This thesis looks at the relevance of ideology to the emergence of capitalist social formation in Ruperts Land and the North West between 1852 and 1885 in two contexts: 1) as a mechanism of transforming the mercantilist social formation - the economy, state, and society - that arose to oversee the fur trade in Ruperts Land and the Indian Territory between 1670 and 1870; and 2) its role in establishing capitalist social formation in the North West up to 1885. I focus on the social processes by which ideology is transmitted and its significance to the emerging formation. I attempt to explain how a diverse group of politicians, bankers, investors, merchants, and industrialists took control of vast, resource-rich, and occupied territories like Ruperts Land and the North West and completely transformed the existing social arrangements according to their worldview. This thesis engages Marxist theory to examine the ideas of John A. Macdonald, Alexander Mackenzie, and Edward Blake as heads of the eastern polity, state, central government, and official opposition, and the representatives of commercial, financial, and industrial factions of the bourgeoisie. Over six hundred primary samples of their discourses in the form of political speeches, historical debates, and personal correspondence were reviewed in this research. The major themes emerging from the analysis pertain to the ideological underpinnings of a capitalist worldview in terms of the relevance of law and Christianity to the colonization and civilization of emigrant and indigenous peoples in the North West. It was also found that while politicians disseminate the worldview of their class and faction, they rely significantly on the support of capital and the producing classes to implement their ideas and establish, legitimize, and reproduce the conditions and relations of capitalism. When Macdonald and Mackenzie failed to rally consent for capitalism among local peoples in the North West, ideological coercion became the means of transforming the necessary social, economic, and political structures. I suggest that the use of force (rather than cooperation) to organize agricultural society in Saskatchewan has had long-term consequences for emigrant and indigenous peoples alike.

This thesis looks at the relevance of ideology to the emergence of capitalist social formation in Ruperts Land and the North West between 1852 and 1885 in two contexts: 1) as a mechanism of transforming the mercantilist social formation - the economy, state, and society - that arose to oversee the fur trade in Ruperts Land and the Indian Territory between 1670 and 1870; and 2) its role in establishing capitalist social formation in the North West up to 1885. I focus on the social processes by which ideology is transmitted and its significance to the emerging formation. I attempt to explain how a diverse group of politicians, bankers, investors, merchants, and industrialists took control of vast, resource-rich, and occupied territories like Ruperts Land and the North West and completely transformed the existing social arrangements according to their worldview. This thesis engages Marxist theory to examine the ideas of John A. Macdonald, Alexander Mackenzie, and Edward Blake as heads of the eastern polity, state, central government, and official opposition, and the representatives of commercial, financial, and industrial factions of the bourgeoisie. Over six hundred primary samples of their discourses in the form of political speeches, historical debates, and personal correspondence were reviewed in this research. The major themes emerging from the analysis pertain to the ideological underpinnings of a capitalist worldview in terms of the relevance of law and Christianity to the colonization and civilization of emigrant and indigenous peoples in the North West. It was also found that while politicians disseminate the worldview of their class and faction, they rely significantly on the support of capital and the producing classes to implement their ideas and establish, legitimize, and reproduce the conditions and relations of capitalism. When Macdonald and Mackenzie failed to rally consent for capitalism among local peoples in the North West, ideological coercion became the means of transforming the necessary social, economic, and political structures. I suggest that the use of force (rather than cooperation) to organize agricultural society in Saskatchewan has had long-term consequences for emigrant and indigenous peoples alike.

No description available.

La création artistique autochtone est indissociable des luttes politiques. Dans un contexte colonial, les modes d’être, d’agir et de penser Autochtones sont profondément affectés. L’art est une arme puissante dans cette lutte pour la décolonisation. Cette étude s’intéressera ainsi au potentiel de transformation et de décolonisation de la création artistique autochtone, à travers la pratique artistique de l’artiste Algonquine Nadia Myre. Plusieurs de ses œuvres adressent la mixité identitaire et la violence coloniale subie par les Autochtones. Indian Act (fig.1) dénonce, à l’aide d’une réécriture perlée traditionnelle et participative, un texte de loi colonial qui a conduit à une injustice épistémique profonde. Pour adresser ces problématiques, nous nous ancrerons sur un objet particulier, le wampum. Dans cette recherche, nous le considérerons comme un vecteur de résurgence et de décolonisation profondes. La position socio-politique ancienne et contemporaine essentielle du wampum en fait un support didactique privilégié de résurgence. Grâce à l’utilisation du motif du wampum dans la pratique artistique de Nadia Myre, nous pourrons cheminer à travers ces luttes et comprendre comment les artistes Autochtones les engagent. Le wampum sera présenté comme une rhétorique discursive, matérielle et immatérielle, un hypertexte, un hyperlien (Haas 2007) entre tradition et modernité, oralité et écriture, qui sera supportée par la théorie de l’intermédialité. Jacques Derrida et la Déconstruction seront également convoqués pour examiner le travail de réécriture effectué par Myre dans Indian Act. Il s’agira également de comprendre comment la proposition participative de Nadia Myre pourrait permettre un engagement allochtone vers une justice épistémique décoloniale. / Aboriginal artistic creation is inseparable from political struggles. In a colonial context, Aboriginal ways of being, acting and thinking are deeply affected. Art is a powerful weapon in this struggle for decolonization. This study will therefore focus on the transformative and decolonizing potential of Aboriginal artistic creation through the artistic practice of Algonquin artist Nadia Myre. Several of her works address the mixed identity and colonial violence suffered by Aboriginal people. Indian Act (fig.1) denounces, through a traditional and participatory beaded rewriting, a colonial law that has led to a profound epistemic injustice. To address these issues, we will focus on a specific object, the wampum. In this research, we will consider it as a vector of deep resurgence and decolonization. The essential ancient and contemporary socio-political position of wampum makes it a privileged didactic support of resurgence. Through the use of the wampum motif in Nadia Myre's artistic practice, we will be able to walk through these struggles and understand how Aboriginal artists engage them. Wampum will be presented as a discursive rhetoric, material and immaterial, a hypertext, a hyperlink (Haas 2007) between tradition and modernity, orality and writing, which will be supported by the theory of intermediality. Jacques Derrida and the Deconstruction will also be convened to examine the rewriting work done by Myre in Indian Act. It will also be a question of understanding how Nadia Myre's participatory proposal could enable an allochtonous engagement towards decolonial epistemic justice.

L’objectif de la présente étude est de documenter la fécondité des Indiennes inscrites au Canada en fonction du traité historique d’affiliation. Les traités historiques sont des ententes légales qui lient le gouvernement du Canada et certains membres des Premières Nations et qui décrivent, notamment, les dispositions prévues à leur égard pour compenser la cession de leurs terres. Mêmes si les traités ont principalement une fonction légale, ils regroupent aussi des individus qui partagent des caractéristiques communes sur le plan culturel, linguistique, socioéconomique, territorial et historique. À partir de données extraites du Registre des Indiens, nous avons produit l’indice synthétique de fécondité (ISF) pour chacune des populations affiliées aux traités historiques pour les périodes 1994-1998, 1999-2003 et 2004-2008. Nous voulions savoir si la fécondité des Indiennes inscrites différait en fonction du traité d’affiliation, si on observait des changements dans le temps et si de grandes tendances pouvaient être identifiées selon les régions couvertes par les traités. Des différences importantes sont relevées, particulièrement entre les traités numérotés qui couvrent les Prairies et les traités de l’est du pays. Étant donné l’absence dans le Registre des Indiens, d’informations sur les caractéristiques sociales, culturelles et économiques des populations affiliées aux différents traités, il n’est pas possible d’avancer des explications précises concernant ces écarts. Toutefois, il est possible de proposer une association entre la fécondité du moment et certaines caractéristiques des populations affiliées aux traités historiques et les dimensions géographique et historique des traités. / This research aims to document the fertility of registered Indians in Canada in relation to their affiliation with historic treaties. The historic treaties are legal agreements, between the government of Canada and certain members of the First Nations, which describe lands surrendered and related compensation. Although the treaties have mainly a legal role, they apply to Indigenous peoples sharing similar characteristics along cultural, linguistic, socioeconomic, territorial and historical lines. We used anonymized data extracted from the Indian Register to produce the total fertility rate (TFR) for the population concerned by each historic treaty for the periods 1994-1998, 1999-2003 and 2004-2008. We wanted to know if the fertility of registered Indians differed by treaty memberships, if we observed changes over time and if notable trends could be identified depending on the regions covered by the treaties. Our analyses show that important differences exist, particularly between the numbered treaties, which cover the Prairies provinces, and the treaties populations of Eastern Canada. Since the data collected by the Indian Register do not contain information on social, cultural and economic characteristics of Indigenous peoples that could explain these differences, it is not possible to develop precise explanations of these variations. However, it is possible to propose an association between the fertility rate and the geographical and historic aspects of the treaties populations.