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This thesis is qualitative study of the perceptions of aged Italian women in receiving care. It examines intra-ethnic group differences between Italian-Immigrant and Italian-Canadian women, and their definition of the experience of receiving care. Also, it addresses gender, class, and ethnicity issues which have implications for social work practice, policy, and research. / Sixty-one interviews were conducted with thirty participants, over the age of sixty-five. Participants were interviewed in their treatment environments with follow-up interviews in their home settings. Semi-structured in-depth interviews documenting these women's life histories, as well as participant observation, were the qualitative methods used to collect data. Interview transcripts and field notes were analyzed qualitatively to identify similarities and differences in participants' perceptions as care-receivers. A feminist theoretical perspective was applied to the discussion of the data. / The study suggests that differences exist between aged Italian-Immigrant and Italian-Canadian women care-receivers. These differences are directly related to specific personal and social factors which nurture and oppress them. Aged Italian-Canadian women were found to have more resources, greater independence with their supportive alliances, and higher levels of self-esteem and life satisfaction than aged Italian-Immigrant women. The findings provide insight into resources these women developed to deal with the constraints imposed on them by their gender, class, and ethnicity. / The study suggests an integrated-interactive approach of practice, policy, and research to implement changes so as to meet the needs of these individuals. The study recommends that a feminist social work approach be adopted in the educational curriculum for the training of social work professionals.

Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T00:37:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leal_ClaudiaFeierabendBaeta_D.pdf: 2378045 bytes, checksum: b74ec906b4f88dc81ab90f13e61fdf96 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Esta tese trata da presença, atividades e repressão dos militantes anarquistas residentes ou atuantes em São Paulo nos anos 1890. Nesse sentido, o objetivo do trabalho é analisar sua atuação nesse período através de seus jornais, publicações, manifestações públicas e em sua interação com outros agentes sociais, fossem eles outros trabalhadores, policiais ou autoridades diplomáticas e oficiais. A tese tenciona também acompanhar a construção da idéia de anarquismo no ambiente policial paulista, o que ajuda a entender as formas de tratamento delegadas aos militantes que desenvolveram atividades libertárias em São Paulo desde os primeiros anos da década de 1890, ajudando também a entender o tipo de suspeição a que os imigrantes eram submetidos e sua experiência de trabalhador estrangeiro e estigmatizado como subversivo / Abstract: This thesis focuses on the presence of anarchist militants in São Paulo city in the 1890¿s, the activities they carried out and the repression they were submitted to. Thus, it aims at analyzing their action through the papers and works they published, the public meetings they held, as well as in their interaction with other social agents, such as workers, police officers, diplomatic and governmental authorities. This study also intends to follow the construction of the image of the anarchist within the police milieu, which may help to understand both the treatment to which those militants were subjected to since the early years of the 1890¿s, and also the suspicion that fell upon the immigrants, workers who were seen and stigmatized as subversives / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutor em História

Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T02:13:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marchetti_OlavoBaldi_M.pdf: 1674286 bytes, checksum: 64a85c6cd29b17cab6d4e05409491bbe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Durante a década de 1930 o governo de Getúlio Vargas adotou uma série de medidas de controle social, visando garantir o apoio e afastar as oposições ao seu projeto de Estado. Essas medidas tinham como objetivo influir também sobre a comunidade estrangeira instalada no país, e a partir de 1938 foram promulgados decretos especificamente elaborados para conter os possíveis problemas que o governo acreditava que o elemento estrangeiro poderia trazer. Dentre esses problemas a atuação política era ponto central. Neste período a comunidade italiana no Brasil sofria fortes influências do governo fascista, que desde a década de 1920 investia na propaganda do regime entre os súditos emigrados, a fim de elevar o seu prestígio internacional e assim conseguir também apoio para a implementação de seus projetos de governo. Para tanto, inventivou a organização de seus súditos através de associações dos mais diversos tipos, da imprensa e de outros meios. Os esforços de implementação dos projetos de ambos governos atingiram a comunidade italiana do estado de São Paulo. Em meados da década de 1930, quando as relações diplomáticas entre os dois países eram boas, os italianos aqui instalados conseguiram manter uma expressiva rede de associações de caráter étnico. Mas, à medida que as relações Brasil/Itália foram se desgastando, devido às disputas no cenário internacional, a situação dos italianos passou a ser menos favorável para a expressão de sentimentos nacionalistas e de pertencimento étnico, situação esta agravada pela entrada do Brasil na Segunda Guerra ao lado do bloco Aliado. Diante das medidas, os italianos de São Paulo vão procurar maneiras de reagir e se adaptar. Assim, tanto a elaboração do projeto de controle dos estrangeiros, quanto as ações policiais para colocá-lo em prática e a reação da comumidade italiana têm muito a nos dizer sobre as intenções e os posicionamentos do Estado brasileiro no período, sobre suas formas de atuação perante a sociedade e também sobre a relação desses italianos com a etnicidade, a política, com o grupo e com a sociedade brasileira / Abstract: Throughout the 1930?s, Getulio Vargas?s government took several measures of social control to obtain wider support and weaken the opposition to his State project. These measures also aimed to better control the foreign community here installed, and from 1938 the government started publishing decrees especially prepared for dealing with problems that the government believed the foreigners were likely to bring. Among these problems, political activity was a central one. During that period the Italian community suffered the influence of the fascist government that had been investing in political propaganda targeting the emigrant community since the 1920?s, with the intention of elevating Italy?s international prestige and also gaining support for their project. In order to do that, they invested in the organization of their subjects through associations of all sorts, the press and other institutions. The efforts to implement both State projects affected the Italian community of São Paulo. In the mid 1930?s, when the diplomatic channels between both countries were open, the Italians here installed were able to maintain an expressive ethnic association network. But, with the tensions between both nations rising because of the international agenda, the conditions for the Italians to manifest their nationalist and ethnic sentiment of belonging got tougher, a situation aggravated by Brazil?s decision to join the Allies in World War II. Against Vargas's measures of foreign control, the Italian community of São Paulo sought ways to react and adapt. The setting of Brazil?s foreign control project, the police actions to run the project and the Italian community?s reaction have much to say about the intentions and political standings of the Brazilian State at the time and about its manners of dealing with the national society. It also reveals the relationship of the Italian community with their national and ethnical feelings, with politics, with their own group and, last but not least, with Brazilian society / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História

This doctoral dissertation seeks to investigate the reasons that lay behind the rise, success and decline of the Italian-run migrant workers� organisation FILEF during the 1970s in Melbourne by reviewing and discussing some significant historical events. It does so in light of the existing literature, archival data and a string of oral accounts gathered from former and current key FILEF members and collaborators. It is hereby offering a better understanding of an otherwise poorly researched area of the Italian-Australian left-wing grassroots organisations in post-war Australia. The thesis has been divided into two parts, including introduction and conclusion. Part One (Chapters 1-5) reviews the historical and political background (in both Italy and Australia) that favoured the establishment of FILEF in Australia, including Melbourne, in the early 1970s; Part Two (Chapters 6-9) presents an analysis of the historical development and socio-political role of FILEF Melbourne between 1972 and 1980. Chapter One reviews the theoretical context, the representation of the history of FILEF in previous publications, primary and secondary sources, the research strategy and methodology. Chapters Two and Three anchor the history of FILEF Melbourne to their respective background in Italy and Australia. That is, Chapter Two examines the post-war Italian emigration and its politicising by the Italian Left; Chapter Three focuses on the postwar emigration of Italians to Australia and outlines a profile of the Italian-Australian community. Chapter Four maps the route of the Italian-Australian Left in the 1950s and 1960s, that is from Italia Libera to the Lega Italo-Australiana. Chapter Five reviews the circumstances that led the establishment of the PCI in Australia respectively. Chapter Six examines the origins and grassroots activism of FILEF in Melbourne in the 1970s, especially by looking at three areas of activity: migrant press, migrant welfare and migrant politics. Chapter Seven researches the vulnerability of FILEF to the pressures of conservative quarters by recounting the �Italian communist move in� (1975) and the federal funding cut (1976) episodes. Chapter Eight, thoroughly revisits the Salemi case (1977), while Chapter Nine explores the effects of the case and Salemi�s deportation on FILEF towards the end of the 1970s.

This doctoral dissertation seeks to investigate the reasons that lay behind the rise, success and decline of the Italian-run migrant workers� organisation FILEF during the 1970s in Melbourne by reviewing and discussing some significant historical events. It does so in light of the existing literature, archival data and a string of oral accounts gathered from former and current key FILEF members and collaborators. It is hereby offering a better understanding of an otherwise poorly researched area of the Italian-Australian left-wing grassroots organisations in post-war Australia. The thesis has been divided into two parts, including introduction and conclusion. Part One (Chapters 1-5) reviews the historical and political background (in both Italy and Australia) that favoured the establishment of FILEF in Australia, including Melbourne, in the early 1970s; Part Two (Chapters 6-9) presents an analysis of the historical development and socio-political role of FILEF Melbourne between 1972 and 1980. Chapter One reviews the theoretical context, the representation of the history of FILEF in previous publications, primary and secondary sources, the research strategy and methodology. Chapters Two and Three anchor the history of FILEF Melbourne to their respective background in Italy and Australia. That is, Chapter Two examines the post-war Italian emigration and its politicising by the Italian Left; Chapter Three focuses on the postwar emigration of Italians to Australia and outlines a profile of the Italian-Australian community. Chapter Four maps the route of the Italian-Australian Left in the 1950s and 1960s, that is from Italia Libera to the Lega Italo-Australiana. Chapter Five reviews the circumstances that led the establishment of the PCI in Australia respectively. Chapter Six examines the origins and grassroots activism of FILEF in Melbourne in the 1970s, especially by looking at three areas of activity: migrant press, migrant welfare and migrant politics. Chapter Seven researches the vulnerability of FILEF to the pressures of conservative quarters by recounting the �Italian communist move in� (1975) and the federal funding cut (1976) episodes. Chapter Eight, thoroughly revisits the Salemi case (1977), while Chapter Nine explores the effects of the case and Salemi�s deportation on FILEF towards the end of the 1970s.

Στόχος της εργασίας μας ήταν η μελέτη, μέσα από πρωτογενείς κυρίως πηγές, της περιόδου κατοχής στην Αχαΐα. Ειδικότερα θελήσαμε να δείξουμε πως επηρεάστηκαν η ζωή του άμαχου πληθυσμού και η εκπαιδευτική διαδικασία από την κατάκτηση, την Κατοχή και την Αντίσταση. Υπό το πρίσμα αυτό διερευνήσαμε τις σχέσεις του άμαχου πληθυσμού με τους κατακτητές και την Αντίσταση και τη θέση του σχολείου,εκπαιδευτικών και μαθητών/φοιτητών στις νέες συνθήκες. Όπου κρίθηκε απαραίτητο αναφερθήκαμε σε άλλες περιοχές της Ελλάδας με στόχο την συγκριτική ανάγνωση των τεκταινομενων στην Αχαΐα. Η έρευνά μας περιστράφηκε γύρω από τρία βασικά ερωτήματα: τις επιπτώσεις της Κατοχής και της Αντίστασης στην καθημερινότητα των ανθρώπων, τις αντιδράσεις των Αχαιών στην προπαγάνδα και τα αντίποινα των κατακτητών και, τέλος, τα προβλήματα της εκπαίδευσης και τις πρακτικές του εκπαιδευτικού κόσμου. Από την έρευνά μας καταλήξαμε στα εξής συμπεράσματα: Α) Η αντίσταση στην Αχαΐα υπήρξε σχεδόν καθολική. Ήταν ηπιότερη απέναντι στους Ιταλούς, περισσότερο οργανωμένη και καλυμμένη απέναντι στους Γερμανούς. Αναλύονται διεξοδικά οι λόγοι της γενικευμένης αντίστασης και αναφορέρονται οι επιπτώσεις των αντιποίνων. Β)Στην αντίσταση κατά των κατακτητών, επισημαίνεται ο ιδιαίτερος ρόλος του ΕΑΜ, το οποίο κατάφερε να πλησιάσει τους πολίτες κάθε κοινωνικής ομάδας, μέσα από ένα πλήθος οργανώσεων οι οποίες κάλυπταν κάθε πτυχή του κοινωνικού βίουκαι απαντούσαν σε σύγχρονες και χρόνιες ανάγκες του πολίτη,ανάγκες στις οποίες το επίσημο κράτος δεν μπόρεσε ποτέ να ανταποκριθεί. Γ) Η κατάκτηση άλλαξε τα δεδομένα του σχολείου. Απάντηση στα τρέχοντα και τα χρόνια προβλήματα της εκπαίδευσης προσπάθησαν να δώσουν οι αντιστασιακές οργανώσεις ΕΔΕΣ και ΕΑΜ, κυρίως η δεύτερη. Το ΕΑΜ πρωτοστάτησε, επιπλέον, στην αντίσταση στον εκπαιδευτικό χώρο. Η συμμετοχή των φορέων της εκπαίδευσης στην Αντίσταση ήταν σχεδόν καθολική. / The goal of our research is the investigation (through unpublished sources mainly) of the period of the Italian - German occupation in Achaia. In particular, we tried to show how people's everyday life and the educational process was affected by the occupation and the Resistance. In this light we investigated people's relation with the conquerors and the Resistance and the school's, teachers' and pupils'/students' situation under these circumstances. When it was needed, we was mentioned to the other regions of Greece, focusing on a comparative look of what happened in Achaia. Our investigation ran on three basic questions: the impact of the Italian-German occupation and the Resistance on people's everyday life, their reactions to the conquerors' propaganda and reprisals and, finally, the educationl problems and the acts of educational world. The conclusions of this study are: A) The resistance in Achaia was widespread. The struggle against Germans was orginized and clandestine. The resistance to the Italians was less intense. The reasons of this general resistance are analyzed in detail in this study and also the impacts of the reprisals. B) The exeptional role of EAM in the resistance to conquerors is pointed out. Eam managed to embrace people from every social class through a large number of organizations that covered every aspect of social life and addressed the current and chronic needs of the citizens, needs to which the official government could never respond. C) The conquest changed the school in many ways. EDES and EAM, mainly the second, tried to address the problems in education. In particular, EAM played a leading role in the organization of the resistance of teachers and other education authorities and achieved their board participation.

Cette étude vise à apporter une première approche critique de l’ensemble des œuvres littéraires des Italiens émigrés en Tunisie. À mi-chemin entre colonisateurs et colonisés, mais confrontés à l’acculturation française, les Italiens de Tunisie revendiquent leur identité, leur langue et leur culture ancestrales. De quelle façon la nouvelle Rome pourra racheter l’Afrique « latine » et enfin reconquérir Carthage, que la France coloniale a usurpée, au détriment de l’Italie en imposant un protectorat ?Il s’agira dans un premier temps d’analyser l’émergence d’une écriture sui generis intimement liée à la présence d’une colonie d’expatriés réclamant l’héritage d’un passé lointain dont les vestiges ont façonné les paysages d’un pays qui représente, à bien des égards, une terre promise. Quelle est la mission de cette écriture tunisienne multiculturelle et d’expression allogène, aux marges des littératures française et italienne ?Dans le débat culturel qui se développe entre Français et Italiens, quelles sont les réflexions des uns et des autres au sujet de la question identitaire, de l’interprétation de l’Histoire, des multiples expérimentations littéraires ? Il sera question aussi d’étudier les différentes représentations de la Tunisie coloniale, de la communauté italienne et de la rencontre de l’Autre à travers séparations et partages. Quelles images d’un univers colonial au carrefour de la France, de l’Italie et de la Tunisie retiendrons-nous de ces écrits variés ?Les principaux textes analysés, au nombre de dix-huit, ont été rédigés par Antonio Corpora, Menotti Corsini, Francesco Cucca, Federico De Maria, Luigi De Paolis, Ercole Labronio, Cesare Luccio, Vito Magliocco, Guido Medina, Adrien Salmieri, Francesco Santoliquido, Giuseppe Sicurella, Mario Scalesi et Clarice Tartufari. / This study aims to provide a critical approach to literary works of Italians immigrated to Tunisia. Halfway between colonizers and colonized and having to face with French acculturation, Italians in Tunisia claim their ancestral identity, their language and culture. By what means the new Rome may redeem "Latin" Africa and finally win Carthage that colonial France usurped with the imposition of a protectorate, at the expense of Italy?First of all we will analyse the emergence of a sui generis literature closely linked to the presence of an expatriate colony claiming the legacy of a distant past whose remains have shaped the landscape of a country that is, in many ways, a promised land. What is the mission of an allogeneic multicultural Tunisian writing at the margins of French and Italian literatures?In the cultural debate that takes place between French and Italians, what are the respective arguments about identity, interpretation of history and the multiple literary experiments? This study also concerns the different representations of colonial Tunisia, the images of the Italian colony and the encounter with the other, through separations and shares. What pictures of a colonial world suspended between France, Italy and Tunisia emerged from these scattered works? The texts examined were written by Antonio Corpora, Menotti Corsini, Francesco Cucca, Federico De Maria, Luigi De Paolis, Ercole Labronio, Cesare Luccio, Vito Magliocco, Guido Medina, Adrien Salmieri, Francesco Santoliquido, Giuseppe Sicurella, Mario Scalesi and Clarice Tartufari.

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