The Covid-19 pandemic has generated a serious stress test for welfare states and welfare state institutions. This challenge has been met by unprecedented responses from governments, most notably countrywide shutdowns of substantial sections of economies to facilitate social distancing. Consequently, the health crisis was followed closely by an economic crisis. This situation has created a possibility study a process that predates the pandemic, namely liberalization. The thesis applies the theories of Thelen (2014), who claims that while there is an ongoing liberalization in welfare states, there are varieties of liberalization. She refers to the three trajectories of change deregulatory liberalization, dualizing liberalization and embedded flexibilization. The aim of the thesis is to enhance our understanding of how these varieties of liberalization are affected when countries are faced by massive external change. In pursuing this goal, I construct an analytical framework that illustrates the expected labour market policy responses for two of the three trajectory of change. I then conduct a comparative case study of labour market policy responses in Denmark, the Netherlands, Germany, and Sweden. I compare the expected responses with the actual labour market policy responses to the crisis to detect how their responses relate to the trajectories of change towards liberalization. The findings suggest that while the countries have implemented rather similar responses to the crises, some countries’ path towards liberalization has been strengthened by their labour market policy responses, while other countries have diverted from their path towards liberalization during the Covid-19 crisis. The bigger take-aways from these findings are that the process of liberalization will be affected differently due to countries differing paths towards liberalization, as well as their inherent institutional structures. The findings thus highlight the significance of both path dependence and differing trajectories of change concerning the effects of the Covid-19 crisis on the process of liberalization.

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In recent years, institutional theorists have been increasingly interested in institutional change, seeking to understand the contextual factors and agents responsible for alterations to existing institutional arrangements. Institutional theory’s historical focus on isomorphism has made it challenging to account for actors’ motivations to pursue change projects. It is generally believed, though, that agents are mobilized through exposure to multiple institutional logics. Recently, scholars have begun to recognize that competition among multiple logics may not quickly produce a ‘winning logic’; rather, such logics may co-exist for prolonged periods in a context of ‘institutional complexity’. The turn toward institutional complexity reveals that preoccupation with the ‘paradox of embedded agency’ has left the development of change projects themselves under-theorized: What happens when organizational actors must interpret puzzling institutional contexts and generate alternatives? In seeking to understand organizational actors’ efforts to cope with conflicting logics in a context of scientific uncertainty, this study aligns with this growing interest in institutional complexity. Drawing on concepts from sensemaking theory, this research illuminates how actors with divergent interests, enacting their organizational roles, cope with competing logics and interact around a change project that emerges as a result of their efforts at coping. It thus contributes to institutionalist understandings of institutional complexity and change and adds to an emerging body of research linking institutional theory and sensemaking. The empirical setting for this single-case study is the ‘sustainable seafood’ discourse that began in the early 1990s when the cod collapsed off North America’s eastern seaboard. Prolonged scientific uncertainty regarding the collapse made generation of preferred alternatives problematic; this resulted in lengthy sensemaking efforts by multiple stakeholder groups, drawing on different institutional logics to produce divergent and competing interpretations and action scripts. Tracing the evolution of this discourse through documents, observations, and interviews empirically reveals processes of interrelated sensemaking, and further, exposes sensegivers as bricoleurs who use institutional elements creatively to affect the sensemaking of others.

Si lors de l'introduction des éoliennes dans le paysage de Midi Pyrénées, les acteurs des politiques destinées à développer les énergies renouvelables étaient plutôt novices quant à leur mise en oeuvre, cela a bien changé à l'heure du photovoltaïque. Les conflits et difficultés qu'ils ont expérimentés dans la réalisation de projets d'éoliennes (contestation), de bois énergie (prégnance des industriels du bois), ou de photovoltaïque (préservation des terres agricoles), leur ont permit de se forger une expérience qui les a peu a peu mené à une autre perception des enjeux inhérents. Les coalitions menées au départ de ces politiques entre les experts techniques et les acteurs publics se délient peu à peu et de fait traduisent l'inscription de ces derniers sur le chemin de l'autonomie. Divisée entre différents type de savoirs, les ressources qui permettent cette progressive indépendance des acteurs publics face à ceux émanant des sphères scientifiques et techniques, ne sont pour autant pas réductibles à cette même dimension technique. En effet, la connaissance des référentiels locaux mais aussi celle relative à l'ingénierie des projets font peu à peu concurrence aux savoirs techniques. Une évolution qui modifie finalement le système institutionnel dans lequel émerge les énergies renouvelables. La dynamique, mais aussi les éléments qui composent ce dernier, changent au fil de l'expérimentation des acteurs, ce qui se traduit finalement par l'émergence d'une nouvelle réalité. C'est la mise en perspective de ce processus sur l'ensemble des départements de Midi Pyrénées et concernant les trois types d'énergies renouvelables qui feront l'objet de notre attention dans cette thèse. Nous constaterons via les différences existantes entre les territoires considérés et les similarités prenant forme parmi les trois secteurs étudiés, que les politiques publiques, si elles sont le résultat d'interactions entre des acteurs, des ressources, des règles et des discours, résultent également des caractéristiques du territoire dans lesquels elles s'inscrivent ainsi que de l'action d'acteurs intermédiaires. / Even though energy policymakers were novices when wind power was introduced in the Midi Pyrenees region, the situation had changed when the photovoltaic was implemented. The new challenges policymakers experimented about the wind power and their opponents, the wood energy and the primacy of the wood's industrials, the photovoltaic and the preservation of the agricultural lands, fostered their learning and gradually lead them to change their perception of inherent issues. The coalitions forged between technical experts and policymakers unbind along the progressive empowerment of the formers. Shared between different forms of knowledge, however, the resources needed to implement renewable energies projects cannot be reduced to the technical dimension. Local knowledge and engineering knowledge increasingly compete with expert knowledge. This evolution corresponds to a policy arrangement change. Since the dynamic but also the elements that compose this political system change, a new reality gradually emerges. This whole process will be the main concern of this thesis. We will finally notice that there are some differences between the implementation of these renewable energies among the territories but also among the three forms of renewable energies we analyze. This means that although renewable energy policy are based on interactions between actors' resources, discourse and rules, they also emerge from the action of intermediates actors, and from the characteristic of each territories in which they are implemented.

O Sistema Agroindustrial do Leite (SAG) foi alvo de mudanças institucionais importantes nos últimos anos. Dentre essas mudanças podemos ressaltar a IN51 em 2002 e que mais tarde foi substituída pela IN 62 no ano de 2012. O objetivo da normativa foi de criar parâmetros técnicos de produção, identidade e qualidade do leite tipo A, de regular tecnicamente a identidade e qualidade do leite cru refrigerado, pasteurizado e regular tecnicamente a coleta de leite cru refrigerado e seu transporte a granel. Esse estudo pretende discutir: Quais os impactos das mudanças institucionais nas relações entre produtores rurais e laticínios no SAG do leite no Brasil? Foram utilizados como referênciais três correntes teóricas que se integram entre si. A primeira abordagem, a Nova Economia Institucional (NEI), na vertente macro, analisa o papel das instituições sobre o desempenho econômico tendo como precursor o laureado Nobel Douglass North. Para North (1990), a instituições são as regras do jogo de uma sociedade, enquanto os jogadores são as organizações. As instituições definem os incentivos aos agentes econômicos estabelecendo as condições em que as atividades empresariais possam florescer. Ou seja, as instituições importam para definir o ambiente de negócios. A segunda abordagem, a Organização Industrial (OI) fornece instrumentos para analisar os determinantes da estrutura de mercado, tais como ganhos de escala e escopo ou outros condicionantes de criação de barreiras à entrada. A terceira, a Economia dos Custos de Transação (ECT), permite analisar as escolhas estratégicas a partir dos condicionantes institucionais e de mercado, assim como fornece suporte para responder a questão de pesquisa, qual seja: entender a lógica econômica das mudanças nas estruturas de governança decorrentes das novas regulamentações que afetam o SAG do leite. Com base nas abordagens teóricas foram desenvolvidas duas preposição concorrentes, sobre o impacto na relação entre produtores e processadores. A primeira sob a ótica da ECT propôs que a regulamentação leva à queda da especificidade dos ativos (temporal e locacional) e, portanto relações mais tênues entre os produtores rurais e laticínios deveriam emergir. A segunda propôs o oposto, que a IN leva ao aumento do mercado relevante e, sob a ótica da OI, cresce a necessidade de estratégias dos laticínios de relações mais próximas com o produtor (fidelização). Nas regiões produtoras de leite estudadas (Ponte Nova-Minas Gerais e Castro - Paraná) constatou-se aumento de estratégias de fidelização, com contratos formais de pagamento por qualidade e assistência técnica. / The Milk Agribusiness System (MAS) has been subject of important institutional changes in the past few years. Among these changes, we highlight the IN51 as of 2002, that was later replaced by IN 62 as of 2012. The objective of these change was that of creating normative technical parameters for the production, identity and quality of the A type milk, of technically regulating the identity and quality of refrigerated pasteurized and raw milk, and that of technically regulating the collection of refrigerated raw milk and its transportation in bulk. This study aims to discuss: What are the impacts of institutional changes in the relationship between dairy farmers and dairy regulators in the MAS in Brazil? We have used as benchmark three theoretical approaches that integrate together. The first approach, the New Institutional Economics (NIE), in its macro view, examines the role of institutions on economic performance, having as a precursor the Nobel laureate Douglass North. According to North (1990), institutions are the rules of a society, while the players are the organizations. Institutions define the incentives given to economic agents, by establishing the conditions in which business activities can flourish. This means that institutions matter to define the business environment. The second approach, the Industrial Organization (IO), provides tools to analyze the determinants of market structure, such as economies of scale and scope or other constraints; to create entry barriers. The third, Transaction Cost Economics (TCE) allows for the analysis of strategic choices out of the institutional and market constraints, as well as provides support to answer the research question, which is: understanding the economic logic of the governance shifts arising from the new regulations affecting the MAS. Based on these theoretical approaches, two competing hypotheses about the impact on the relationship between producers and processors have been developed. The first, in the perspective of TCE, proposed that regulation leads to lower asset specificity (temporal and locational) and therefore, more tenuous relations between farmers and dairy producers should emerge. The second proposed the opposite, that IO leads to an increase in the relevant market and, from the perspective of IO, a growth in the need for forthcoming strategies between processors and producers (loyalty relationship). In the milk-producing regions studied (Ponte Nova Minas Gerais and Castro - Paraná) we have found and increase in loyalty strategies, with formal contracts of payment in exchange for quality and service.

A política comercial brasileira e o arcabouço institucional em que é coordenada e formulada passaram por importantes transformações a partir da abertura econômica em 1990. Suas estruturas administrativas foram completamente remodeladas. Estas mudanças incentivaram a politização e pluralização da política comercial de forma que a sua tomada de decisão e implementação passaram a ocorrer em um novo contexto, marcado por novos condicionantes e demandas num ambiente de comércio exterior muito mais complexo e competitivo. A complexificação da agenda comercial mobilizou novos atores burocráticos que não haviam participado da política comercial desenvolvimentista, tornando evidente o aumento do seu grau de politização. Posto isto, analisamos o processo de construção das instituições que regem a política de comércio exterior pós-abertura econômica, tendo como foco analítico as relações entre a mudança institucional e a dinâmica político-burocrática interna do Poder Executivo. Analisamos aqui o conflito interno ao Poder Executivo entre as diferentes agências e órgãos burocráticos que tinham ou tenham competências e interesses envolvidos neste campo mais complexo no qual a política comercial atual foi e é disputada e produzida e como foi a ação da Presidência da República em termos de seu grau de envolvimento efetivo em cada uma dessas alterações. Optamos por analisar as instituições que compõem o quadro de coordenação desta política. O primeiro corte de estudo foi o processo de extinção da Carteira de Comércio Exterior do Banco do Brasil (Cacex), principal símbolo e a síntese da institucionalidade do modelo desenvolvimentista de industrialização por substituição de importações sobre o comércio exterior. O segundo estudo analisa a formação, reformas e consolidação da institucionalidade do modelo da Câmara de Comércio Exterior (Camex) adotado no início do governo Cardoso e, após algumas transformações, consolidado no governo Lula. A pesquisa foi dividida em duas etapas distintas, mas com interconexões mútuas. A primeira etapa consistiu na proposição de um quadro teórico que permitisse a derivação das hipóteses utilizadas na pesquisa empírica a partir de uma avaliação crítica do que já foi produzido sobre a influência e as implicações da participação da burocracia no jogo político. Na segunda parte 7 foi realizada a pesquisa empírica na qual se avaliou o impacto da política burocrática na construção das instituições da política comercial brasileira. Para a execução empírica da pesquisa foi feito um levantamento dos dispositivos legais que alteraram o aparato institucional, das preferências reveladas dos atores e percepções de atores e pesquisadores que participaram dos processos decisórios e, finalmente, de outros instrumentos analíticos mais objetivos e menos sensíveis a questões subjetivas. Por fim, a partir do exame dos dados obtidos, ponderou-se ao final da pesquisa que o conflito interno no Poder Executivo foi uma variável importante, embora não tenha sido a única determinante do processo de construção institucional da política comercial brasileira pósabertura econômica, e que o quadro analítico forneceu conceitos fundamentais para a análise e explicação das interações entre a política burocrática e esta construção institucional. / The Brazilian trade policy and its institutional framework have undergone major changes since the economic opening in 1990. Its administrative structures have been completely rebuilt. These changes have encouraged the politicization and pluralization of the trade policy so that decision making and policy implementation have begun to occur in a new context, characterized by new constraints and demands in a foreign trade environment more complex and competitive. The complexity of the new trade agenda has mobilized bureaucratic actors who had not participated of the developmentist trade policy, demonstrating the increase in its degree of politicization. We analyze the building process of the institutions that conduct the post-economic trade policy liberalization, focusing on the analytical relationships between institutional change and the bureaucratic politics dynamics inside the executive branch. Here we analyze the internal conflict in the executive branch among the different agencies that have competences and interests involved as well as how was taken the Presidential action in terms of its actual degree of involvement in each of these changes. We choose to study the institutions that compose the coordination framework of the Brazilian trade policy. In the first cut, we study the process of extinction of the Carteira de Comércio Exterior do Banco do Brasil (Cacex), the main symbol and synthesis of the developmentist institutional model of industrialization through import substitution in the foreign trade. In a second step, we study the process of formation, reforms and consolidation of the Camex model, adopted in the beginning of Cardoso\'s government and, after some transformations, consolidated under Lula\'s government. The research strategy was divided in two distinctive stages, but with mutual interconnections. The first one consisted of the proposition of a theoretical framework that would allow the derivation of the hypothesis used in the empirical research from a critical assessment of what had been produced about the influences and implications of the bureaucratic participation in the political process. In the second one, it was conducted an empirical research in which it was assessed the impact of the bureaucratic politics in the trade policy institutional building. In order to implement the empirical research, the legal devices that changed the institutional 9 apparatus has been surveyed as well as the revealed preferences of actors and perceptions of actors and researchers who have had a participation in decision making processes and, ultimately, other objective analytical tools less sensitive to subjective issues. Finally, from the obtained data, it was pondered that the internal conflict within the Executive Branch was an important variable, although not the sole determinant of the process of institutional building of the Brazilian trade policy after the economic opening, and that the analytical framework has provided fundamental concepts for the analysis and for the explanation of the interactions between politics and bureaucracies and this institution-building process.

A crescente demanda por recursos hídricos, tanto em quantidade como em qualidade, aumenta a disputa dos usuários pela sua utilização. A percepção da escassez faz com que a água passe a ser considerada um recurso natural com valores econômico, estratégico e social. Segundo Alston & Mueller (2002), quando os recursos se tornam mais escassos, o regime de direitos de propriedade vigente pode reduzir o valor do ativo. As perdas incentivam os envolvidos a mudar esses os direitos procurando uma forma mais ajustada à realidade. A percepção da escassez tem levado governos do mundo todo a reorganizar o ambiente institucional e definir novos direitos de propriedade por meio de um sistema de gestão participativo e descentralizado que estimule a utilização do recurso de forma racional. Contudo, esse processo não é homogêneo e simultâneo. O momento de institucionalização e o grau de complexidade de cada ambiente variam muito, tanto nacional como internacionalmente. Neste estudo, busca-se identificar as causas da variação entre os ambientes institucionais em diversos países, bem como identificar a relação entre a escassez e a modificação na regulação do ambiente em estados brasileiros. Apoia-se o estudo no aporte teórico da evolução do ambiente institucional apresentado por North (1990; 1994), na definição de direitos de propriedade proposta por Eggertsson (1990), no surgimento e na análise econômica dos direitos de propriedade apresentados por Barzel (1997) e no modelo de oferta e demanda de direitos de propriedade proposto por Alston, Libecap & Mueller (1999). A pesquisa foi dividida em dois momentos. Primeiro, realiza-se uma pesquisa qualitativa do histórico da evolução do ambiente institucional internacional, buscando apoio para o entendimento das mudanças ocorridas no Brasil e da evolução do caso brasileiro até chegar ao sistema atual de gestão dos recursos hídricos. Segundo, apresenta-se a análise quantitativa da influência da escassez nos momentos de proposição e promulgação das leis estaduais. Busca-se, ainda, identificar a influência da escassez na velocidade de tramitação das leis e na complexidade do ambiente institucional. Conclui-se que, apesar de o processo de modificação do ambiente não ocorrer de forma linear, a escassez tem significativa influência na velocidade de mudança do ambiente e no seu grau de complexidade. / The growing demand for water resources, both in aspects of quantity and quality, increases the dispute of users for utilization of the good. The perception of scarcity causes water to be considered a natural resource with economic, strategic, and social value. Alston & Mueller (2002) state that when resources become more or less scarce, the reigning regime of property rights can reduce the value of the asset. The losses encourage those involved to change the property rights, seeking a form more adjusted to reality. This perception has led governments around the world to reorganize the institutional environment and redefine new property rights through a system of participative and decentralized management that stimulates the utilization of the resource in a rational manner. However, this process is not homogeneous and simultaneous. The moment of institutionalization and the degree of complexity of each environment, both nationally and internationally, vary greatly. This study seeks to identify the causes of the variation among the institutional environments in various countries and identify the relation between scarcity and modification in the regulation of the environment in Brazilian states. The study is based on the theoretic approach of evolution analysis of the institutional environment presented by North (1990; 1994), on the definition of property rights proposed by Eggertsson (1990), on the emergence and economic analysis of property rights presented by Barzel (1997), and on the model of supply and demand of property rights proposed by Alston, Libecap & Mueller (1999). To this end the study is divided in two parts. First, a qualitative study is conducted of the history of the evolution of the international institutional environment, seeking an understanding of the changes that occurred in Brazil and the evolution of the Brazilian case until reaching the present system of water resource management. Second, a quantitative analysis is done of the influence of scarcity on the proposing and passing of state laws. The study further seeks to identify the influence of water scarcity on the velocity with which laws go through the system and on the complexity of the institutional environment. The study concludes that while the process of environment modification does not occur in a linear fashion, scarcity possesses a significant influence on the velocity of environmental change and on its degree of complexity.

A produção habitacional brasileira teve um grande impulso a partir da ascensão do Partido dos Trabalhadores à Presidência da República, ocorrida em 2003. Este trabalho mostra que a recuperação do setor se deve a uma sucessão de reformas incrementais na estrutura institucional criada durante os governos militares. Estas reformas se iniciaram no governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB), mas apenas no governo Lula (PT) ocorre a conjunção de condições necessárias que possibilitaram a grande expansão da produção de moradias. A política habitacional, por sua vez, está inserida no projeto de poder petista, de característica social-democrata, baseado no crescimento econômico e na expansão de programas sociais. Demonstra-se, por meio da análise de documentos, entrevistas e pesquisa de opinião com empresários, que houve uma confluência de interesses entre a administração petista e o empresariado da construção civil este, interessado em ampliar seus negócios, e aquele, em ampliar a oferta de emprego e o nível de atividade da economia. O ápice desse processo se dá com o lançamento do maior programa de habitação social implantado no país, no qual as construtoras têm papel central na elaboração, viabilização e execução de projetos de moradia social. / Brazilian Housing production has received a great boost since the Workers Party (PT) came into power, in 2003. This work demonstrates that the recovery of the sector is due to a succession of incremental changes to the institutional structure that was created under military governments and which began with the administration of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB). It was only during the Lula administration (PT), however, that the set of reforms were enacted which were to enable the big increase in housing construction. The housing policy, in turn, forms an integral part of the PT social democratic platform, based on economic growth and the expansion of social programs. The analysis of documents, interviews and a survey among construction executives bring to light the combined interests of the Workers Party administration and those of construction companies the latter having an interest in expanding their business and the government, in expanding employment as well as the level of economic activity. This process culminated in the biggest social housing program ever launched in the country, in which construction companies play a major role in drawing up, researching and carrying out social housing projects.

O núcleo desta dissertação é desenvolver um conceito de path dependence mais parcimonioso, coerente e útil, seja teoricamente ou em estudos empíricos. Neste sentido, o insight fundamental é que se partimos de uma conceitualização mais dinâmica, baseada mais em externalidades negativas do que em rendimentos crescentes, o conceito de path dependence pode ser inerentemente mais operacionalizável, robusto e ressoar melhor com a literatura e os estudos Institucionalistas Históricos. O conceito de path dependence pode também ser mais compatível com várias elaborações realizadas dentro do próprio Institucionalismo Histórico sobre questões como mudança institucional, mecanismos explicativos, complementaridade, idéias e agência, e, portanto, enriquecer-se graças aos mesmos. / The objective of this dissertation is to develop a more parsimonious, coherent and useful concept of path dependence, both theoretically and empirically. Its fundamental insight is that with a more dynamic conceptualization, based more in negative externalities than in increasing returns, the concept of path dependence can be inherently more robust and resonate better with the literature and Historical Institutionalist studies. The concept of path dependence can also be more compatible with several theoretical developments which have arisen within Historical Institutionalism regarding questions such as institutional change, social mechanisms, complementarities, ideas, agency and, therefore, to be enriched by them.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto a emenda constitucional 32 de 2001, a qual regulamentou o uso das medidas provisórias, estabelecendo limites materiais para o seu conteúdo e um rito mais rigoroso de tramitação. Entre as principais regras estabelecidas, estavam o fim das reedições e o estabelecimento de um prazo de 45 dias para a apreciação das MPs pelo Congresso, sob pena de trancamento da pauta legislativa. A dissertação analisa, em primeiro lugar, as razões que levaram os parlamentares a aprovarem as novas regras. O argumento defendido é que não se tratou de uma reação do Congresso contra a usurpação da função legislativa pelo Presidente, como fora justificado na época. O avanço da PEC das MPs se deveu sobretudo à divisão interna na coalizão de governo, que abriu espaço para a atuação estratégica da oposição. Além disso, a mudança no posicionamento dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal e a campanha da OAB pela limitação do instrumento aumentaram os custos da protelação na apreciação da proposta. Os jogos que ocorriam em outras arenas alteraram os payoffs dos atores na arena parlamentar, criando incentivos para a cooperação entre governo e oposição. Finalmente, a aproximação das eleições presidenciais e a incerteza sobre os papeis que cada partido desempenharia no próximo governo propiciaram um contexto favorável ao acordo. Em seguida, são investigados os efeitos das novas regras sobre a relação entre Executivo e Legislativo. Ao contrário do esperado, o novo rito de tramitação não foi efetivo na redução das medidas provisórias. O uso do instrumento foi intensificado nos anos seguintes à aprovação da emenda constitucional. A principal razão foi o mecanismo de trancamento de pauta estabelecido pela EC 32, o qual conferiu ao Presidente amplo controle sobre a pauta legislativa. As MPs passaram a ser apreciadas em 120 dias, com alto percentual de aprovação. O efeito inesperado da emenda constitucional é explicado pelos pressupostos equivocados que motivaram a campanha pela limitação das MPs. A usurpação dos poderes legislativos era justificada pela paralisia do Congresso, que não apreciava as medidas provisórias deixando espaço para o Executivo legislar unilateralmente. A intensificação do uso do instrumento no período seguinte à EC 32 confirma que as medidas provisórias não são usadas contra as preferências da maioria. Ao contrário, mesmo com a obrigatoriedade de votação em Plenário e o uso frequente de mecanismos legislativos de negação de quórum pela oposição, o governo sai vitorioso em grande parte das votações. Assim, o controle da agenda é útil para coordenar as preferências da maioria e reforçar o seu poder. / This dissertation focuses on the Constitutional Amendment n.32 of 2001, which regulates the use of provisional measures (the Brazilian president´s executive decrees) and sets material limits on its content and more rigorous proceedings. Among its main rules were the prohibition of decree re-issuances and the establishment of a 45-day period for provisional measures to be appreciated by the Congress, under penalty of limiting the legislative agenda. First, the dissertation examines the reasons that led lawmakers to adopt the new rules. The argument is that such adoption was not the congressmen´s reaction against the president´s usurpation of the legislative function, as had been then justified. The advance in the constitutional amendment of the provisional measures results mainly from an internal division in the government coalition, which paved the way for the strategic behavior of the opposition. Moreover, changes in the opinion of the Justices of Brazilian Supreme Court and the Brazilian Bar Association´s campaign for the limitation of the instrument increased the costs of delaying the assessment of the proposal. Events taking place in other arenas have changed the payoffs of the players in the parliamentary arena, creating incentives for cooperation between government and the opposition. Finally, the upcoming presidential elections and the uncertainty about each party´s roles in the next government provided an environment conducive to agreement. Next, we investigated the effects of the new rules in the relationship between executive and legislative branches. Contrary to expectations, the new proceedings failed to reduce the number of presidential decrees. The use of the instrument increased in the years following the approval of the constitutional amendment. The main reason was the mechanism to limit the agenda under Constitutional Amendment n.32, which secured the president wide control over the legislative agenda. The provisional measures started to be assessed within 120 days, with a high percentage of approval. The unexpected effect of the constitutional amendment is explained through the flawed assumptions that led the campaign for the limitation of provisional measures. The \"usurpation of legislative powers\" was justified by the paralysis of Congressmen, who refrained from voting the provisional measures and left room for the Executive to legislate unilaterally. Broader use of the instrument in the period following the Constitutional Amendment n.32 confirms that the provisional measures are not used against the preferences of the majority. Instead, even with mandatory voting in the floor and the frequent use of legislative quorum denial mechanisms by the opposition, the government emerges victorious in most of the votes. Thus, control of the agenda is useful to coordinate the preferences of the majority and strengthen its power.