Thèse réalisée en cotutelle entre le Centre de recherche en droit prospectif de l'Université de Montréal (Canada) et le Centre d'études et de recherches internationales et communautaires de l'Université d'Aix-Marseille (France). / La présente thèse entend démontrer un phénomène d’instrumentalisation tant du champ conceptuel que de l’ingénierie humanitaires, servant les intérêts de l’impérialisme capitaliste. Nous montrerons en effet que les concepts, les normes et les outils de l’humanitaire sont utilisés par divers acteurs comme un cheval de Troie visant à ouvrir de nouveaux marchés de manière à satisfaire les impératifs expansionnistes du capitalisme. Convoquant une approche à la fois critique, pragmatique et interdisciplinaire, la thèse analyse le rôle et les interactions d’un triptyque d’acteurs humanitaires – civils, militaires et financiers – à travers une déconstruction en deux temps du champ conceptuel puis de l’ingénierie humanitaires. Cette analyse révèle, in fine, un phénomène d’instrumentalisation de la dynamique globale humanitaire, visant à satisfaire la dynamique fondamentalement expansionniste du capitalisme et les besoins impérieux propres au maintien de ce modèle économique hégémonique. / The purpose of this doctoral thesis is to demonstrate, in the light of the analysis of the global humanitarian dynamics, that both the conceptual field of humanitarian and the engineering of humanitarian are instrumentalized in order to serve the interests of capitalist imperialism. Indeed, it will be demonstrated that humanitarian concepts, norms and tools are used by various actors as a Trojan horse to open new markets in order to satisfy the expansionist imperatives of capitalism. The pragmatic deconstruction of the humanitarian conceptual field and the humanitarian engineering reveals the instrumentalization of the global humanitarian dynamics, serving the fundamentally expansionist dynamics of capitalism and the imperative needs for maintaining this hegemonic economic model. / La presente tesis pretende demostrar un fenómeno de instrumentalización tanto del campo conceptual como de la ingeniería humanitaria, al servicio de los intereses del imperialismo capitalista. En efecto, demostraremos que los conceptos, normas e instrumentos humanitarios son utilizados por diversos actores como un Caballo de Troya para abrir nuevos mercados con el fin de satisfacer los imperativos expansionistas del capitalismo. Convocando un enfoque crítico, pragmático e interdisciplinario, la tesis analiza el papel y las interacciones de un tríptico de actores humanitarios -civiles, militares y financieros- a través de una deconstrucción en dos etapas del campo conceptual humanitario y luego de la ingeniería humanitaria. Este análisis revela, en fin, un fenómeno de instrumentalización de la dinámica humanitaria mundial, con el fin de satisfacer la dinámica fundamentalmente expansionista del capitalismo y las necesidades imperiosas de mantener este modelo económico hegemónico.

Practitioners of Forecast-based Action (FbA) argue that a humanitarian response able to utilize forecasts to accurately predict disaster, secure funding, and take action before the onset of a crisis will benefit donors and beneficiaries alike. In search of effective and efficient early-action regimes, a number of major humanitarian actors are developing FbA projects of various designs, predominantly in response to natural disaster and famine. While numerous organizations and institutions have expressed interest in developing FbA mechanisms, the tool has only been applied in a limited capacity to the humanitarian needs generated by armed conflict. This research seeks to understand whether a scalable FbA approach can be developed to stage principled, anticipatory humanitarian action in response to situations in which rigorous evaluations predict the likelihood of imminent armed conflict. The hypothesis is that the application of FbA to armed conflict is possible, but due to the complex political nature of conflict, implementing organizations should try to focus on creating mechanisms managed by humanitarian actors and, in so far as possible, be insulated from outside influence. This research is the first academic work to specifically investigate the application of FbA to armed conflict. Following an extensive review of current FbA mechanisms and conflict early warning practices, this research concludes that a conflict-centered FbA system akin to the automated FbA systems in use today to respond to natural disaster and famine is possible, but that the endeavor presents many practical and conceptual barriers to implementation. In particular, diffuse models such as the Start Fund offer a hopeful glimpse at a type of horizontal, member-driven FbA mechanism that is both highly context-sensitive and relatively insulated from outside influence. Such a design, however, features notable and inherent limitations in its ability to reliably and accurately predict the outbreak of conflict and respond in a manner that minimizes regretful actions.

Children around the world suffer greatly due to conflicts. One of the most common interventions to support children affected by conflicts are Child Friendly Spaces (CFSs). Implemented within different cultural contexts, CFSs aim to be both culturally sensitive and contribute to gender equality, an interaction that can be complex. Previous research regarding CFSs is limited. As CFSs are commonly used in Humanitarian Action, further knowledge is central.This thesis aims to explore and compare how culture and gender appropriate responses in CFSs guidelines and manuals are expressed in order to gain an increased understanding of how these guidelines handle the interaction between gender norms in different cultures.In this study I discuss six CFSs guidelines and manuals by conducting comparative analysis and applying the Ecological Resilience Framework.The result suggests that culture and gender appropriate responses are central in all guidelines and manuals but emphasized in different ways. The participation of children, families and communities, as well as the adaption of activities, are all strategies aimed at cultural sensitivity. The result also entails that the equal inclusion of all children is a general gender appropriate approach. In addition, I claim that the main intervention, aiming to be both gender and culture appropriate, is separated groups between boys and girls. Finally, I argue that gender and culture may clash due to different perceptions of gender and culture appropriate responses.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2019-02-12T11:08:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriela Mezzanotti_.pdf: 2789396 bytes, checksum: 4748e067cb6d5e80e958fcb04964148a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-02-12T11:08:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriela Mezzanotti_.pdf: 2789396 bytes, checksum: 4748e067cb6d5e80e958fcb04964148a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-31 / Nenhuma / A pesquisa analisa o discurso humanitário no pós-Guerra Fria a partir de dois pressupostos teóricos fundamentais: a Teoria Crítica das Relações Internacionais de Robert Cox e a Teoria Crítica de Análise do Discurso de Norman Fairclough. A análise crítica proposta tem por objeto três documentos de padronização da ação humanitária internacional adotados pelo Comitê Internacional da Cruz Vermelha, Sphere Project e HAP (Humanitarian Accountability Partnership). Objetivando identificar nos documentos de padronização da Assistência Humanitária Internacional a representação textual de um discurso humanitário contemporâneo, a partir das premissas das teorias indicadas, a pesquisa procura também identificar a estrutura discursiva dos documentos e seu caráter hegemônico e politizado. Concebendo o discurso dialeticamente, como ação social que resulta e ao mesmo tempo molda a ordem do discurso, conclui-se que há uma tendência na comunidade internacional em geral de conceber discurso contido nos referidos documentos e na ação humanitária por eles regulamentada como moralmente inquestionáveis, rejeitando a hipótese de se questionar ideias, instituições e condições materiais envolvidas nesses documentos e na prática humanitária, de modo a indagar acerca da possibilidade de haver um projeto hegemônico na estrutura histórica específica que se forma a partir das interações recíprocas desses elementos. Esse projeto hegemônico se esconde atrás dos princípios da neutralidade, imparcialidade e independência veiculados no discurso humanitário dos documentos analisados. A relação de poder que se manifesta na ordem desse discurso está velada no próprio discurso e por isso mesmo legitimada pela relação de poder que nele se contém. Do ponto de vista das Relações Internacionais, a análise crítica do discurso humanitário no pós-Guerra Fria permite desvendar as premissas não declaradas nesse discurso, de modo a identificar a ideologia nele impregnada e o projeto de poder nele amparado. / The research analyzes humanitarian discourse in post-Cold War era through two fundamental theoretical assumptions: the Critical Theory of International Relations by Robert Cox and the Theory of Critical Discourse Analysis by Norman Fairclough. The critical analysis proposed aims three documents of international humanitarian action standardization, adopted by the International Committee of the Red Cross, Sphere Project and HAP (Humanitarian Accountability Partnership). Aiming to identify in the documents of international humanitarian action standardization the textual representation of a contemporary humanitarian discourse, taking the assumptions of the theories already mentioned, the research also aims to identify the discursive structure of the documents and their hegemonic and politicized feature. Conceiving discourse dialectically, as a social action that derives and at the same time molds the order of discourse, it reaches to the conclusion that there is a tendency in international community to conceive the discourse contemplated in such documents and in humanitarian action regulated by them as morally unquestionable, rejecting the hypothesis of questioning ideas, institutions and material conditions involved in these documents and in humanitarian practices, in order to make it possible to question the possibility of an hegemonic project in the specific historic structure that takes shape from the interaction of these elements. Such an hegemonic project hides itself behind the principles of neutrality, impartiality and independence stated in the humanitarian discourse of such documents. The relation between power that manifests in the order of discourse is hidden in the discourse itself and therefore legitimated by the power relation contemplated in it. Under the point of view of International Relations, the critical analysis of the humanitarian discourse in the post-Cold War era enables to unveil the undeclared assumptions of such discourse, so that it becomes possible to identify the ideology impregnated in it and the power project based on it.

L'action humanitaire a connu un développement exponentiel au sein de la société internationale au cours de ces dernières années. Multiplication des résolutions humanitaires votées par les Nations unies, mise en place d'une justice pénale internationale chargée de réprimer les violations du droit international humanitaire, émergence de la responsabilité de protéger impliquant un recours à la force à des fins humanitaires, développement des organisations non gouvernementales en sont les manifestations majeures. Toutefois, la portée de ces évolutions récentes de l'action humanitaire tant sur le plan de la normativité que de l'opérationnalité est à relativiser. Si les insuffisances du droit de Genève ont pleinement justifié l'émergence d'un droit de New York, ce droit de nature essentiellement déclaratoire éprouve de réelles difficultés à palier les lacunes du droit de Genève. En outre, la mise en oeuvre contemporaine de l'action humanitaire, soulève de nombreux questionnements juridiques liés aux modalités et aux conditions de mise en oeuvre. La présente étude a pour objet d'analyser les évolutions et les limites du cadre juridique de l'action humanitaire afin de faire des propositions pour améliorer la condition juridique des victimes des catastrophes humanitaires. / Humanitarian action has seen such an exponential growth in international society in recent years that humanitarianism seems to be carrying increasing weight in international relations. Some of the main examples of this phenomenon are the increased number of humanitarian resolutions passed by the United Nations, the creation of an international court of justice to reprimand violations of international humanitarian law, the emergence of a sense of responsibility to ensure protection by means of force for humanitarian purposes, and the development of non-governmental organizations. However, the scope of these recent developments in humanitarianism, on both the normative and operational levels, needs to be put into perspective. Indeed, while the shortcomings of Geneva law fully justify the emergence of New York law, this essentially declaratory law faces real challenges in overcoming the short comings in Geneva law. Further more, humanitarian action as it has been carried out in recent years gives rise to a number of legal questions relating to the conditions under which such action is taken. This study aims at analyzing the developments and limits of the humanitarian action legal framework, in order to put forward proposals for improving the legal position of the victims of humanitarian disasters.

Aim:                Parkour is a relatively new action sport, which is not only popular in non-conflict regions but also in regions where armed conflict is taking place. When being featured in the media, youth from conflict regions frequently report that Parkour has helped them to deal with the consequences of armed conflict. Although Parkour is being used in psychosocial and life skills interventions in European countries, and despite the fact that action sports are used in humanitarian assistance, there is no research on the potential of Parkour as a tool in humanitarian interventions. The aim of this thesis is to analyse how Parkour can be used in humanitarian aid interventions, particularly focusing on its potential for life skills interventions. In order to do so, a mapping of Parkour teams in conflict regions is conducted. What is more, example cases highlight the importance Parkour has for youth in conflict regions. Lastly, a qualitative thematic analysis, will review the cases and academic literature, in order to discuss to what extent these characteristics coincide with the ten life skills as they were outlined by the World Health Organization (WHO). Methods:       Mapping is limited to the timeframe 2013 – 2018 and to countries which display a high amount of organized violence within said timeframe. Furthermore, qualitative thematic analysis in combination with a review of relevant literature is used, in order to understand what Parkour’s potential for life skills interventions could be. Findings:         The mapping indicates that Parkour teams and individuals are active in 16 out of the 22 countries which comply with the mapping criteria. The cases further exemplify that for many practitioners in the conflict regions, Parkour is used as a tool to deal with the consequences of armed conflict.  The qualitative thematic analysis shows that Parkour’s characteristics seem to coincide with the 10 life skills laid out by the WHO. Conclusion:    Action sports are already being used in aid interventions. Parkour’s assets in particular are multiple. It is an accessible, cost-effective and popular sport that youth globally and in conflict regions is attracted to. That, in combination with its characteristics and social media based nature, could be compelling arguments to use Parkour in humanitarian assistance.

Dans ce travail, nous lèverons le voile sur la notion d’État souverain en droit international ainsi que son principe directeur, le principe de l’égalité souveraine des États et son corollaire, la non-ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État. Dans une première analyse, nous établirons un rapport entre la souveraineté des États en droit international et l’ingérence humanitaire. Cette analyse se fera sur la base de plusieurs questions : l’ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État pour des motifs humanitaires constitue-t-elle une atteinte au principe de la souveraineté des États ? Mieux, l’affliction des populations légitime-t-elle l’ingérence humanitaire dans un État ? Nous remettrons ainsi en cause le concept de souveraineté des États en faisant la lumière sur la complexité du principe de non-ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État ; de même que les limites ou atténuations à la souveraineté des États. Ces atténuations nous aideront d’une part, à prouver le caractère licite de l’intervention humanitaire et d’autre part, à déterminer le champ d’application de cette dernière. Nous aboutirons à la licéité de l’ingérence humanitaire sous certaines conditions. Dans une seconde analyse, nous mettrons l’accent sur l’instrumentalisation ou les dérives de l’aide humanitaire ayant pour but la protection des droits humains. Nous nous sommes posé certaines questions : quelle est la légitimité de la croissance des opérations militaires en Afrique par les États dits puissants pour des motifs humanitaires ? Pourrait-on, à la lumière de l’instrumentalisation de l’ingérence humanitaire, parler d’une possible nouvelle forme de colonisation? Notre réflexion sera principalement axée sur les relations nord-sud. Dans une analyse basée sur les instruments juridiques en droit international humanitaire (DIH) et en droit international des droits de l’homme (DIDH) accompagnés d’exemples précis, nous montrerons comment les grandes puissances utilisent l’aide humanitaire pour assouvir leurs propres besoins (généralement d’ordre économique) dans les pays en voie de développement. Nous prouverons au cours de ce travail, à quel point l’action humanitaire est devenue un objet de politique voire un instrument de politique étrangère. En effet, bon nombre d’actions militaires, revêtues de motifs humanitaires, orchestrées dans certains pays du sud par certaines grandes puissances n’ont d’autres buts que la recherche du profit. La pratique humanitaire est trop souvent manipulée et cache des intérêts purement égoïstes des États. Nous conclurons finalement à la nécessité de la neutralité et de l’objectivité de l’action humanitaire. / In this work, we will lift the veil on the notion of sovereign state in international law and its guiding principle, the principle of the sovereign equality of States and its corollary, non-interference in the internal affairs of a state. In a first analysis, we will establish a relationship between state sovereignty in international law and humanitarian interference. This analysis will be made on the basis of several questions: does interference in the internal affairs of a state on humanitarian grounds constitute an infringement of the principle of state sovereignty? Does the affliction of populations legitimize humanitarian interference in a state? Thus, we will challenge the concept of state sovereignty by shedding light on the complexity of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of a state, as well as the limits or attenuation to state sovereignty. These attenuations will help us, on the one hand, to determine its cope. We will surely end up with the legality of humanitarian interference under certain conditions. In a second analysis, we will focus on the instrumentalization, or abuses of humanitarian aid aimed at protecting human rights. We asked ourselves certain questions: What is the legitimacy of the growth of military operations in Africa by rich countries on humanitarian grounds? In the light of the instrumentalization of humanitarian interference, could we talk about a possible new form of colonization? Our reflection will focus mainly on North-south relations. In an analysis based on legal instruments in international humanitarian law (IHL) and International Human Rights (IHRL) with specific examples, we will show how the major powers use humanitarian aid to meet their own needs (generally economic) in developing countries. In the course of this work, we will demonstrate the extent to which humanitarian action has become an instrument of foreign policy. Indeed, many military actions, with humanitarians’ motives, orchestrated in Black and Arab Africa by certain major powers have no other goal than the pursuit of profit. We argue that humanitarian practice is too often manipulated and hides purely selfish interests of states. In the end, we will conclude that there is a need for neutrality and objectivity in humanitarian action.

Text in English / This study analyses the application of a community based intervention, the Care Group (CG) model, in relief work in Somalia and South Sudan. On the basis of expert interviews and a variety of documents it was researched whether the CG model is applicable to the context mentioned or if adaptations would be necessary. An increase in prolonged crises challenges humanitarian action to adapt relief work to longer-term interventions. The concept of combining the strengths of development cooperation and humanitarian action - Linking Relief, Rehabilitation and Development - is looked at in this study. Furthermore, for example, the asset-based community development approach, humanitarian work and characteristics of a protracted crisis were explored as the theoretical back-ground. The findings and the conclusion of this research may provide inputs for other humanitarian NGOs that are working in chronic conflict situations and being confronted with the need to introduce a long-term method for Behaviour Change Communication. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Menstrual management is a pervasive issue for women globally, and it becomes critical in times of crisis. During these times of crisis and disaster, humanitarian response seeks to provide relief of suffering by meeting essential needs, in a comprehensive and predictable manner. Yet the provision of menstrual management remains largely ad hoc. Through a comprehensive literature review of documents pertaining to menstrual management in emergencies, this paper offers a qualitative analysis of modern humanitarian strategic approaches, to explore the place of menstrual management in emergencies. The core findings are that menstrual management is not fodder for strategy in humanitarian aid, and therefore lacks a ‘home’ in any of the humanitarian approaches to response. It is not fully integrated into either technical strategic implementation, typified by the cluster approach, nor through cultural implementation approaches, typified by gender mainstreaming. This paper also offers some explanations of why such an omnipresent need has, as yet, remained un-championed. This discussion is based on a theoretical framework offered by feminist theory. Supplemented by an understanding of organisations as gendered structures (Acker, 1990), this thesis posits that these cavities in modern humanitarian response are due to the inherent inability and reluctance of the humanitarian system to concern itself with a bodily, female issue such as menstrual management.

In the past decades, there has been an alarming increase in the amount of toxicity on earthdue to pollution and consumerism and the natural environment is faster than everdisappearing due to the extensive activity of humans on planet earth (Nations United,2020; United Nations, 2020). The increased amount of rubbish and non-natural waste hasbeen identified as a major issue in the supply chain and waste management inhumanitarian organizations across the board. This thesis has reviewed existing academic research and identified the five commonthemes: Management – training and standardization – stakeholders and donors -transparency - climate change and development, in which the ability to become moresustainable is present. United States Agency for International Development (USAID) hasbeen showing environmental accountability and for that reason, its environmental policyand supply chain have been addressed to understand its waste management and if it issupporting the three sustainable dimensions. Plastic pollution is addressed as a humanitarian crisis and arguing that the devastatingeffects that microplastics are having on our ecosystem and it is clearly showing that it iscausing harm to the environment, the economy, and the social effect. Haiti has since theearthquake in 2010 received a variety of aid, majority from USAID but the sustainableaccountability in their action have been hard to identify. Reviewing the work of USAID and their collaboration with environmental protectioncompanies makes you likely to say that they are supporting the three sustainabledimensions but with further assessment, it is obvious, that humanitarian waste is doingharm and there must be improvements within the organization’s perspective onwaste/plastic while attending a crisis.