Military historians have been debating the U.S. Army's World War II replacement system for decades, but no one has completed a detailed study of the War Department's policies and practice. Authors have focused primarily on how combat units overcame the system's limitations, but they have not conducted an in-depth examination of its creation, structure, and function. Nor did they question why infantry divisions had to devise their own replacement policies in the first place. The extant literature is too celebratory of the army and utilizes ultimate victory as a measure of efficiency and effectiveness. Such a myopic view has prevented these earlier studies from evaluating how the replacement system affected the overall course of the European war. This dissertation breaks new ground by presenting a comprehensive overview of the replacement system--from the War Department down to the squad, and from the last days of World War I through the post-World War II years. It will elucidate a process of failed administration and implementation at the highest levels of the War Department and army, but it will also relate a "grassroots" story of success at the divisional level and below. The War Department's managerial approach to the utilization of military manpower was both inefficient and wasteful. The army largely overlooked the impact of individuality, morale, psyche, experience, and training on a soldier's performance. Its insistence on rushing men to the line once combat operations began meant that it often neglected to train, orient, and equip replacements in a manner conducive to their favorable and effective integration into combat units. The GIs at the front, both veterans and replacements alike, suffered for this oversight. / History

Edward Mallory "Ned" Almond belonged to the generation of US Army officers who came of age during World War I and went on to hold important command positions in World War II and the Korean War. His contemporaries included some of America's greatest captains such as Omar N. Bradley. While Almond is no longer a household name, he played a key role in Army history. Almond was ambitious and gave his all to everything he did. He was a careful student of his profession, a successful commander at battalion and corps level, a dedicated staff officer, something of a scholar, a paternalistic commander turned vehement racist, and a right-wing zealot. He earned his greatest accolades commanding the American troops who landed at Inchon, South Korea, on September 15, 1950, an amphibious flanking movement that temporarily transformed the nature of the Korean War. A soldier of such accomplishments and contradictions has gone too long without a scholarly biography; this dissertation will fill that void. This biography of Lt. Gen. Edward M. Almond makes a significant and original contribution to the existing historiography by examining his life in the context of the times in which he served. Almond earned tremendous respect throughout his career for his work as a commander and military administrator from his superiors, including Gen. George C. Marshall and Gen. Douglas MacArthur, but his current reputation as the US Army's most virulent racist overshadows all of these accomplishments. Almond's attitude was not unique; racism pervaded both the Army and the United States of his day. His views reflected the dominant view of the rural white South where he grew up, and did not differ much from those of his more famous peers. Almond, however, would never accept the changes his contemporaries and the Army eventually acknowledged. Almond's reactionary posture stands in sharp contrast to the rest of his career, in which he distinguished himself as an innovator open to new ideas. This dissertation will attempt to reconcile that other Almond and show that there was more to him than his bigoted command policies. Almond's career paralleled these developments in American society and changes in the US Army. His highly professional attitude yet stubborn resistance to social change typified the senior military leadership of the era. When those racial attitudes began to change, Almond represented an increasingly outdated ideology that held black men were innately incapable of becoming good soldiers. At the end of a long life and successful career, Almond was better known for his repugnant racial attitudes than for his genuine successes. First, Almond performed better as the commander of the 92nd Division than is commonly reported, despite that unit's significant difficulties in combat. This dissertation will also explore how his experiences with the 92nd Division, and the Army's later desegregation decisions, embittered him toward black soldiers. Second, both success and failure marked his command of X Corps in Korea, and his personal relationships with other officers obscured some of his accomplishments. Third, while serving as commandant of the US Army War College, Almond would tap his rich store of military experience to push the Army toward a greater commitment to joint operations. / History

The entrance of the German Invasion of Poland and depiction thereof into modern historiographical conversations offers historians superior articulation of the creation of historical memory, mythos, and identity ‒ especially in wider terms of European Imperialism. By utilizing the current trends in gendering of empire, the use of auto-biography and life writing to understand felt realities and obfuscated truths, and the attempts by empire to queer and utilize labeled deviations to control and gain power over their colonized subjects, one is presented a better understanding of how the German Invasion of Poland fits into the story of empire and indigeneity. That story continues past the Third Reich however, as German propaganda in its various forms was accepted as truth after the Second World War, providing justification for and rationalizing post war political power structures of Western nations. As the threat of a cold war with the USSR loomed, many in the American military felt it necessary to accept and support German myths about their military prowess (and non-culpability for the Holocaust) and the inferiority of Slavic military forces. By analyzing not the myths themselves, but how they were created and propagated, historians can add to this historical conversation a case study of just how two seemingly opposed power structures can mobilize similar myths as justification for their own desires and decisions, and in doing so, mythologize the identity and memory of the earnest beginning of the Holocaust.

The United States Army of the Second World War faced a shortage of manpower after two decades of budgetary and organizational neglect following the post-First World. According to the Chief of Staff, George C. Marshall, this period of mobilization, between 1939 and 1941, was the most crucial of the entire war. In this period, the United States Army pursued large-scale peacetime mobilization, breaking from eighty years of traditional policy. As such, the effort to increase allocations for armaments, industrial expansion, tactical reorganization of the ground forces, mobilizing the National Guard, and the implementation of a peacetime draft all faced an uphill political battle to accomplish, reflecting the complicated political factionalism of the late New-Deal United States. Between the outbreak of hostilities in Europe in 1939 and December 1941, the United States Army grew from less than 150,000 men to more than 1 million personnel, incorporating the National Guard and inductees while also adopting many of the weapon systems it would use throughout the conflict. By mobilizing a usable core for a wartime army and vetting its general tactics and doctrine in peacetime, the Army leadership provided a cadre capable of responding to some of the Allied powers' strategic requirements during the critical year of 1942.

No description available.

This thesis examines the political, social and, in particular, military conditions that influenced the allegiance of the men and women of the political community of Lothian, that is to say those people with personal landholding, legal and military obligations whose services were crucial to the efficient administration of the sheriffdom and whose support was courted by kings and magnates alike. The key issue is the high degree of survival among these minor landed families. The upper strata of Scottish political society underwent considerable changes in the early to middle fourteenth century through the fortunes of war, in particular through the disinheritance of the Comyn family and their allies early in the reign of Robert I. Some families lost their Scottish properties, such as the Balliols and the Comyns. Others grew in stature; notably the Douglases and, in Lothian specifically, the Setons and the Lauders. Most landholders would probably have been content to retain their inheritances, and indeed, virtually all of the Lothian landed families of the late thirteenth century would seem to have managed to do just that. A high rate of success is not necessarily evidence that something is easily achieved; the retention of family properties was a complex business in wartime. In the period 1296-1314 the political community had to discharge their financial, legal and military burdens to the party currently in charge, but without permanently compromising themselves with the opposition, who might, after all, be in a position to exert lordship themselves at some point in the future. The military burdens are central to this thesis. Army service was a very obvious indication of allegiance. Given the nature of the normal practice of war in thirteenth and fourteenth century Europe, it is inevitable that this study examines the nature and incidence of armoured cavalry service in Lothian. The overwhelming majority of that service was performed by minor landholders. Records of their service in garrisons or their forfeiture as rebels provide us with a guide to the rate and incidence of defections from one party to another and therefore some guide to the degree to which a particular party was able to impose their lordship. The thesis explores the various challenges that faced the lesser landholders and more prosperous tenants and burgesses who lived through the Wars of Independence from the campaign of 1296 which ended the reign of King John and imposed the rule of Edward I, until 1341 when Edinburgh castle was recovered by the Scots from the forces of Edward III. It also questions the extent to which Edward III was able to impose his lordship in Lothian, considers the nature of the forces ranged against him and challenges the perception that only the outbreak of the Hundred Years War prevented the operational defeat of the Bruce party. The siege of Edinburgh castle in 1341 marked the end of the last attempt by an English medieval king to provide Lothian with a government. Naturally this would not have been abundantly apparent at the time; however subsequent English invasions, though they might attack Edinburgh, were not designed to bring about the conquest of Lothian. The political environment of Lothian landholders therefore differed substantially in 1296-41 compared to the century either side of the Wars of Independence in that the minor nobility faced difficult decisions which had to be made on assessments of the likely eventual success of the Balliol, Plantagenet and Bruce parties.

Le but de ce mémoire est de poser un regard comparatiste sur les conséquences éventuelles de la politique eugénique totalitaire du Troisième Reich, et ce, dans l’optique où ce régime aurait eu la chance de poursuivre ses ambitions à ce niveau. En portant respectivement notre attention sur la structure organisationnelle du NSDAP, de l’État et de l’autorité, sur les étapes spécifiques de l’établissement du totalitarisme hitlérien, sur les diverses techniques de propagande et d’endoctrinement utilisées par les nazis pour accomplir l’unification du peuple allemand, ainsi que sur l’application pratique et le discours relatif à la politique eugénique dans le Reich et sur les territoires occupés, nous comprendrons que le mouvement propre au totalitarisme hitlérien, en changeant constamment sa définition respective de l’« élite » et de l’être « dépravé », n’aurait jamais mis fin à la purge raciale de la population sous son joug. Par conséquent, la place de l’« allemand moyen » aurait été quasi inexistante. Le Troisième Reich, par élimination et élevage social constant, aurait donc créé un « homme nouveau », basé sur l’idéologie arbitraire et instable du régime et pigé dans les peuples occupés à divers degré. Au bout de plusieurs générations, cet être nouveau aurait constitué le « noyau racial » de la population d’une nouvelle Europe aryanisée, construite sur le cadavre de la plus grande partie des anciens peuples du continent, incluant le peuple allemand. / The aim of this memoir is to examine and compare what could have been the consequences of the Third Reich’s totalitarian eugenics, considering the context in which this regime had the opportunity to fulfill its political ambitions. In fact, the NSDAP, the state and the authority’s structure; the various steps that led to the establishment of the Hitlerian totalitarian regime; the numerous propaganda and indoctrination exercises taken on Nazis in order to achieve the german unification; the practical purposes as well as the eugenics related discourse within the Reich and all of the occupied territories, are some of the most important aspects explaining the evolution of the Hitlerian totalitarian movement. These factors clearly demonstrate why a movement that is constantly changing its opinion about the elites and the reprobates could never have put to an end the racial purge that was in place at that time. Consequently, the ordinary German citizen would have been practically nonexistent. The Third Reich would therefore have created a new type of people through elimination and by continuously manipulating the notion of class and social ranking. The nazi conception of power, the state, race, and national unity was based on an arbitrary and erratic ideology that was, to a certain extent, acquired from the invaded people. A great many generations later, this new human being would have represented the main ethnic group of the newly formed Aryan population, a nation built upon the dead bodies of the majority of the ancient people living on the European continent, including the German.

No description available.

No description available.

Le but de ce mémoire est de poser un regard comparatiste sur les conséquences éventuelles de la politique eugénique totalitaire du Troisième Reich, et ce, dans l’optique où ce régime aurait eu la chance de poursuivre ses ambitions à ce niveau. En portant respectivement notre attention sur la structure organisationnelle du NSDAP, de l’État et de l’autorité, sur les étapes spécifiques de l’établissement du totalitarisme hitlérien, sur les diverses techniques de propagande et d’endoctrinement utilisées par les nazis pour accomplir l’unification du peuple allemand, ainsi que sur l’application pratique et le discours relatif à la politique eugénique dans le Reich et sur les territoires occupés, nous comprendrons que le mouvement propre au totalitarisme hitlérien, en changeant constamment sa définition respective de l’« élite » et de l’être « dépravé », n’aurait jamais mis fin à la purge raciale de la population sous son joug. Par conséquent, la place de l’« allemand moyen » aurait été quasi inexistante. Le Troisième Reich, par élimination et élevage social constant, aurait donc créé un « homme nouveau », basé sur l’idéologie arbitraire et instable du régime et pigé dans les peuples occupés à divers degré. Au bout de plusieurs générations, cet être nouveau aurait constitué le « noyau racial » de la population d’une nouvelle Europe aryanisée, construite sur le cadavre de la plus grande partie des anciens peuples du continent, incluant le peuple allemand. / The aim of this memoir is to examine and compare what could have been the consequences of the Third Reich’s totalitarian eugenics, considering the context in which this regime had the opportunity to fulfill its political ambitions. In fact, the NSDAP, the state and the authority’s structure; the various steps that led to the establishment of the Hitlerian totalitarian regime; the numerous propaganda and indoctrination exercises taken on Nazis in order to achieve the german unification; the practical purposes as well as the eugenics related discourse within the Reich and all of the occupied territories, are some of the most important aspects explaining the evolution of the Hitlerian totalitarian movement. These factors clearly demonstrate why a movement that is constantly changing its opinion about the elites and the reprobates could never have put to an end the racial purge that was in place at that time. Consequently, the ordinary German citizen would have been practically nonexistent. The Third Reich would therefore have created a new type of people through elimination and by continuously manipulating the notion of class and social ranking. The nazi conception of power, the state, race, and national unity was based on an arbitrary and erratic ideology that was, to a certain extent, acquired from the invaded people. A great many generations later, this new human being would have represented the main ethnic group of the newly formed Aryan population, a nation built upon the dead bodies of the majority of the ancient people living on the European continent, including the German.