Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Este trabalho tem como tema a formação histórica dos estados modernos, analisando a literatura sobre o fenômeno na Europa e na América Latina. Seu argumento principal é que podemos, tomando a sociologia histórica como teoria política, desenvolver ferramentas metodológicas e teóricas mais acuradas para entender as organizações estatais e a explicação histórica em ciências sociais. O argumento secundário é que a discussão contemporânea sobre construção de estados vem carregada de um viés modernizador na forma como articula o conceito de estado com o processo de seu desenvolvimento. Refinando essa ideia, o trabalho especifica o viés modernizador em termos de distorções na visão de estado e de história, transpondo-o como parâmetro de crítica a determinadas narrativas sobre os estados latino-americanos e sua formação. Como contraponto, recorre aos marcos da crítica substantiva e formal às teorias da modernização feita pela sociologia histórico-comparativa nas décadas de 1970 e 1980. Como resultado, propõe a convergência entre uma teoria crítica do estado e uma noção de processo histórico aberta à variação, à contingência e à contextualidade. Ao final, o trabalho enquadra uma nova onda de estudos histórico-comparativos sobre os estados latino-americanos, percebendo nela caminhos promissores para a superação do viés modernizador. / This dissertation focuses on the historical formation of modern states, analyzing the literature about such phenomenon in Europe and Latin America. Its main argument is that it is possible to, by assuming historical sociology as political theory, to develop more accurate theoretical and methodological tools to understand state organizations and the historical explanation in social sciences. The secondary argument is that the ongoing discussion on state building is embedded in a modernizing bias in the way it articulates a concept of state with the process of its development. Exploring this insight, the dissertation specifies the modernizing bias in terms of distortions in the comprehension of state and history, converting it into a yardstick for the critique of certain narratives on the Latin American states and its formation. As reply, it traces back the substantive and methodological criticism of modernization theories made by comparative-historical sociology in the 1970s and 1980s. As a result, it proposes a convergence between a critical theory of the state with a notion of historical process open to variation, contingency and contextuality. By the end, the dissertation explores a new wave of historical-comparative studies on Latin American states, emphasizing promising pathways for the transcendence of the modernizing bias.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta é uma tese sociológico-histórica sobre o constitucionalismo liberal na América Latina. A hipótese principal deste trabalho seria de que o liberalismo colocado em prática nas constituições latino-americanas durante o século XIX foi sofrendo algumas transformações que levaram à atenuação de sua proposta original. A matriz inicial extremamente focada na afirmação abstrata da individualidade natural e autocentrada das pessoas sujeitos de direito presente nas constituições promulgadas no século XIX passou por processos de redefinição e re-substancialização no decorrer do século XX e princípio do XXI. É o que chamamos de transformação da noção de pessoa. Nesse processo de atenuação transformadora, podemos, também, observar que o Estado não possui a mesma raison detre que possuía no século XIX. De maneira descontínua, no século XX e começo do XXI processos que demonstram a demanda por maior legitimidade das estruturas do Estado podem ser igualmente observados. Os dois principais marcos que nos permitiriam falar do processo de atenuação do liberalismo são: a incorporação dos direitos trabalhistas na primeira metade do século XX e os processos recentes de reconhecimento dos direitos das populações originárias e/ou afrodescendentes. Ao contrário do que algumas análises indicam, atestamos que essas reformas, por não representarem um rompimento definitivo com processos anteriores não têm colocado em cheque a concepção moderna do liberalismo constitucional. Modernidade essa que, como sustentamos na tese, tem a América Latina como um de seus principais protagonistas, não sendo correto admitir que a região é um agente histórico passivo e que seja colocada como periferia de um sistema externalizado. Por meio da análise qualitativa das constituições proclamadas em cinco países latino-americanos Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, México e Panamá foi possível colocar em uma perspectiva histórica como o liberalismo tem se atenuado, como a transformação da noção de pessoa tem acontecido e como o Estado, de maneira descontínua, tem sido transformado para se tornar mais legítimo / This is a historical sociological thesis about constitutional liberalism in Latin America. The main hypothesis is that the constitutional liberalism of the nineteenth century has been transformed and attenuated in relation to its original matrix. The initial model focused principally on the abstract affirmation of a natural and self-centred individuality of the subjects of rights. This characteristic was more emphasized in the constitutions of the nineteenth century, but it was redefined and re-substantialized during the twentieth and early twenty-first century. That is what we call the transformation of the notion of the person. In this process of attenuation and transformation, it is also possible to observe that the state does not have the same raison detre that it had during the nineteenth century. In a discontinuous process, during the twentieth century there was an increasing demand for the legitimacy of the statess structures. In Latin America, the two main constitutional processes that allowed us to talk about the attenuation of liberalism are: firstly, the incorporation of collective labour rights in the beginning of the twentieth century and, secondly, in the twentieth and early twenty first century the recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples and black-descendents. Against some current views, it is argued in this thesis that those reforms have not questioned the main tenets of modern liberalism. Indeed, modernity, as a social phenomenon constructed by different realities, as argued in this work, since its very beginning has Latin America in its core and playing a central role. In this sense it is not true to say that the region is a passive historical agent or it should be placed in the periphery of an external system. Through a qualitative analysis of all the constitutions proclaimed in five Latin American countries Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Mexico and Panama it is possible to put in historical perspective how liberalism has been attenuated; how a transformation of the notion of the person has taken place; and how the states, in discontinuous ways, have been transformed to become more legitimate

A Dinamarca possui, sem dúvida alguma, uma das políticas mais excepcionais em relação à Europa integrada. Desde os primórdios da integração europeia, no início dos anos 50, o país demonstrou um forte ceticismo e, para alguns, um forte receio com a ideia de uma Europa unida. Mesmo após sua incorporação à Comunidade Europeia, no início dos anos 70, a Dinamarca se posicionou como membro de uma outra comunidade, a nórdica, e que, dessa forma, seu papel na Comunidade Europeia consistia em criar uma ponte entre estas duas comunidades. Era de comum entendimento entre as elites do país, bem como por grande parte da sociedade civil, que a integração europeia representava valores típicos da Europa continental que, por sua vez, conflitavam com os valores nórdicos. O excepcionalismo dinamarquês manteve-se mesmo após o término da Guerra Fria, quando, em 1993, o Governo do país compreendeu, em seu Livro Branco, que a União Europeia seria o principal fórum internacional para a promoção dos valores e interesses da Dinamarca, mas devido a uma recusa popular em aceitar o Tratado que Estabelecia a União Europeia, o país estipulou a existência de quatro ressalvas formais os opt-outs às políticas europeias, entre aquelas mais sensíveis à soberania nacional. Inúmeras hipóteses foram levantadas na tentativa de compreender tal peculiaridade, entre estas, destacamos a existência de uma percepção mantida tanto pela elite política do país, como por parte da sociedade civil, de uma alternativa nórdica à Europa. Dessa forma, a relutância dinamarquesa com o processo europeu de integração poderia ser compreendido pelo desejo do país em se inserir em um outro processo de integração, somente entre os países nórdicos. Tendo em vista tal entendimento, esta pesquisa, através de uma abordagem sociológico-histórica, tem por objetivo compreender em que medida a percepção de uma alternativa nórdica à Europa impactou na construção do, então chamado, dilema de integração dinamarquês, ou seja, desta posição relutante desenvolvida pelo país em relação à Comunidade Europeia / União Europeia. Para colaborar, iremos analisar a questão nórdica no desenvolvimento da política externa e de segurança da Dinamarca. Argumentaremos que embora nem sempre tenha sido apresentado como uma alternativa real, a questão nórdica demonstra-se de extrema importância para compreender a posição dinamarquesa na Europa. / Denmark has, without doubt, one of the most exceptional policies towards Europe. From the beginning of European integration in the early 50s the country has demonstrated a strong skepticism and, for some, a strong concern with the idea of a united Europe. Even after her incorporation into the European Community in the early 70s, Denmark has positioned herself as a member of another community, the Nordic one, and, therefore, the Danish role in the European Community was to \'build bridges\' between these two communities. It was a common understanding among the Danish elites, and to a large part of civil society, that European integration represented typical values of the \'continental Europe\' which, in turn, were in conflict with the Nordic values. The Danish exceptionalism remained even after the end of the Cold War, when in 1993 the Danish government understood in its White Paper that the European Union would be the main international forum for the promotion of Danish values and interest, but due to a popular refusal to accept the Treaty that established the European Union, the government stipulated the existence of four formal reservations - the opt-outs to European policies, among those most sensitive to national sovereignty. Several hypotheses have been raised in an attempt to understand this peculiarity, among these, we can highlight the existence of a perception both by the political elite of the country as by civil society of a Nordic alternative to Europe. Thus, the Danish reluctance to the European integration process could be understood by the country\'s desire to be part in another integration process, among the Nordic countries. Therefore, through a historical sociological approach, this research seeks to understand to what extent the perception of a Nordic alternative to Europe impacted on the construction of the so called \'Danish integration dilemma, i.e. in this reluctant position developed by the country towards the European Community / European Union. To this end, we will examine the Nordic question in the development of the Danish Foreign and Security Policy. We will argue that although it has not always been presented as a real alternative, the Nordic question can be seen as a very important factor to understand the Danish position in Europe.

Entre les décennies 1960 et 1980 émergent les courants de l’« art de la performance », du « happening », du « body art », de l’« art corporel » ou encore de l’« art de l’action », qui désignent les démarches des nombreux plasticiens qui font directement intervenir le corps, souvent leur propre corps, dans leurs travaux. À travers les productions des acteurs qui soutiennent ces courants le corps est fabriqué comme un sujet légitime d’attention et de valeur. La thèse décrit l’émergence de ces courants artistiques pendant la décennie 1970 en soutenant qu’ils peuvent et doivent être interrogés comme des phénomènes sociaux. En effet, jamais auparavant autant d’acteurs des mondes de l’art visuel n’avaient décidé simultanément de se tourner vers le corps lui-même, et de le mettre à l’œuvre, à l’ouvrage, à l’épreuve. Interroger leurs productions du point de vue du corps peut permettre de dérouler de comprendre en profondeur la présence incisive et percutante du phénomène. Ces courants viennent poser des questions cruciales à l’anatomie du travail créateur : rapports sociaux de sexe, interactions avec les spectateurs, engagements politiques, marchandisation. L’étude, sociohistorique, focalise autour de trois scènes (France, côtes est et ouest des États-Unis) à partir d’un corpus d’archives documentaires (entretiens, critiques, essais, manifestes, notations, photographies). La thèse comprend un volet d’enquête qui mesure la reconnaissance de ces pratiques, un second volet d’histoire institutionnelle et intellectuelle qui décrit les savoir-faire et les modalités d’énonciation liés aux actions et aux événements et enfin, une topographie qui résume les modèles du corps produits par les gestes les raisonnements des artistes et de leurs commentateurs. / « Performance art », « body art » and « happenings » appeared on the art scene between the 1960s and the 1980s. The human body was at the heart of these artistic movements, to the extent that many artists embodied their own works. Within such creative processes and productions, the body undeniably became a legitimate subject of attention and value. This dissertation describes the initial stages of the art movements aforementioned, and argues that they must be analyzed as sociological phenomenons. Never before had such a larger of artists within the same time period decided to focus on the entity of the body itself, to use and misuse it so intensely. Observing their approaches through the lens of the body allows us to voice critical questions about the anatomy of a creative work - gender relations, interactions with the viewers, political commitments, and marketing. This sociohistorical research studies three landmark art scenes of the time (France, the east coast, and the west coast of the USA), by delving into a documentary material of archives (interviews, reviews, essays, manifestos, notations and photographs). The thesis begins with a sociological inquiry which measures the visibility of these artistic movements ; it is followed by a history of the institutional and critical apparatus which described the atistic skills and statements at work within body actions and happenings ; lastly, the dissertation presents a topography of the workings of the body, drawn from the artists’ performances and theoretical stances, as well as art critics’ viewpoints and analyses.

La présente thèse étudie l’exercice du pouvoir et ses transformations à partir de l’observation d’opérations concrètes de la gestion macroéconomique dans deux pays d’Afrique, le Burkina Faso et la Mauritanie, et un territoire antillais, la Guadeloupe. Elle situe son approche à l’intersection de l’anthropologie, de la sociologie de la quantification et de la sociologie historique du politique. L’exercice du pouvoir repose sur les pratiques de gestion de l’économie dans une pluralité de rapports : ceux qui font miroiter l’espoir de piloter l’économie dans une logique instrumentale, comme ceux qui font des procédures formelles des outils de légitimation au service de régimes en place, ou encore ceux qui font de la gestion macro-économique un lieu de lutte pour l’accès aux ressources. La macroéconomie est polysémique et elle est au centre d’un « compromis technocratique » qui a une large portée. Dans les trois cas étudiés, l’observation fine du calcul macroéconomique montre que les ethos techniciens sont déterminants pour saisir l’exercice du pouvoir. Les luttes sociales et politiques autour de la vie chère ou de l’éducation, ou encore les débats sur les faux semblants du réformisme mettent les chiffres au centre des rapports sociaux et politiques. Sur les scènes politiques en ébullition de la Mauritanie, de la Guadeloupe et du Burkina Faso, les objets de la gestion économique opèrent, guident les actions des individus, suscitent la contestation. La macroéconomie n’est pas seulement dans les bureaux, elle constitue un répertoire populaire du politique. Elle est ancrée dans l’histoire propre de ces sociétés et dans les logiques autonomes de la technique et des procédures. / This thesis examines the exercise of power and its transformations, based on the observation of concrete operations of macroeconomic management in two African countries, Burkina Faso and Mauritania, and one Caribbean territory, Guadeloupe. Its approach involves a combination of anthropology, the sociology of quantification and the historical sociology of the political.The exercise of power rests on practices of economic management that are caught up in a network of relations. There are those who dangle the prospect of steering the economy in accordance with an instrumental logic; there are those turn formal procedures into tools for legitimizing current regimes; and there are those who turn macroeconomic management into the site of a struggle for access to resources. Macroeconomics has many meanings and lies at the centre of a wide-ranging ‘technocratic compromise’. In all three cases studied, the detailed observation of macroeconomic calculation shows that the technocratic ethos is crucial for an understanding of the exercise of power. Social and political struggles over education and the high cost of living, and debates on the illusory claims of reformism, place the numerical approach at the very heart of social and political relations. On the turbulent political scene in Mauritania, Guadeloupe and Burkina Faso, the objects of economic management are at work, guiding the actions of individuals and provoking protest. Indeed, macroeconomics is not just to be found in the office: it is part of the political repertoire of ordinary people. It is rooted both in the specific history of these societies and in the autonomous logics of technique and procedure.

Este trabalho analisa a construção e o desenvolvimento dos negócios da família Rheingantz, a partir das redes sociais constituídas e operadas por três gerações familiares, no período de 1840 até 1930. A tese investiga o papel do capital social ao longo do tempo, seu uso pelos membros familiares e a transmissão geracional. Percebendo a família Rheingantz como um grupo imigrante singular em termos de adaptação em solo brasileiro, essa análise busca refletir o papel dos laços transnacionais na construção e manutenção de empreendimentos de propriedade imigrante. Fruto de ampla pesquisa histórica, a tese apresenta uma narrativa de abordagem sócio histórica, que tem entre seus objetivos: investigar o papel das redes transmigrantes na formação e no desenvolvimento das empresas da família Rheingantz ao longo do tempo; analisar o uso de capital social entre membros familiares e sua transmissão entre gerações; avaliar quais os grupos envolvidos com os negócios da família Rheingantz e quais os benefícios que podem ter recebido no interior das redes sociais. / This work analyzes the construction and development of the Rheingantz family business, focusing on the social networks operated by three generations of the family, between 1840 until 1930. The thesis investigates the role of social capital over time, its use by family members and intergenerational transmission. Understanding the immigrant Rheingantz family as uniquely successful in adaptation to Brazil, this analysis emphasizes the role of transnational ties in the construction and maintenance of immigrant enterprises. The result of extensive historical research, this thesis presents a socio-historical narrative that has among its objectives: investigate the role of transmigrant networks in the formation and development of the Rheingantz family businesses over time; analyze the use of social capital by family members and its transmission between generations; assess which groups were involved in the Rheingantz family business, and what benefits they received within the social networks.

Le sujet interroge les procédés de structuration et de configuration d’une cour impériale, qu’ils soient spontanés ou à l’initiative de l’empereur. Comme le rappelle le sociologue allemand Norbert Elias, dont les travaux encadrent largement cette étude, la cour ne doit pas son existence à la volonté d’un seul individu. Le cadre chronologique de cette étude est celui d’un long IVe siècle, prétexte à l’observation d’une évolution de la structure aulique et de l’image de la dignité impériale sur le long terme. L’Occident offre un objet d’étude privilégié, par sa diversité et ses pratiques du pouvoir héritières d’une ancienne centralité axée sur la ville de Rome. Notre hypothèse de recherche vise à pondérer le « paradigme du prince décideur » et à faire de l’empereur du IVe siècle un acteur de la cour et non plus seulement le point nodal d’une structure aulique qui tend à s’autonomiser. Il s’agit de mieux appréhender l’évolution de la pratique d’un pouvoir souvent perçu comme autocratique, le façonnement d’une cour destinée à servir le prestige d’une dignité impériale restaurée et l’autonomisation d’une administration extrêmement lourde. La permanence de certains réseaux d’influence à la cour semble entraîner un paradoxe entre le renforcement de l’autorité impériale et la faiblesse de l’influence décisionnelle des empereurs dans certains domaines de la vie politique. Cette contradiction ménage de nouveaux espaces du pouvoir jusque dans les territoires de l’empire, sous la forme de projections spatiales de la réalité aulique à travers la mobilité des hauts fonctionnaires. De là, la cour apparaît d’abord comme une abstraction soumise au politique avant que d’être une réalité topographique. L’ « absolutisme » en tant que « trait dominant du régime » mérite une nouvelle approche historiographique à l’aune de ces nouvelles pratiques du pouvoir à l’œuvre dès la Tétrarchie. / The present subject examines the processes of structuration and configuration of an imperial court. Those processes could be spontaneous or on the emperor’s initiative. As the German sociologist Norbert Elias reminds us, the court doesn’t owe its existence to the will of one person. This study takes place in a long 4th century and highlights the evolution of the court structure and the representation of the imperial dignity over the long term. The Western empire is a priviledged field of study due to the diversity of its political practices of power inherited from the old centrality of power settled in Rome. Our research hypothesis is about moderating the paradigm of the ‘decision-maker prince’. In that sense, the emperor of the Late Roman Empire would become an actor of the court again and not only the nodal point of this structure which is trying to become autonomous. We would like to better comprehend the evolution of a power usually regarded as autocratic, the making process of a court intended to serve the prestige of a restored imperial dignity and the autonomisation of an heavy administration. There is a paradox between the permanency of some political networks at court, the reinforcement of the imperial authority and the decision-making weakness of the emperors in some aspects of the political life. This contradiction creates new spaces of power in empire's territories because of the mobility of the senior officials. In that, the court appears more as a political abstraction than just a topographic reality. The ‘absolutism’ of that time deserves a new historiographical approach to understand those new political practices noticeable since the Tetrarchy.

À partir d’une approche socio-historique, la thèse propose une analyse des mécanismes de fabrication d’une politique du livre en Bretagne. En restituant les logiques sociales à l’œuvre dans le processus de naturalisation d’une politique publique de la culture, de la période de la Libération à la période actuelle, l’étude entend retracer les configurations successives de négociations et de luttes – entre les agents de l’Etat et les agents sociaux qui composent l’espace régional (notamment au sein des champs éditorial et politique) – pour le monopole de la définition d’une « identité régionale ». Dans cette perspective, « le livre » constitue un instrument légitime de production et de promotion de perceptions antagonistes de « la culture ». De sorte que le retour sur les conditions sociales et historiques d’émergence d’une catégorie d’intervention publique révèle les usages différenciés du « livre » et les enjeux politiques de « la culture », en les rapportant aux trajectoires individuelles et collectives des agents investis dans l’espace des mouvements sociaux bretons, en fonction d’une conjoncture nationale de prise de conscience régionale et de remise en cause de l’ordre symbolique établi. Il conduit par ailleurs à repérer le travail de représentation politique des institutions régionales consistant à homogénéiser une politique culturelle et le sens public qui en découle. De l’incorporation d’une indignité culturelle au renversement de l’ordonnancement légitime du monde social, l’histoire de la politique du livre en Bretagne met ainsi au jour les rapports de force engagés, avec et contre l’Etat, pour l’institutionnalisation de la région. / From a sociohistorical perspective, this thesis analyses the different developments that lead to the creation of a political identity through the use of the book in Brittany (France). By restoring the social logistics at work in the process of institutionalisation of a cultural policy, from the Liberation (1945) up to the present day, this study aims to retrace the path of the successive struggles – between State bodies and local bodies (particularly editors and politics) – in monopolizing the definition of a “regional identity”. In this regard, “the book” constitutes a legitimate instrument in the production and promotion of opposing views of “the culture”. Consequently, looking back on the social and historical conditions of the emergence of a public intervention highlights the different ways the book is used and also the political stakes of “the culture”. That must be put in parallel with both individual and collective paths of the bodies invested in the Breton social movements, which are taking place in a nationwide growth of a regional awareness and challenge of the established symbolic order. It is also necessary also to notice the work of the regional institutions in their political representation in order to homogenize a cultural policy and the public meaning that follows. From the acceptance of a cultural unworthiness to the overhauling of the legitimate order of the social field, the history of the book policy in Brittany highlights the power struggles engaged with and against the State for the institutionalisation of the region.

280f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-11T18:12:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Jean Araujoseg.pdf: 3152859 bytes, checksum: 3ef45787638eccde5ba291aa36d1b9c1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná(dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-05-09T14:12:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Jean Araujoseg.pdf: 3152859 bytes, checksum: 3ef45787638eccde5ba291aa36d1b9c1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T14:12:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Jean Araujoseg.pdf: 3152859 bytes, checksum: 3ef45787638eccde5ba291aa36d1b9c1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / FAPESB / Este estudo tem por finalidade investigar o processo de desenvolvimento urbano implementado pelos grupos de elite da cidade da Bahia durante a segunda metade do século XIX e a primeira metade do século XX, permitindo compreender a configuração da cidade no início do século XXI. Tal processo foi impulsionado por um discurso modernizador que procurou efetivar, mediante uma política de controle social, a prevenção de enfermidades, a intervenção na estrutura física da cidade e a implantação da campanha de normatização para o uso pelos habitantes da cidade tanto do espaço público quanto privado, em especial, pelas camadas populares. Tem início, então, a produção do espaço capitalista que acontecia por intermédio de novas relações sociais, no movimento da vida, da natureza e da artificialidade, principalmente, no processo de construção de representações sobre os domínios do espaço citadino, constituindo, portanto, uma ferramenta essencial para os pensamentos e as ações voltados à produção e reprodução do capitalismo. Além de meio de produção, o espaço também constitui meio de controle, dominação e poder. A produção do espaço urbano na cidade da Bahia, a exemplo de outras cidades brasileiras e européias, seguia cada vez mais um parâmetro de segregação social, em que os grupos de elite, impulsionados pelo discurso de modernização, determinavam sua conformação, excluindo abertamente as camadas populares. / Salvador

Este trabalho analisa a construção e o desenvolvimento dos negócios da família Rheingantz, a partir das redes sociais constituídas e operadas por três gerações familiares, no período de 1840 até 1930. A tese investiga o papel do capital social ao longo do tempo, seu uso pelos membros familiares e a transmissão geracional. Percebendo a família Rheingantz como um grupo imigrante singular em termos de adaptação em solo brasileiro, essa análise busca refletir o papel dos laços transnacionais na construção e manutenção de empreendimentos de propriedade imigrante. Fruto de ampla pesquisa histórica, a tese apresenta uma narrativa de abordagem sócio histórica, que tem entre seus objetivos: investigar o papel das redes transmigrantes na formação e no desenvolvimento das empresas da família Rheingantz ao longo do tempo; analisar o uso de capital social entre membros familiares e sua transmissão entre gerações; avaliar quais os grupos envolvidos com os negócios da família Rheingantz e quais os benefícios que podem ter recebido no interior das redes sociais. / This work analyzes the construction and development of the Rheingantz family business, focusing on the social networks operated by three generations of the family, between 1840 until 1930. The thesis investigates the role of social capital over time, its use by family members and intergenerational transmission. Understanding the immigrant Rheingantz family as uniquely successful in adaptation to Brazil, this analysis emphasizes the role of transnational ties in the construction and maintenance of immigrant enterprises. The result of extensive historical research, this thesis presents a socio-historical narrative that has among its objectives: investigate the role of transmigrant networks in the formation and development of the Rheingantz family businesses over time; analyze the use of social capital by family members and its transmission between generations; assess which groups were involved in the Rheingantz family business, and what benefits they received within the social networks.