Cette thèse prend pour objet la construction d’un discours politique et social nouveau - celuide l’Europe communautaire. Ce processus est appréhendé comme le résultat du travail demultiples collectifs d’acteurs politiques et savants. Ces collectifs ont contribué à l’invention duvocabulaire communautaire, d’une part, et à la normalisation de certains savoirs etinterprétations des Communautés, d’autre part. Il s’agit alors de mettre en lumière lesconditions historiques de ce travail collectif dans deux Etats fondateurs de la constructioneuropéenne – la France et l’Allemagne. L’enjeu est d’explorer tout à la fois les conditions depossibilité de l’innovation politique et les conditions de légitimation d’un objet politiquenouveau.En mobilisant des sources historiques variées, ce travail retrace les carrières dans les débatscommunautaires de deux des définitions largement utilisées pour définir l’Europecommunautaire jusqu’à aujourd’hui - la « supranationalité » et « l’économie sociale demarché ». L’étude croisée de leurs usages permet d’examiner les controverses politicoacadémiquesdans lesquelles l’Europe communautaire a été définie comme type institutionneldistinct (de l’Etat-nation) et comme mode de gouvernement spécifique (du marché). A reboursde l’hypothèse d’une « révolution communautaire », la thèse invite à réinscrire l’inventioncommunautaire dans le temps plus long de la construction des Etats nationaux et de leurssavoirs. A l’opposé d’une lecture génétique de la construction communautaire commedéploiement d’un sens défini depuis les années 1950, elle donne à voir la diversité desinterprétations et des savoirs qui ont été produits et se sont affrontés dans les premières, etidentifie les conditions de leurs succès différenciés. / This dissertation aims to understand the construction of a new type of political and socialdiscourse: that of the European Economic Community (EEC). This process is taken, on theone hand, to be the invention on the part of political actors and scholars of a vocabulary andconceptual apparatus which made the EEC thinkable. On the other hand, the process isunderstood as the constitution of specialized disciplines which, by more or less successfullyasserting their legitimacy to produce discourse on the EEC as an object, have contributed torendering certain interpretations obligatory. The dissertation highlights the historical conditionsin which actors have contributed to the emergence, circulation and stabilization of suchknowledge in two founding member states of the EEC - France and Germany – up to the firstenlargement of the EEC in 1973. Beyond the specific case of European integration, thechallenge is to explore the conditions both for political innovation and for the legitimization ofa new political object.Making use of several types of historical source, the thesis retraces the careers of two of thedefinitions widely used to define the EEC up to the present - "supranationality" and the "socialmarket economy". Examination of the uses of these terms makes it possible to identify andinvestigate politico-academic controversies in which the EEC has been defined as a distinctinstitutional type (of the nation-state) and as specific mode of government (of the market).In contrast to the hypothesis of a "revolution" in the EEC, the thesis calls for the reinsertion ofthe invention of the EEC into the longer history of construction of national states andgovernment sciences. Contrary to a genetic interpretation of European integration as a definiteproject from the 1950s, it reveals the diversity of interpretations and knowledges which wereproduced and which competed with one another in the early years of the EEC, and identifiesthe conditions for their unequal success. Finally, the dissertation leads us to qualify thehypothesis of the formation of "common sense" about the EEC, emphasizing the national anddisciplinary differences which persist in their interpretations.

1 Abstract This thesis discusses rapid transit system proposals from competition of Elektrické podniky company in 1931 that had been announced due to worsening traffic situation in the metropolitan area. The first part of this thesis serves as a framework for the second part - it introduces the history of Prague and railway transport in it until the first Czechoslovak republic and thus enables easier orientation in context of this issue. The second part itself consists of review of all competitive designs and then analyzes them through research questions, which are based on particular social aspects. To each of the following aspects, there is a specific subchapter devoted: inhabitation and economically significant areas in Prague, problems with public transport, selected functions of stations, trainsets and their capacitive sufficiency and comfort, planned changes in built-up areas in Prague. These then serve as tools for comparation and final evaluation of technical solutions from historical sociological perspective. For the research analysis in second part, archive materials of Dopravní podnik hlavního města Prahy are being used as a source, supplemented by thematically relevant literature in the first part. Key words: historical sociology, history of commuting, public transportation, social functions of...

This thesis outlines some basic approaches in the field of comparative civilizational analysis in the works of Jóhann P. Árnason and Jaroslav Krejčí in the confrontation with Jan Patočka's philosophy of history. Those theoretical bases are put into a wider historical context and historical relations in casuistic studies, narrowed to the civilizational area of the Middle East, especially Mesopotamia and Syria-Palestine and also the Aegean-Greek area. This work emphasizes the inevitable interconnection of generally conceived civilizational analysis, or historical sociology, with specific historiography. Individual detaching of theoretical concepts is understood as a relic of blind reductionism and determinism which is strongly rejected by philosophy of history which tries to focus on the phenomenon of historicity instead of historical chronologies. Nevertheless, without the support of empirical reality even philosophy of history would become a mere philosophical rumination. The connected interdisciplinary approach is the only way how to figure out the historical / civilizational sense, "between the past and the future" and to create continual cultural memory from the awareness of relations to the relation of awareness.

Lachmann, Richard: First-Class Passengers on a Sinking Ship. Elite Politics and the Decline of Great Powers. London, New York: Verso 2020. 477 Seiten. ISBN 978-178873-407‑3. Preis: $ 34,95. / Der Titel des jüngsten Buches des Soziologen aus Albany (New York, USA) weckt filmische Assoziationen und provoziert die Frage, ob Passagiere aus der ersten Klasse auf einem sinkenden Schiff bevorzugt Zugang zu den Rettungsbooten erhalten. Die Antwort aus Perspektive einer Elitesoziologie kann wenig überraschen: ja. Folgerichtig steht der Titel als Metapher für Lachmanns Prognose des ökonomischen, militärischen und demokratischen Niedergangs der USA. Lachmann ist Vertreter der Historischen Soziologie, einem Paradigma, welches in Deutschland gelegentlich noch unter dem Verdacht steht, Geschichtsphilosophie oder bestenfalls Sozialgeschichte zu sein. Beide Verdachtsmomente können mit Blick auf das vorliegende Werk entkräftet werden. Der Verfasser stellt sich die Aufgabe, das Problem des Niedergangs von Imperien historisch-komparativ und in Bezug auf die aktuelle Situation der USA aufzuarbeiten. Vereinfacht gesagt ist das Erkenntnisinteresse der Historischen Soziologie die Erklärung des historischen Wandels oder des historischen Gewordenseins der Gegenwartsgesellschaft durch die Aufdeckung von Mustern, Strukturen und Entwicklungspfaden – so auch im vorliegenden Fall. George Steinmetz hat diese Grundidee der Historischen Soziologie auf den Punkt gebracht, wenn er schreibt: „Geschichte wiederholt sich nicht, aber sie reimt sich.“ Es ist nicht möglich, ausführlicher auf Programmatik und Spielarten der Historischen Soziologie einzugehen, es sei aber auf Richard Lachmanns Einführung What is Historical Sociology aus dem Jahr 2013 hingewiesen.

En 1837, le château de Versailles est « converti » en un vaste musée visant à « réunir tous lessouvenirs historiques nationaux qu’il appartient aux arts de perpétuer ». Durant près d’unsiècle, cette histoire muséale de la France est reconduite, remaniée et actualisée jusqu’auprésent du Second Empire puis de la Troisième République. Notre thèse tente de comprendre,à partir d’un matériau archivistique dense, la contribution du musée à l’élaboration tout autantqu’à la diffusion d’un imaginaire national et civique.L’analyse iconographique de près de 1300 peintures, réinscrites dans leur cadre palatial,permet d’approcher les mises en forme picturales et matérielles du politique, ses variations etses invariants. Dès lors, l’enjeu est d’appréhender comment ces visions historicisées d’unÉtat-nation ont pu tenir et être appropriées. Leurs succès ne relèvent pas seulement d’uneaction politique et administrative mais s’arriment à l’agencement réciproque de différentessphères sociales et strates d’appartenance. Cette histoire nationale se forme en retraduisant lesunivers les plus familiers des acteurs, en empruntant à la mémoire domestique des « grandsnotables », aux normes et aux enjeux de groupements professionnels (peintres, historiens,militaires) ou encore en solennisant les pratiques routinières d’un « public mêlé ». L’histoirede France s’objective dans cette interpénétration des identités et des loyautés, dans cesconsolidations croisées de secteurs sociaux, dans ces dynamiques de politisation du social etde socialisation du politique. Saisir la formation, le contenu et la diffusion de cet imaginairenational équivaut alors à scruter des systèmes de relation entre groupements sociaux, desarticulations variables entre le quotidien et le national, entre l’art et l’histoire, entre le social etle politique. / In 1837, the Palace of Versailles was « converted » into a vast museum aiming to « gather allthe national historical memories that it belongs to the arts to perpetuate ». For about a century,the Second Empire, followed by the Third Republic, maintained, reshuffled and expanded themuseum, to include representations of contemporaneous events. This thesis aims tounderstand, based on a dense network of archival materials, the museum’s contribution to theelaboration and diffusion of a national and civic imagination.The iconographic analysis of nearly 1,300 paintings within the context of their palatialframework allows us to explore the pictorial and material representations of the political, theirsimilarities and differences. The issue, therefore, is to apprehend the manner in which thesehistoricized visions of the nation-Statecould hold and become internalized. Their success isnot only the result of political and administrative action, but also finds its source in the mutualreinforcement of different social spheres and loyalties. This national history takes shape byreproducing the actors’ most familiar environments, by borrowing from the domestic memoryof the “great notables” and from the norms and issues of professional groups (painters,historians, the military), or by solemnizing the popular habits. The history of France becomesobjective through this interpenetration of identities, through this mutual reinforcement ofsocial sectors, in these processes of politicization of the social and socialization of thepolitical. To understand the formation, content and diffusion of this national imaginationamounts to scrutinizing the systems of relationships between social groups, the evolvinginterrelations between everyday life and the national, between art and history, and betweenthe social and the political.

由於長期以來根深蒂固的誤解，馬克思的哲學往往被視為一種「經濟決定論」的主張--經濟決定了社會、文化與政治等一切其他領域；此一誤解之必然結果是：「馬克思的國家學說」也被當作國家理論中最典型的「工具主義」--國家是資產階級用來進行階級宰制的工具。為了釐清這點，本論文之作者嘗試性地自「歷史社會學」的角度切入，說明馬克思的研究進路 其實與當代一般歷史社會學學者的研究進路無異，都是自歷史傳承與社會脈絡等眾多複雜的面向來了解「國家自主是否自主」的多種可能性：國家既不是現代資產階級手中的簡單工具，也不是能夠完全獨立於社會之外的政治實體。其次，自馬克思國家學說本身的哲學基礎，即所謂「歷史唯物論」看來，政治與經濟之間的關係也非單向決定的因果關係，而是呈現著 多種不同面向的辯證互動關係，因此也造成了馬克思有關國家自主性的學說中之兩種不同論述：「寄生性國家」與「工具性國家」。本文從馬克思論國家的本質、起源及其與社會的關係開始說起，再逐步論及「寄生性國家」與「工具性國家」這兩種論述中的各種「國家」類型，包括「東方專制主義」、「專制君主制」、「波拿巴主義的國家」、「工具國家在英國 」以及「工具性的國家在法國」等，可以說完整地梳理出馬克思國家學說的發展脈絡，並充分說明它其實就是一種有關國家的歷史社會學。 目 錄 第一章 序言 第一節 研究動機…………………………………………002 一之一：國家研究的歷史發展………………………………………002 一之二：馬克思主義與國家研究……………………………………005 第二節 論題形成的脈絡…………………………………010 二之一：馬克思論「寄生性國家」與「工具性國家」………………011 二之二：馬克思的歷史唯物論與國家研究…………………………019 第三節 研究進路的問題…………………………………025 三之一：歷史社會學的研究進路與國家研究………………………026 三之二：馬克思與「以國家為中心」的國家研究進路………………035 第四節 論述架構與研究限制…………………………041 四之一：論述架構……………………………………………………040 四之二：研究限制……………………………………………………047 第二章 歷史唯物論與國家 第一節 馬克思的歷史唯物論…………………………058 一之一：歷史唯物論與「經濟決定論」………………………………058 一之二：歷史唯物論與整體性觀點…………………………………063 第二節 馬克思論述人類歷史的發展………………072 二之一：分工、所有制與歷史………………………………073 二之二：國家自主性與國家的形式…………………………………080 第三節 小結…………………………………………………085 第三章 寄生性國家 第一節 東方專制主義的社會經濟基礎……………089 一之一：東方專制主義與「亞細亞生產模式」的概念………………089 一之二：東方專制主義國家自主性的形成…………………………095 第二節 向資本主義社會過渡中的專制君主制…100 二之一：專制君主制的歷史背景……………………………………100 二之二：專制君主制中的階級關係與國家自主性…………………105 第三節 波拿巴主義與法國歷史………………………110 三之一：法國歷史中的國家傳統……………………………………110 三之二：波拿巴主義的階級、意識形態因素與國家自主性………116 第四節 小結…………………………………………………122 第四章 工具性國家 第一節 資產階級與工具性國家………………………127 一之一：資產階級的形成……………………………………………127 一之二：資產階級與工具性的現代國家……………………………132 第二節 工具性國家在英國與法國…………………138 二之一：英國資產階級工具性國家的形成…………………………138 二之二：法國資產階級工具性國家的形成…………………………143 第三節 小結…………………………………………………148 第五章 總結與評估 參考文獻…………………………………………………………154 人名索引…………………………………………………………163 主題索引…………………………………………………………170 / For many decades, Marxian philosophy was usually misunderstood as a doctrine that is primarily "economically determinstic", ie., economy determines the social, cultural, and political spheres. What is the corollary of this misunderstanding is that Marxian Doctrines on the State had become one of the most typical types of Instrumentalism among the theories of the state and that state is the instrument of class domination in the hands of the capitalists. In order to clarify this long-term misunderstanding, the author of this thesis try to find his revelation in contemporary Historical Sociology, and to demonstrate the Marxian approaches to the state is no different from the approaches of many Historical Sociologists. Historical Sociology has shown its constant attempts to understand the diverse possibilities of state autonomy from the perspectives of historical heritage and social context. According to this viewpoint, state is neither the simple instrument in the hands of the capitalists, nor a political entity that can be totally isolated from the society. Secondly, in the light of Marxian Historical Materialism, the relationship between politics and economy is not an one-way causation. As the ultimate foundation of the Marxian doctrines of the state, Historical Materialism makes it clear that politics and economy are mutually and dialectically interactive, and this vigorous interaction provides us the two possible doctrines of the state, that is, parasite state and instrumentalist state. This thesis started from the formulations of the nature, origin of the state and its relations to the society, then the author gradually focus upon a "typology" of the state which can be shown in the two Marxian state doctrines, these types including "Oriental Despotism", "Absolutism", "Bonapartism", "Instrumentalist State in England", and "Instrumentalist State in France". The author not only gave an overall exposition of the development of the Marxian doctrines of the state, he also sufficiently proved that the doctrines constitute in fact some kind of historical sociology of the state.

This thesis examines the regulation of women in public space in Liverpool between 1908 and 1957. It considers the complex relationship between the laws used to police solicitation, governmental debate about female prostitution and local purity campaigners’ concerns with the moral vulnerability of young, working-class, urban women. It is argued that the ways in which prostitution was understood and managed had an impact upon all women’s access to and use of public space, together with wider definitions of female morality and immorality. The thesis adds to historical understandings about the implications of prostitution regulation in the twentieth century, by moving away from London-focused histories to offer a detailed analysis of the ways in which national debates about vice were taken up at local level and with what consequences. I begin by exploring the problems with policing prostitution in the early-twentieth century and argue that increasing concern about the difficulty in differentiating prostitutes from ‘ordinary’ women provoked anxiety amongst law makers and government officials alike. It is argued that the debates canvassed by the 1927 Macmillan Committee indicate the degree to which moral codes about female sexuality informed official approaches to prostitution. The thesis considers the implications of these broad debates in Liverpool. Focusing on the work of the Liverpool Vigilance Association (LVA), it is proposed that fears about the moral threat of prostitution fuelled the organisation’s belief in the necessity of preventative patrol work centred on the moral surveillance of young, working-class women. This thesis shows that in interwar Liverpool, women’s movements were circumscribed first and foremost by their gender. Traditional, nineteenth-century ideas about women’s place within the domestic sphere created a sense among local purity campaigners that female morality was being threatened by women’s visibility in urban spaces. Other aspects of social status, such as class, race and employment experiences, heightened the interest of the LVA in targeting distinctive groups of women. The thesis demonstrates that in their efforts to regulate women’s movements through the city of Liverpool, local purists singled-out working-class and immigrant (especially Irish) women, as they believed them to be the most susceptible to corruption. This thesis draws on a wide range of archival sources, especially Home Office Records relating to the Public Places (Order) Bill and the establishment of the 1927 Macmillan Committee, as well as the LVA archive, in order to show how national and local policies on prostitution were both interdependent and distinct.

Née d’une interrogation sur les dynamiques d’intégration républicaine des radicalités politiques, cette recherche au carrefour de la sociologie historique du politique, de l’histoire sociale des idées et de la sociologie politique des mémoires collectives,s’attache à expliquer les conditions dans lesquelles Louise Michel, une femme et une anarchiste du XIXe siècle, devient une figure éligible à la panthéonisation en 2013. L’analyse longitudinale de la carrière de la figure de Louise Michel interroge plus généralement les processus de canonisation, de circulation et de transmission qui caractérisent les dispositifs de célébration politique. A partir de l’étude monographique des multiples occurrences de lafigure de Louise Michel du dernier tiers du XIXe siècle au début du XXIe siècle (presse, discours, pratiques commémoratives, biographies ou encore manuels scolaires), ce travail montre comment une personnalité marquée par la marginalité politique devient une référence commune de la gauche. Les formes et les espaces de la célébration ne peuvent alors se comprendre qu’au regard des positions occupées par ses traducteurs et de la structure de l’espace politique et social dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. Le processus de reconnaissance institutionnelle de Louise Michel doit d’une part à la pacification d’une mémoire officielle de la Commune de Paris, et d’autre part à l’intégration de l’histoire des femmes au sein d’un féminisme d’Etat. Ce double mouvement explique l’élargissement de l’identification collective et individuelle dans la figure de Louise Michel. Il autorise l’hypothèse d’une entrée de Louise Michel au Panthéon républicain. Pourtant, cette thèse montre également que des mécanismes de résistance aux processus de reconnaissance institutionnelle demeurent. Loin d’un processus linéaire la construction de la figure Louise Michel fait l’objet d’appropriations multiples qui coexistent aujourd’hui. L’inscription d’une figure historique dans les mémoires collectives constitue dès lors un dispositif conflictuel, marqué par des conjonctures mouvantes qui met aux prises des acteurs à la croisée des espaces politiques, militants, universitaires et intellectuels. / At the crossroads of political historical sociology, social history of ideas, and political sociology of collective memories, this research starts from an interrogation on the republican integration dynamics of political radicalism. Itfocuses on explaining the conditions in which Louise Michel, a 19th century woman and anarchist, has become an eligible icon for pantheonisation in 2013. The longitudinal analysis of Louise Michel's career broadly questions the processes of canonization, circulation and transmission which characterize the schemes of political celebration. Initiated by the monographic study of Louise Michel's numerous apparitions, from the last third of the 19th century to the early21st century (press, speeches, memorial events, biographies or textbooks), this essay highlights how a politically marginalized character turns into a leftist icon. It's only by apprehending the political posture and social background ofher interpreters that one can acknowledge the different areas and forms of commemoration. The process of institutional recognition of Louise Michel's legacy is made possible on the one hand by the pacification process of the officialremembrance of the Paris Commune, and on the other hand by the incorporation of Women History in state feminism. It explained the enlargement of both collective and individual identification to Louise Michel's figure. It also authorizedthe hypothesis of Louise Michel's entry to the republican Pantheon. However, this thesis demonstrates as well that some resistance mechanisms remains. The edification of Louise Michel's emblematic figure isn't a linear process but issubject to multiples appropriations that coexist nowadays. Historical figure in collective memories poses a divisive mechanism, characterized by shifting conjunctures that confront forces at the crossroads of different political, activist, academic and intellectual spaces.

The thesis deals with a relationship between humans and animals. In particular, it focuses on a trend of inclusion and exclusion of animals to/from society. Main research questions are designed to answer a question how the dynamics of this trend looks. A dynamic of moral status of animals, legal status of animals, symbolic status of animals and a status of another living being is examined on the European society from antiquity to the present. This time period is divided into 7 parts. The thesis explores not only the dynamics of the statuses, but also their interaction. The symbolic establishment of human - animal boundaries in the European history is considered as well. The thesis reflects essential turning points and tendencies which had the influence on the trend of inclusion and exclusion of animals to/from society. Reader should get the basic knowledge about the development of human - animal relationship through the history.

CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES DEPARTMENT OF GENERAL ANTHROPOLOGY BY MGR. BC. DZMITRY BADZEVICH THE PEASANTS OF THE POLESIE DURING THE ABOLITION OF SERFDOM The Reaction of the Peasantry To The Abolition Of Serfdom In Pinsk District Of Minsk Province of Russian Empire, 1861-1864 Dissertation abstract Prague 2017 2 ABSTRACT From the exact wording of the thesis title was this study engaged in a broader sociological and cultural anthropological discussion about the meanings and implications of the historical event as was the abolition of serfdom in the Russian empire in 1861 on the everyday life of its contemporary actors. For well-devoted reader (in the different methodologies of the history and European national historiographies), it would seem that the topic of the abolition of serfdom in the Russian empire and its impact on society and social and cultural sphere is largely explored. But at the moment, when the critically analyzing readers begin to think closely about how the understanding of serfdom abolition has worked during the last hundred year, it might be quite obvious for them, that no one of dozen university intellectuals and amateurs has tried to go to the heart of the historical event; many intellectuals only got all mixing up on the field of quasi-scientific abstractive terms...