Estado não possui a mesma raison detre que possuía no século XIX. De maneira descontínua, no século XX e começo do XXI processos que demonstram a demanda por maior legitimidade das estruturas do Estado podem ser igualmente observados. Os dois principais marcos que nos permitiriam falar do processo de atenuação do liberalismo são: a incorporação dos direitos trabalhistas na primeira metade do século XX e os processos recentes de reconhecimento dos direitos das populações originárias e/ou afrodescendentes. Ao contrário do que algumas análises indicam, atestamos que essas reformas, por não representarem um rompimento definitivo com processos anteriores não têm colocado em cheque a concepção moderna do liberalismo constitucional. Modernidade essa que, como sustentamos na tese, tem a América Latina como um de seus principais protagonistas, não sendo correto admitir que a região é um agente histórico passivo e que seja colocada como periferia de um sistema externalizado. Por meio da análise qualitativa das constituições proclamadas em cinco países latino-americanos Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, México e Panamá foi possível colocar em uma perspectiva histórica como o liberalismo tem se atenuado, como a transformação da noção de pessoa tem acontecido e como o Estado, de maneira descontínua, tem sido transformado para se tornar mais legítimo / This is a historical sociological thesis about constitutional liberalism in Latin America. The main hypothesis is that the constitutional liberalism of the nineteenth century has been transformed and attenuated in relation to its original matrix. The initial model focused principally on the abstract affirmation of a natural and self-centred individuality of the subjects of rights. This characteristic was more emphasized in the constitutions of the nineteenth century, but it was redefined and re-substantialized during the twentieth and early twenty-first century. That is what we call the transformation of the notion of the person. In this process of attenuation and transformation, it is also possible to observe that the state does not have the same raison detre that it had during the nineteenth century. In a discontinuous process, during the twentieth century there was an increasing demand for the legitimacy of the statess structures. In Latin America, the two main constitutional processes that allowed us to talk about the attenuation of liberalism are: firstly, the incorporation of collective labour rights in the beginning of the twentieth century and, secondly, in the twentieth and early twenty first century the recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples and black-descendents. Against some current views, it is argued in this thesis that those reforms have not questioned the main tenets of modern liberalism. Indeed, modernity, as a social phenomenon constructed by different realities, as argued in this work, since its very beginning has Latin America in its core and playing a central role. In this sense it is not true to say that the region is a passive historical agent or it should be placed in the periphery of an external system. Through a qualitative analysis of all the constitutions proclaimed in five Latin American countries Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Mexico and Panama it is possible to put in historical perspective how liberalism has been attenuated; how a transformation of the notion of the person has taken place; and how the states, in discontinuous ways, have been transformed to become more legitimate

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-10-02T20:47:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LuzineleAlcobaca.pdf: 2795462 bytes, checksum: 839ee4c9557c04b62b66c20f5e3791ae (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-02T20:47:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LuzineleAlcobaca.pdf: 2795462 bytes, checksum: 839ee4c9557c04b62b66c20f5e3791ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-06 / This study is related to the discussions about Militant Engagement and particularly deals with the affirmation process of a housing association and its political entrepreneurs in the São Luís metropolitan region. The emergence of this collective agent in 2003 was the local reflection of the change that occurred in the relationship between social movements and the government noticed in the period of redemocratization in Brazil. From this, we observed a relative degree of inclusion of popular sectors in political and administrative institutions. In the Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff governments, the experiences so-called "participatory” have multiplied and become institutionalized. In this manner, social movement organizations activated the "right to the city," "urban reform," and "self-management" symbols have gained ground in planning and implementing housing estates for the grassroots in different parts of the country. In this context, the research attempted to comprehend how the State Association for Support of Popular Housing became representative of the "housing cause" in Maranhão and to trace its specificities, the delineations that such collective agent gave to the issue housing locally, realizing in the process the political role of representation and mediation of this mediator and his individual spokespersons. Thus, this research on a social organization and the militant engagement of its representatives was problematized from the perspective of historical sociology and militant engagement sociology, highlighting the social properties of those who engage, their accumulated attributes, resources detained, individual predispositions to militancy and, on a more general level, to the opportunity spheres and constraining under which this occurs. Considering the genetic, relational and sociographic perspective, the results were obtained through archival research, documentary, participant observation and interviews made with both the organization militants and some activists who graduated from this "problematic" in Maranhão in the first semester 2016. / Este estudo faz parte das discussões acerca do Engajamento Militante e trata, especificamente, do processo de afirmação de uma associação habitacional e de seus empreendedores políticos na região metropolitana de São Luís/MA. A emergência desse agente coletivo em 2003 foi o reflexo local da mudança ocorrida na relação entre movimentos sociais e Estado observada no período de redemocratização do Brasil. Observou-se a partir daí relativo grau de inclusão de setores populares nas instituições político administrativas. Nos governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff as experiências ditas “participativas” se multiplicaram e se institucionalizaram. Aí organizações de movimentos sociais acionando os símbolos “direito à cidade”, “reforma urbana” e “autogestão” ganharam espaço no planejamento e implementação de conjuntos habitacionais para as camadas populares em várias partes do país. Nesse contexto, a pesquisa tentou compreender como a Associação Estadual de Apoio à Moradia Popular se tornou representante da “causa habitacional” no Maranhão e localizar suas especificidades, os delineamentos que tal agente coletivo deu à questão habitacional localmente, percebendo no processo o papel político de representação e mediação desse agente e de seus porta-vozes individuais. Assim, esta pesquisa sobre uma organização social e o engajamento militante de seus representantes foi problematizada na perspectiva da sociologia histórica e sociologia do engajamento militante, dando relevo às propriedades sociais daqueles que se engajam, seus atributos acumulados, recursos detidos, predisposições individuais para a militância e, no plano mais geral, às esferas de oportunidades e constrangimentos sob as quais isso ocorre. Considerando a perspectiva genética, relacional e sociográfica, os resultados foram obtidos por meio de pesquisa arquivística, documental, observação participante e por meio de realização de entrevistas tanto com os militantes da entidade quanto com alguns ativistas egressos dessa “problemática” no Maranhão no primeiro semestre de 2016

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Este trabalho tem como tema a formação histórica dos estados modernos, analisando a literatura sobre o fenômeno na Europa e na América Latina. Seu argumento principal é que podemos, tomando a sociologia histórica como teoria política, desenvolver ferramentas metodológicas e teóricas mais acuradas para entender as organizações estatais e a explicação histórica em ciências sociais. O argumento secundário é que a discussão contemporânea sobre construção de estados vem carregada de um viés modernizador na forma como articula o conceito de estado com o processo de seu desenvolvimento. Refinando essa ideia, o trabalho especifica o viés modernizador em termos de distorções na visão de estado e de história, transpondo-o como parâmetro de crítica a determinadas narrativas sobre os estados latino-americanos e sua formação. Como contraponto, recorre aos marcos da crítica substantiva e formal às teorias da modernização feita pela sociologia histórico-comparativa nas décadas de 1970 e 1980. Como resultado, propõe a convergência entre uma teoria crítica do estado e uma noção de processo histórico aberta à variação, à contingência e à contextualidade. Ao final, o trabalho enquadra uma nova onda de estudos histórico-comparativos sobre os estados latino-americanos, percebendo nela caminhos promissores para a superação do viés modernizador. / This dissertation focuses on the historical formation of modern states, analyzing the literature about such phenomenon in Europe and Latin America. Its main argument is that it is possible to, by assuming historical sociology as political theory, to develop more accurate theoretical and methodological tools to understand state organizations and the historical explanation in social sciences. The secondary argument is that the ongoing discussion on state building is embedded in a modernizing bias in the way it articulates a concept of state with the process of its development. Exploring this insight, the dissertation specifies the modernizing bias in terms of distortions in the comprehension of state and history, converting it into a yardstick for the critique of certain narratives on the Latin American states and its formation. As reply, it traces back the substantive and methodological criticism of modernization theories made by comparative-historical sociology in the 1970s and 1980s. As a result, it proposes a convergence between a critical theory of the state with a notion of historical process open to variation, contingency and contextuality. By the end, the dissertation explores a new wave of historical-comparative studies on Latin American states, emphasizing promising pathways for the transcendence of the modernizing bias.