The Department of Housing and Urban Development is the primary public agency responsible for providing housing subsidies to low-income households. The Home Choice Voucher Program (HCVP) is currently the most significant housing subsidy. The voucher can be transferred to any location where the landlord is registered with the local housing agency to participate in the program. The mobility of the voucher is designed to decrease concentrations of low-income households in areas that lack economic, educational, and social opportunities. The results of the study found that race and income have a strong negative impact on the percentage of subsidized households and rental units. The findings also show that median area rents have a negative impact on subsidized households, while home values have a negative impact on subsidized rental units. There are more subsidized households and rental units in highly populated with many households living in areas with more transit stops. finally, the data showed that jobs paying under $3,333 per month had a negative impact on the percentage of subsidized housing units. These outcomes can provide insight for HUD and public housing agencies to assist in the utilization of subsidies and encourage more landlord participation to add units to the current housing supply. The geographical selection of subsidized households and units can help promote better housing options for voucher recipients.

一般優惠房貸是政府提供購屋家戶進入房市購屋之貸款利息補助；然而，這項全面性的補貼措施究竟補貼到哪些購屋者？此問題將牽涉到該補貼措施是否公平。是以，本文試圖從申貸人及其所購產品之屬性探討該措施之公平性，透過二項羅吉特模型（Binomial Logistic Model）探究「什麼樣的購屋者，購買了什麼樣的房屋，會選擇申貸使用政府優惠房貸？」；另一方面，購屋者在具有其他政策性房貸申貸資格的情況下，「何種特質的特殊身份補貼購屋者會選擇搭配一般政府優惠房貸？」，本研究希望藉由上述兩項問題之討論，企圖了解優惠房貸政策對於個體家戶之影響，在補貼公平層面中究竟是扮演著「雪中送炭」或是「錦上添花」的角色。 研究結果發現，一般優惠房貸之提供在住宅補貼公平面成效上之效果是弊多於利。首先在補貼對象上，購屋目的為自住之購屋者，其選擇使用政府優惠房貸的發生比較非自住目的購屋者高出約2倍；而首購購屋者選擇使用政府優惠房貸之發生比較非首購購屋者多出了54%。這代表一般優惠房貸的提供讓首購自住購屋者有相對較高的機率使用政府優惠房貸達成購屋目標，在補貼對象上相對達到了部分效果；然而，由於政府過度利用貸款補貼方式刺激房市以達景氣復甦之效果，以及貸款利息補貼制度設計上的盲點（包括申貸資格之缺乏限制與多種補貼措施並行等），高所得貸款購屋者傾向選擇使用政府優惠房貸之發生比較低所得購屋者高出約3.23倍，因而造成這些購屋者得以接受雙重補貼；此外，當購屋者購買品質越好之住宅，其使用一般政府優惠房貸的機率也越大，上述結果皆表示這項補貼措施並不能排除高所得購屋者獲得政府優惠房貸補貼，也因而造成政府優惠房貸在補貼公平性之負面作用。是故，在未來的補貼政策中，除應繼續整合現行住宅貸款利息補貼措施外，並應試圖建立一套更嚴謹的申貸資格審查標準，以確保政府所提供之住宅補貼能夠對最需要的民眾有所幫助。

食、衣、住、行是人生基本需求，其中「住宅」與人民的生活息息相關，鑒於社會及經濟進步的根基，主要來自住屋的安定。因此，如何協助民眾解決居住問題，使能安心工作，是政府重要施政要項之一。 由於近年來所得最低家庭實質可支配所得已呈負成長現象，惟購屋負擔卻不減反增，參考《住宅需求動向季報》調查，台灣五大都會區「房價年所得比」，已從2002年的6.1倍增加至2008年的7.3倍，而台北市最高，由7.3倍增至9.8倍。換言之，民眾若將全部所得均用於住宅支出，而不做其他消費，需長達7至10年，始能購置住宅。若從「購屋貸款負擔」來看，房貸支出佔家庭月所得比亦從2002年的27%增加至2008年的33%，台北市則由30%增至42%，且這種情況要持續20年以上。若從「房屋購買力指數」來看，台灣七大都會區所得最低家庭購屋指數卻從2003年的0.249下降至2007年的0.206，而台北市則從0.279下降至2007年的0.206。在房價遠超過所得成長的情況下，實無力購屋，故政府以協助「租屋」方式保障中低收入弱勢家庭基本居住權，應比協助「購屋」容易多，且有其必要性，並可照顧更多家庭。 鑒於政府住宅補貼資源有限，如何有「效率」且「公平」的補貼最需要照顧的對象，是政府當前重要的課題，本研究透過文獻回顧及資料分析，了解在住宅補貼制度中，「租金補貼」相較「出售國宅」、「出租國宅」及「購屋貸款利息補貼」是較有效率且公平的作法。惟現行內政部齊頭式固定額度租金補貼的作法，並未考量受補貼者住宅費用負擔能力，有違垂直公平，且以優惠購宅貸款每月利息補貼金額的2.5倍估算租金補貼額度，其理論基礎亦有待探討。 本研究建議在所得負擔25%及最低居住面積下，依受補貼家庭之總收入、人口數及居住地區的不同，研訂差額的租金補貼額度，供政府未來政策參考。

<p>Under 1980-talets andra halva hade bostadsmarknaden sin storhetstid, många nya bostäder byggdes och antalet vakanser var nästan obefintliga. Till följd av den stora fastighetskraschen som inträffade under tidigt 1990-tal fick många bostadsföretag ekonomiska problem. Många kommunala bostadsföretag fick höga vakanser att arbeta med. För att komma till rätta med dessa problem behövde bostadsföretagen vidta åtgärder och dessa kunde bland annat vara, hyressänkningar och rabatter, marknadsföring, försäljningar, rivningar, ombyggnad och att lägga fastigheter i malpåse. För de mest utsatta kommunerna fanns i slutet av 1990-talet även möjligheten att söka statligt stöd.</p><p>Som en bakgrund till studien ges en förklaring till begreppet vakanser och naturlig vakansgrad, här beskrivs även hur vakanser i vissa fall kan ha uppkommit. Vidare ges en översiktlig beskrivning av hur bostadsmarkanden utvecklats under åren 1986 till 2006 – vad som har påverkat utvecklingen hos de kommunala bostadsföretagen och vad som har inträffat under perioden.</p><p>Syftet har i studien varit att reda ut hur kommuner med höga vakanser har arbetat, om åtgärder vidtagits och i sådana fall vilka. För att undersöka detta har ett urval på 10 kommuner med höga vakanstal gjorts. Dessa kommuner är Arboga, Bräcke, Eda, Fagersta, Karlsborg, Munkedal, Skara, Skellefteå, Surahammar och Överkalix. För att få en tydlig bild av utvecklingen i dessa kommuner har ekonomisk och demografisk statistik noggrant bearbetats.</p><p>Studien visar att alla kommuner som undersökts har vidtagit någon typ av konkret åtgärd för att komma till rätta med sina vakansproblem. Det har även visat sig att alla de kommuner som fått statligt stöd valt åtgärden rivning medan de kommuner som inte sökt stöd haft större benägenhet att även välja andra alternativ. Få kommuner har använt sig av åtgärder som exempelvis olika typer av rabatter och ökad marknadsföring för att fylla de tomma lägenheterna, utan de har istället vidtagit åtgärder som lett till minskning av hela bostadsbeståndet.</p><p>6</p> / <p>During the late 1980’s the Swedish housing market was booming, there were almost no vacancies and the construction of new housing was substantial. The big real estate collapse that occurred in the early 1990’s left many housing companies with economic problems. Many municipality-owned housing associations faced high vacancy rates. To solve their problems the housing associations had to consider a number of measures, including rent reductions and discounts, marketing, selling, demolishing, reconstruction for alternative use and to put properties in mothballs. In the late 1990’s the most exposed municipalities could even apply for Government subsidies.</p><p>As a background, the concepts vacancy rate and natural vacancy, are explained as well as the cause of vacancies in some cases. Furthermore, there is a description of how the housing market developed from 1986 to 2006, what influenced the housing associations and what happened during the period.</p><p>The purpose of this study is to investigate how municipalities with high vacancies have acted to dealing with their problem, if any measures have been taken and if so; what measures? Ten municipalities with high vacancies were examined. These municipalities are Arboga, Bräcke, Eda, Fagersta, Karlsborg, Munkedal, Skara, Skellefteå, Surahammar and Överkalix. To get a clear image of the development in these municipalities economic and demographic statistics have been carefully analysed.</p><p>The study shows that all the municipalities examined have taken some concrete measures to deal with their vacancy problems. All the municipalities that were given Government subsidies have demolished housing properties rather than tried other measures. Few municipalities has used offered rent discounts or applied marketing activities to fill empty apartments. Instead, measures that lead to a reduction of the number of apartments have been used.</p>

Under 1980-talets andra halva hade bostadsmarknaden sin storhetstid, många nya bostäder byggdes och antalet vakanser var nästan obefintliga. Till följd av den stora fastighetskraschen som inträffade under tidigt 1990-tal fick många bostadsföretag ekonomiska problem. Många kommunala bostadsföretag fick höga vakanser att arbeta med. För att komma till rätta med dessa problem behövde bostadsföretagen vidta åtgärder och dessa kunde bland annat vara, hyressänkningar och rabatter, marknadsföring, försäljningar, rivningar, ombyggnad och att lägga fastigheter i malpåse. För de mest utsatta kommunerna fanns i slutet av 1990-talet även möjligheten att söka statligt stöd. Som en bakgrund till studien ges en förklaring till begreppet vakanser och naturlig vakansgrad, här beskrivs även hur vakanser i vissa fall kan ha uppkommit. Vidare ges en översiktlig beskrivning av hur bostadsmarkanden utvecklats under åren 1986 till 2006 – vad som har påverkat utvecklingen hos de kommunala bostadsföretagen och vad som har inträffat under perioden. Syftet har i studien varit att reda ut hur kommuner med höga vakanser har arbetat, om åtgärder vidtagits och i sådana fall vilka. För att undersöka detta har ett urval på 10 kommuner med höga vakanstal gjorts. Dessa kommuner är Arboga, Bräcke, Eda, Fagersta, Karlsborg, Munkedal, Skara, Skellefteå, Surahammar och Överkalix. För att få en tydlig bild av utvecklingen i dessa kommuner har ekonomisk och demografisk statistik noggrant bearbetats. Studien visar att alla kommuner som undersökts har vidtagit någon typ av konkret åtgärd för att komma till rätta med sina vakansproblem. Det har även visat sig att alla de kommuner som fått statligt stöd valt åtgärden rivning medan de kommuner som inte sökt stöd haft större benägenhet att även välja andra alternativ. Få kommuner har använt sig av åtgärder som exempelvis olika typer av rabatter och ökad marknadsföring för att fylla de tomma lägenheterna, utan de har istället vidtagit åtgärder som lett till minskning av hela bostadsbeståndet. 6 / During the late 1980’s the Swedish housing market was booming, there were almost no vacancies and the construction of new housing was substantial. The big real estate collapse that occurred in the early 1990’s left many housing companies with economic problems. Many municipality-owned housing associations faced high vacancy rates. To solve their problems the housing associations had to consider a number of measures, including rent reductions and discounts, marketing, selling, demolishing, reconstruction for alternative use and to put properties in mothballs. In the late 1990’s the most exposed municipalities could even apply for Government subsidies. As a background, the concepts vacancy rate and natural vacancy, are explained as well as the cause of vacancies in some cases. Furthermore, there is a description of how the housing market developed from 1986 to 2006, what influenced the housing associations and what happened during the period. The purpose of this study is to investigate how municipalities with high vacancies have acted to dealing with their problem, if any measures have been taken and if so; what measures? Ten municipalities with high vacancies were examined. These municipalities are Arboga, Bräcke, Eda, Fagersta, Karlsborg, Munkedal, Skara, Skellefteå, Surahammar and Överkalix. To get a clear image of the development in these municipalities economic and demographic statistics have been carefully analysed. The study shows that all the municipalities examined have taken some concrete measures to deal with their vacancy problems. All the municipalities that were given Government subsidies have demolished housing properties rather than tried other measures. Few municipalities has used offered rent discounts or applied marketing activities to fill empty apartments. Instead, measures that lead to a reduction of the number of apartments have been used.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Lelia Magnabosco.pdf: 3116093 bytes, checksum: 8889140af5e29e0d9e6a55b784c511e7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Brazilian experience with nationwide systematic housing subsidy programs started with the 1964 reforms of the financial system. Under this system, Housing Companies provided subsidies using resources from local and state governments as well as FGTS funds, while production was supervised by the National Housing Bank (BNH). In the mid 1980s the system faced a crisis and the BNH was extinguished. The entities that coordinated housing policy collapsed and for nearly two decades the country lacked both resources and a clear strategy. In the 2000s, the federal government took a series of initiatives intended to restore and fund the institutions in charge of leading housing policy and started to provide explicit subsidies to the lower-income segments of society. The main housing subsidy programs created during this period were Programa de Subsídio Habitacional (Housing Subsidy Program), in 2003, and Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida (My Home My Life Program), in 2009. Additionally, the Sistema Nacional de Habitação de Interesse Social and the Fundo Nacional de Habitação de Interesse Social (two institutions created to provide subsidies to low income housing), both established in 2005, and the Plano Nacional de Habitação (National Housing Plan), established in 2008, represented an attempt to reorganize the housing policy institutions. The influence of subsidies on the real-estate market dynamics is hardly discussed in the theoretical and empirical literature. Generally, authors treat subsidies as mere income transfer. This dissertation is based on a different assumption. It s assumed that subsidy policies not only transfer income, but also reduce the housing effective cost of acquisition, interfere in saving decisions and in banks decisions regarding the supply of credit. This investigation assumes that the financial market is imperfect, which implies the possibility of credit rationing. These assumptions are based on the observation of the Chilean experience of housing credit and subsidies to low income buyers in the past 30 years. For this reason, this dissertation investigates the subsidy policy in Chile and its relation with credit and real-estate investment. Chapter 1 presents a dynamic model of real-estate investment and analyzes the effects of the subsidy policy in this market. Based on simple premises, this study finds that subsidies change the balance of the housing deficit, increasing the credit supply of banks and the credit demand of families. Chapter 2 applies the key relations of the theoretical model to study the Chilean case. This analysis employs logistic regression models and concludes that the subsidy policies resulted in an increase of the credit supply in Chile, which in turn helped reduce the housing deficit. Chapter 3 analyzes Brazilian housing policy. This analysis identifies the variables affecting the Brazilian housing deficit and reveals a market that behaves very similarly to Chile s. This comparative analysis provides the basis to speculate on the path that the Brazilian housing deficit will take in the coming years. The main conclusion is that a subsidy and credit policy similar to that of Chile is quite effective in fighting housing deficit caused by inadequate houses, but it could increase the number of families living together. Therefore, it fights housing deficit only in part / A experiência brasileira com programas de subsídios habitacionais sistemáticos e de amplitude nacional teve seu início com as reformas do sistema financeiro em 1964. Nesse sistema, os subsídios eram concedidos pelas Companhias Habitacionais, com recursos das prefeituras, de governos estaduais e do FGTS, e a produção era coordenada pelo Banco Nacional da Habitação (BNH). Em meados dos anos 1980, com a crise do sistema e a extinção do BNH, as instituições que coordenavam a política habitacional se desestruturaram e o país viveu por quase duas décadas sem recursos e diretrizes clara. Nos anos 2000, o governo federal tomou uma série de iniciativas com o objetivo de restabelecer e refundar as instituições responsáveis pela condução da política habitacional e passou a fornecer subsídio de forma explícita à população de baixa renda. Os principais programas de subsídio habitacional criados nesse período foram o Programa de Subsídio Habitacional (2003) e o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida (2009). Além disso, Além disso, o Sistema Nacional de Habitação de Interesse Social e o Fundo Nacional de Habitação de Interesse Social, criados em 2005, e o Plano Nacional de Habitação (2008) buscaram rearticular as instituições da política habitacional. A influência dos subsídios na dinâmica do mercado imobiliário é um tema pouco discutido na literatura teórica e empírica. Os autores, em geral, tratam o subsídio como uma simples transferência de renda. Esta dissertação parte de uma premissa distinta: além de transferir renda, a política de subsídios reduz o custo efetivo de aquisição dos imóveis para as famílias, interfere nas decisões de poupança e nas decisões dos bancos com relação à oferta de crédito. Assume-se que o mercado financeiro é imperfeito, o que implica a possibilidade de racionamento de crédito. Essas premissas baseiam-se na observação da experiência chilena de subsídios e crédito habitacionais para a baixa renda dos últimos 30 anos. Por esse motivo, a dissertação investiga a política de subsídios no Chile e sua relação com o crédito e o investimento imobiliário. O Capítulo 1 apresenta um modelo dinâmico de investimento imobiliário e analisa o efeito da política de subsídios nesse mercado. Com base em premissas intuitivas, verifica-se que o subsídio altera o equilíbrio do mercado habitacional, aumentando a oferta de crédito dos bancos e também a demanda por crédito das famílias. O Capítulo 2 aplica as principais relações do modelo teórico para estudar o caso do Chile. Essa análise, feita por meio de modelos de regressão logística, conclui que as políticas de subsídio levaram a um aumento da oferta de crédito no país, o que contribui para diminuir o déficit habitacional. O Capítulo 3 faz uma análise da política habitacional brasileira. Essa análise identifica os fatores determinantes do déficit habitacional no Brasil e mostra um mercado com comportamento muito semelhante ao do Chile. Essa análise comparada permite especular o rumo que o déficit habitacional brasileiro pode tomar nos próximos anos. A principal conclusão é que a política de crédito e de subsídios aos moldes do Chile é bastante eficaz no combate ao déficit por precariedade, mas pode aumentar a convivência das famílias, tendo efeito parcial no combate ao déficit

本研究所要探討的課題主要有以下三點：1.現行國宅等候制度有何缺失？應如何改進？2.我們由台灣省各縣市等候名冊申請登記戶數情形可以看出，目前國宅需求集中在政府直接興建國宅，而輔助人民貸款自購住宅之需求則相對較少，其背後原因為何？應如何改進？3.各縣市國宅資源是否真的不足？目前以供給面的政府直接興建國宅為主的住宅補貼措施是否適當？應如何改進？ 　　為針對以上問題加以解答，本研究首先以國宅等候制度在實際執行上所應發揮的三項功能：掌握國宅需求、決定國宅資源分配順序與提供人民充分資訊為觀點，對現行國宅等候制度加以檢討，最後並對我國國宅等候制度未來的改進方向提出具體的建議。 　　其次，本文以國宅需求量本身之決定因素（資格、意願、負擔能力）作為研究基礎，以臺灣省21縣市為實證範圍，估計歷年國宅需求量，進而探討影響國宅需求量變動的各種因素，特別強調不同補貼額度對國宅需求量的影響，透過計量經濟分析方法，最後驗證了補貼額度與國宅供給速率對於國宅需求量確實存在有顯著的影響。 　　最後，本研究以資源公平效率分配的觀點，配合國宅供需現況，以模擬分析的方式對臺灣省二十一縣市的國宅資源分配加以試算，結果發現，各縣市國宅供需失衡之主要原因不在國宅資源不足，而是在資源分配之不當，若將供給面補貼的政府直接興建國宅資源部分分配到需求面補貼的輔助人民貸款自購住宅，大部份縣市均能在短期內解決其國宅供需失衡問題，且可有多餘的資源用於增加如出租國宅、租金補貼、售屋不售地國宅及特殊弱勢團體住宅等國宅產品。 / There are three main subjects that we want to explore in this study: 1.What problems exist in the public housing waiting system in Taiwan? 2.What reasons cause the demand of public housing much more than the demand of mortgage subsidy in Taiwan? How will we improve it? 3.Is the housing subsidy policy in Taiwan moderate? How will we improve it? 　　To solve the above problems, we first review merits and demerits of the public housing waiting system. We examine three practical functions of the public housing waiting system. One is having the demand of public housing in hand, the one is deciding the order of public housing allocation, and the other one is providing sufficient information to people. From the review, we suggest the directions to improve the public housing waiting system. 　　Second, based on the factors of demand to the public housing (capacity、 willing、 afford ability), we applied regression analysis on the 21-Taiwan-county data. The regression model shows the main factors are the amount of housing allowance and the speed of public housing construction. 　　Finally, with the view of justice and efficiency on the resource allocation of housing subsidy, we simulate the resource distribution of public housing subsidy in the 21-Taiwan-county. We ascertain the main factor of public housing disequilibrium is inappropriate resource allocation. Have we transferred the resource from the public housing for selling to the mortgage subsidy, most counties could solve the disequilibrium problem in short run. In the long run,there are more resources to increase the supply side.These extra-resources serve the public rental housing, rental subsidy and welfare public housing etc..

The doctoral thesis focuses on the topic of social housing and its sustainability. It explores its general principles, but also reacts to this fields latest developments in order to find a suitable model to be applicable in the Czech Republic, especially in the city of Brno. The first part of the thesis provides an overview of the current state of the issues on both Czech and European level, followed by detailed exploration of these fields in the cities of Brno and Vienna. Analytical evaluation confirms the relevance and appropriateness of the Viennese case study. The presented research is focused particularly on the sector municipal or subsidized rental housing for both cities. It examines the possibilities of Viennese principles application in Brno so that at least a part of the city's housing fund could be used as social housing accordingly to currently prepared Czech legislation. At the conclusion of this work recommendations for the city of Brno are formulated, useful in the preparation of its new social housing policy. This research, touching currently quite fundamental social issues, can be also beneficial in other areas. In the academic environment of architecture, urban planning, economics or sociology studies, for these fields experts or for the general public to facilitate the orientation on the housing market.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the problem of poverty, describing the concept, explain the reasons and causes of poverty and to propose solutions for its prevention. Furthermore, the analysis of poverty in the Czech Republic and comparison with selected EU countries. The last part of my work will develop a proposal for measures in the fight against poverty. The thesis was divided into two parts. The first part featured a brief theoretical view of poverty as a social event. There were defining poverty, its types, forms, indicators of poverty by international organizations. This section was included in the issue of the causes of poverty, the effects of poverty, both primary and secondary, social exclusion (exclusion). This part is followed by chapter tools to eliminate poverty in the Czech social policy. These tools include: subsistence, assistance in material need, living allowance, housing subsidy, extraordinary immediate assistance and minimum wage. These tools form a complex, which currently works fairly well. Most of the tools work to eliminate poverty target, this means that these tools are used quite effectively. The practical part is based on knowledge of the theoretical perspective on poverty. Includes a brief analysis of poverty in the Czech Republic and also compares it with other EU...