This article seeks to determine whether international anticorruption conventions can be considered human rights treaties. The conclusion the author arrives to in the present article involves a new approach to understand the effects of the implementation of the aforementioned conventions in Peru.To answer the question whether these conventions are human rights treaties, the author explains the aim and the purpose of these conventions, and addresses its role on democracy and its relation with Human Rights. Finally, the author wonders if it is possible to recognize a fundamental right to a non-corrupt government. / El presente artículo busca determinar si las convenciones internacionales de lucha contra la corrupción pueden ser consideradas como tratados de Derechos Humanos. La conclusión a la que llega la autora implica una nueva forma de pensar los efectos en la aplicación de dichas convenciones en nuestro país. Para llegar a una respuesta, la autora explica el objeto y finalidad de estas convenciones, y aborda su rol en la democracia y su relación con los Derechos Humanos. Finalmente, la autora se pregunta si es posible el reconocimiento del derecho a un gobierno no corrupto.

O presente trabalho procura analisar a relação entre a Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CIDH), suas decisões em relação ao Brasil e como elas podem influenciar o ordenamento jurídico interno. Para isso, pretende analisar a história da Comissão e como ela acabou por possuir uma dualidade de competências, em razão dos tratados internacionais que a orientam, especialmente a Declaração Americana de Direitos e Deveres do Homem (DADH), a Carta da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) e a Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos (CADH). Embora não seja o tema central do trabalho, também será mencionada a atuação da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CteIDH) no procedimento da Convenção. Com intuito de compreender a influência das decisões da Comissão no ordenamento brasileiro, que é o objetivo central do presente estudo, o trabalho busca estudar e analisar alguns casos práticos, tanto do período em que a Comissão atuou como órgão reconhecido da Carta da OEA, como da época em que atuou como órgão do sistema da Convenção, posteriormente à ratificação do Brasil. / The present work analyzes the relation between the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (ICHR), its decisions regarding Brazil and how they could influence the internal legal system. In order to do so, it analyzes the history of the Commission and how it became an organ with a dual competence in the Inter- American System of Human Rights (ISHR), due to the international treaties that guide it, specially the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Men, the OAS Chart and the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR). Although it is not the central issue of the research, the work also mentions the role of the Inter-American Court on Human Rights (ICtHR) in the ACHR’s procedure. In order to comprehend the influence of the Commission’s decisions in the internal legal system, which is the central objective of the present study, it will study and analyze some practical cases, from the period when the Commission were solely the OAS Chart human rights organ, as well as from the time when it was an Convention organ, after Brazil’s ratification of the Convention.

O desenvolvimento da tecnologia da informação e das comunicações em todo o mundo propicia condições para que a comunidade internacional possa vir a se relacionar sem enfrentar os obstáculos oferecidos pelas barreiras geográficas ou temporais, bem como possa vir a atuar diretamente na defesa de seus interesses, acrescentando novas formas de disciplina do seu comportamento além dos tradicionais mecanismos normativos oferecidos pelo Estado. O direito fundamental de livre acesso à informação por intermédio da tecnologia digital deve ser garantido em igualdade de condições a todos os indivíduos, na qualidade de participantes da sociedade global, em obediência aos princípios e disposições contidos na Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos, bem como da Declaração do Direito do Desenvolvimento e sua atualização na Declaração do Milênio. Ocorre, que, os países em desenvolvimento não participam dos beneficios da evolução tecnológica e por não estarem conectados à rede mundial, estão alijados do processo e excluídos do acesso à informação transmitida por via digital. Os Estados, que originalmente foram considerados os únicos sujeitos de direito na ordem internacional, não se mostram mais aptos a gerir, com eficácia, os interesses da sociedade, tornando-se incapazes de oferecer as condições necessárias para o exercício pleno da cidadania. O presente estudo visa ampliar os limites da discussão acadêmica a respeito dos efeitos produzidos pelo avanço tecnológico e pela globalização transpondo o debate para a ordem jurídica internacional. O exame dos documentos produzidos pela Cúpula Mundial da Sociedade da Informação, organizada pela UIT, por intermédio da ONU, demonstra que os representantes dos países membros, juntamente com a iniciativa privada e a sociedade civil foram capazes de produzir Declarações de Princípios e Planos de Ação contendo regras de utilização da tecnologia da informação e das telecomunicações de forma a eliminar as desigualdades, e criando a possibilidade de que a humanidade possa, finalmente, vir exercer seu direito ao desenvolvimento. Ademais, criação do Fórum de Governança da Internet, como decorrência da Cúpula Mundial da Sociedade da Informação, evidencia que as regras para a utilização da rede mundial dos computadores permanecem sob a responsabilidade da comunidade internacional, restando, portanto, demonstrado que atuação da sociedade civil, através de mecanismos próprios para proteger seus interesses, repercute diretamente na esfera internacional e merece ser levada em consideração no estudo das fontes de Direito Internacional. / The development of information technology and communications all over the world created the ideal conditions for the international community to the improvement of relationship without any of the obstacles caused by geographical or chronological barriers, and turned possible to civil society to act directly in the defense of its own interests, adding new forms of ruling its behaviors besides the traditional legal mechanisms offered by the State. The free and direct access to information in digital format must be guaranteed in equal conditions as a fundamental right to all individuals, in their condition of members of global society, in accordance with the principles and provisions established by the Universal Human Rights Declaration, as well as of the Declaration of the Right to Development, dully amended by the Millennium Declaration. Nevertheless, the developing countries cannot benefit from technological revolution and since they cannot not connect to the Internet they are maintained apart from this process and therefore are prevented to exercise their right of access to information transmitted in digital format. On the other hand, the States that originally were considered the sole subjects of rights in the international order are not capable anymore to efficiently manage the interests of civil society and therefore cannot offer the necessary conditions to the plain exercise of citizenship. This paper intends to wide the limits of the academic discussion already in place analyzing the effects of the technological revolution and globalization enlarging the debate to the level of the international legal order. The exam of the documents produced by World Summit of Information Society, organized by ITU, dully authorized by UN, demonstrates that the representatives of the member States, jointly with the private sector and the civil society, were able to prepare the Declaration of Principles, Plan of Action and other related documents disciplining the use of information technology and communications in order to eliminate the differences and conduct the human beings to the plain exercise to of their right to development. Furthermore, the establishment of the Internet Governance Forum as a consequence of the World Summit of Information Society provides strong evidences that the rules for Internet access shall remain in the hands of Non Governmental Organizations and moreover demonstrates that the utilization by civil society of specific legal mechanisms in order to protect its own interests, may generate important consequences for the international legal order and therefore deserves to be examined as a phenomenon affecting the sources of International Law.

O desenvolvimento da tecnologia da informação e das comunicações em todo o mundo propicia condições para que a comunidade internacional possa vir a se relacionar sem enfrentar os obstáculos oferecidos pelas barreiras geográficas ou temporais, bem como possa vir a atuar diretamente na defesa de seus interesses, acrescentando novas formas de disciplina do seu comportamento além dos tradicionais mecanismos normativos oferecidos pelo Estado. O direito fundamental de livre acesso à informação por intermédio da tecnologia digital deve ser garantido em igualdade de condições a todos os indivíduos, na qualidade de participantes da sociedade global, em obediência aos princípios e disposições contidos na Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos, bem como da Declaração do Direito do Desenvolvimento e sua atualização na Declaração do Milênio. Ocorre, que, os países em desenvolvimento não participam dos beneficios da evolução tecnológica e por não estarem conectados à rede mundial, estão alijados do processo e excluídos do acesso à informação transmitida por via digital. Os Estados, que originalmente foram considerados os únicos sujeitos de direito na ordem internacional, não se mostram mais aptos a gerir, com eficácia, os interesses da sociedade, tornando-se incapazes de oferecer as condições necessárias para o exercício pleno da cidadania. O presente estudo visa ampliar os limites da discussão acadêmica a respeito dos efeitos produzidos pelo avanço tecnológico e pela globalização transpondo o debate para a ordem jurídica internacional. O exame dos documentos produzidos pela Cúpula Mundial da Sociedade da Informação, organizada pela UIT, por intermédio da ONU, demonstra que os representantes dos países membros, juntamente com a iniciativa privada e a sociedade civil foram capazes de produzir Declarações de Princípios e Planos de Ação contendo regras de utilização da tecnologia da informação e das telecomunicações de forma a eliminar as desigualdades, e criando a possibilidade de que a humanidade possa, finalmente, vir exercer seu direito ao desenvolvimento. Ademais, criação do Fórum de Governança da Internet, como decorrência da Cúpula Mundial da Sociedade da Informação, evidencia que as regras para a utilização da rede mundial dos computadores permanecem sob a responsabilidade da comunidade internacional, restando, portanto, demonstrado que atuação da sociedade civil, através de mecanismos próprios para proteger seus interesses, repercute diretamente na esfera internacional e merece ser levada em consideração no estudo das fontes de Direito Internacional. / The development of information technology and communications all over the world created the ideal conditions for the international community to the improvement of relationship without any of the obstacles caused by geographical or chronological barriers, and turned possible to civil society to act directly in the defense of its own interests, adding new forms of ruling its behaviors besides the traditional legal mechanisms offered by the State. The free and direct access to information in digital format must be guaranteed in equal conditions as a fundamental right to all individuals, in their condition of members of global society, in accordance with the principles and provisions established by the Universal Human Rights Declaration, as well as of the Declaration of the Right to Development, dully amended by the Millennium Declaration. Nevertheless, the developing countries cannot benefit from technological revolution and since they cannot not connect to the Internet they are maintained apart from this process and therefore are prevented to exercise their right of access to information transmitted in digital format. On the other hand, the States that originally were considered the sole subjects of rights in the international order are not capable anymore to efficiently manage the interests of civil society and therefore cannot offer the necessary conditions to the plain exercise of citizenship. This paper intends to wide the limits of the academic discussion already in place analyzing the effects of the technological revolution and globalization enlarging the debate to the level of the international legal order. The exam of the documents produced by World Summit of Information Society, organized by ITU, dully authorized by UN, demonstrates that the representatives of the member States, jointly with the private sector and the civil society, were able to prepare the Declaration of Principles, Plan of Action and other related documents disciplining the use of information technology and communications in order to eliminate the differences and conduct the human beings to the plain exercise to of their right to development. Furthermore, the establishment of the Internet Governance Forum as a consequence of the World Summit of Information Society provides strong evidences that the rules for Internet access shall remain in the hands of Non Governmental Organizations and moreover demonstrates that the utilization by civil society of specific legal mechanisms in order to protect its own interests, may generate important consequences for the international legal order and therefore deserves to be examined as a phenomenon affecting the sources of International Law.

Face à l'intensification des flux et échanges liés à la mondialisation, et un besoin croissant d'un développement durable encadré, les Nations Unies ont mis au point il y a quinze ans une initiative collective : le Pacte mondial. Cette Déclaration en quatre volets regroupant les enjeux environnementaux, le respect des droits de l'Homme, les normes internationales de travail et la lutte contre la corruption, est alors analysée pour en mesurer l'efficacité et l'impact sur le développement. Il s'agit d'en comprendre les mécanismes et d'identifier les outils déployés dans l'application de cette norme de soft law appartenant au corpus législatif international. / The United Nations are confronted by the intensification of the streams and exchanges linked with the globalization, as the same time as a fundamental necessity of sustainable development. That is why they developed, fifteen years ago, an international initiative: the UN Global Compact. The Declaration contains four sections on environmental protection, Human rights, International Labour standards and anti-corruption norms. This research analyses the efficacy and the impact of the Declaration on the development, in order to understand mechanisms and to identify the deployed tools in the application of this soft law norm, as member of international legal corpus.

Pour réglementer les activités de navigation civile internationale, aérienne et maritime, les États ont choisi d’agir au moyen de deux institutions spécialisées du système des Nations Unies. L’Organisation de l’aviation civile internationale (OACI) et l’Organisation maritime internationale (OMI) ont été investies du pouvoir de superviser l’élaboration de règles techniques applicables à ces matières. De façon générale, les règles adoptées par ces Organisations doivent, pour prendre effet, être acceptées par les États, sous diverses formes (tacites ou expresses, collectives, voire individuelles). Leur application est tributaire d’actes unilatéraux des États, qui agissent parfois collectivement, étant souvent amiablement contrôlés par l’OACI ou l’OMI. Derrière une apparente clarté, se dissimulent des zones d’ombre. Outre, la situation des tiers et des personnes privées, et les rapports entre l’ordre international et les ordres juridiques étatiques, la nature de ces institutions normatives interroge. Y voir des autorités normatives agissant sur le fondement de pouvoirs constitués serait, en effet, ignorer le jeu incessant de la volonté des États, qui, partout là où il étire les pouvoirs de l’institution, montre l’irréductible liberté contractuelle et constituante de ces mêmes États. Le degré de centralisation de ces systèmes s’effacerait sous le constat que leur effectivité repose sur la volonté même de leurs sujets, plus ou moins tenue par des nécessités techniques, ce qui n’est pas sans conséquences pratiques. / In order to regulate the international civil navigation (air and maritime), the States have chosen to act through two specialized United Nations agencies. Hence they confered the International Civil Aviaton Organization (ICAO) and the International Maritime Organization (IMO) the power to oversee the elaboration of technical rules relevant to this field. In general, the rules adopted by these organizations require various forms of States acceptance to be effective (i.e. express or implied, collective or individual forms). Their implementation depends on unilateral acts of States, that can sometimes act sometimes collectively. And the States are often amicably controlled by the ICAO or the IMO. Behind the apparent clarity, lay some gray areas. Beyond the situation of third and private individuals, and the relationship between international order and national legal systems, one can wonder about the nature of these normative institutions. These could be perceived as normative authorities acting on the basis of an established power. However, this interpretation would ignore the incessant game of States’ will. Whenever the will of the States stretches the power of the institution, the irreducible constituent and contractual freedom of the States appears. The degree of centralization of these systems would be blurred by the observation that their effectiveness depends on the willingness itself of their subjects, which is more or less held by technical necessities, and that would not be without practical consequences.

During the UN World Summit 2005 all Member States of the United Nations unanimously accepted the Responsibility to protect- principle (R2P- principle), that each member state shall protect its own population from ethnic cleansing, genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. During the set-up of the United Nations and the Security Council’s veto system in the San Francisco Conference 1945, the five permanent members of the Security Council promised that their right to veto would be used “sparingly” and in the “interest” of the world organization, to safeguard “the International peace and security”. Despite the united acceptance of the R2P- principle to avoid mass atrocities since 2005, China have been detaining up to one million Uyghur, including Kazakhs in detainment camps, in former East Turkestan since the beginning of 2018. Since the passage to invoke the R2P- principle is by the Security Council, the question arises if- the veto would serve as a deadlock on the R2P- principle if China could veto such decision. The purpose of the thesis have therefore been to analyze if the R2P- principle is inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system, by targeting China’s opportunity of vetoing the R2P- principle. The conclusion have been that the R2P- principle is inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system. This is because a permanent member can block the R2P- principle by either vetoing or double vetoing a draft resolution, which have been demonstrated by illustrating how China could veto the R2P- principle. Since the decisions of the Security Council cannot be appealed or dissent in terms of the veto card and UN Charter, it leaves the R2P- principle inefficient with a weak operational legitimacy against the Security Council’s powerful veto system, on the cost of human lives.

L’échec de l’impérativité du droit international pénal et la fragilité de la justice pénale internationale qui en résulte ne dépendent pas du choix normatif d’un modèle de juridiction, ad hoc ou conventionnel, mais simplement des défaillances et des réticences des États à l’égard de la norme choisie. Ce constat d’évidence trouve sa confirmation dans le processus de mise en place et de fonctionnement de la Cour pénale internationale, fâcheusement contournée à faire prévaloir sur la lutte contre l’impunité une lutte pour la « justiciabilité » des auteurs des crimes les plus graves qui heurtent la conscience de l’Humanité : crimes contre l’humanité, crime de génocide, crimes de guerre, crime d’agression. L’obstacle qu’elle doit essentiellement surmonter est en effet que sa compétence peut être délibérément mise en échec à tout moment, directement ou indirectement, par tout État avant tout soucieux de sa propre souveraineté, qu’il soit ou non partie au Statut de Rome. L’observation des stratégies étatiques montre d’une part que la faculté de renoncer à l’exercice de sa propre compétence répressive se traduit par une négation de l’impérativité des engagements souscrits auparavant, certains Etats se désolidarisent de la répression dont ils se sont désistés. D’autre part, et à l’inverse, l’exercice légitime de sa compétence répressive par un Etat peut très facilement lui permettre de glisser vers une obstruction chronique de la juridiction internationale, voire ou déni du droit impératif qui la régit. En l’absence d’une réelle reconnaissance de la juridiction internationale, les conséquences de telles attitudes sont d’une ampleur qui dépasse l’imagination. Seul un comportement coopératif et constructif, affranchi des compromis égoïstes et opportunistes des États, pourrait parer au risque actuel d’une érosion progressive de l’architecture punitive partagée mise en place par les États eux-mêmes lors de la création de la Cour pénale internationale et ainsi de garantir que soient punis à coup sûr les auteurs de crimes insupportables. / The failure to make international criminal law imperative and the resulting fragility of international criminal justice should not be understood as the consequence of a normative choice toward a jurisdictional model, be it ad hoc or conventional. Rather, it derives from the State's weaknesses and reluctance to abide by the chosen norm. This is clearly confirmed by the very way the International Criminal Court was implemented, functions and is being sadly circumvented. Instead of bolstering the fight against impunity, it focuses on the fight for the “justiciability” of the perpetrators of the most serious crimes, resulting in subsequent negative effects on Humanity’s consciousness: crimes against humanity, crime of genocide, war crimes and crime of aggression. Owing to the fact that a State's primary concern is its own sovereignty, the biggest obstacle the Court has to overcome remains that at any moment, directly or indirectly, its competence can be intentionally overruled by any State, signatory or not of the Treaty of Rome. Observing State strategies shows that relinquishing one’s repressive authority is generally seen through a negation of formerly made commitments: some States dissociate from the repression monopoly they disclaim. Conversely, the legitimate exercise of a State’s repressive authority can easily result in regular obstruction of international jurisdiction, and even the refusal of the imperative law that governs it. Without any genuine recognition of international jurisdiction, such attitudes have undeniable serious consequences that far outreach the imagination. The only solution is cooperative and constructive behavior, free of opportunistic and selfish compromises of States. This behavior could protect against the current risk of the progressive erosion regarding shared punitive organization which States themselves implemented through the creation of the International Criminal Court. The result would guarantee the punishment of perpetrators of unbearable crimes.

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