During the last decades Recognition of Prior Learning (RPL) has become a more frequently used method to recognise adult’s prior learning. This thesis analyses a process of RPL in health care, where health care assistants are assessed against subjects in the upper-secondary health care program. Prior research on RPL is to a high degree non-theoretical and focus is primarily on policy level research. This thesis adds to the field by progressing a critical social theory perspective on RPL. In the thesis the RPL process is analysed through Jürgen Habermas’ theory of communicative action and Axel Honneth’s Recognition theory. General questions posed are: What are the power issues in the RPL process? What implications does the tension between the lifeworld of work and the system of education have? What consequences does mutual understanding and communication have for the outcome of the RPL process? What part does recognition play for the participants? The results disclose the power relations that emerge in the relationship between participants and teachers. A caring ideology is developed and problematized. Further, the importance of mutual understanding between participant and teachers in the assessment of prior learning is discussed focusing on the consequences a lack of mutual understanding could have for the outcome in such assessments. On a macro level the analysis demonstrates the tension between the participants prior learning and the educational systems demand for formalising prior learning. In addition, analyses of a more developmental character that intends to show the potential for critical learning, change and recognition are progressed. The results suggest that communicative action can be used to develop RPL into processes focusing on critical learning and change. Recognition of traits and abilities could also enhance individual’s positive relations with the self. Such recognition could develop self-confidence and thus RPL could encourage learning and cultivate continuing self-realisation through work. / Validering har under de senaste decennierna blivit en alltmer använd metod för att erkänna vuxnas tidigare lärande. Denna avhandling analyserar en valideringsprocess inom omvårdnadssektorn för vårdbiträden med mångårig erfarenhet. Vårdbiträdena valideras mot ämnen inom omvårdnadsprogrammets karaktärsämnen. Tidigare forskning om validering är i hög grad icke-teoretisk och mycket fokus har legat på policynivå. Denna avhandling bidrar till forskningsfältet genom att problematisera validering utifrån ett kritiskt samhällsteoretiskt perspektiv. I avhandlingen analyseras valideringsprocessen utifrån Jürgen Habermas teori om det kommunikativa handlandet och Axel Honneths erkännandeteori. Exempel på mer generella frågor som ställs är: Vilka är maktfaktorerna i valideringsprocessen? Är handlingarna i processen koordinerade mot gemensam förståelse? Hur ser förhållandet mellan system och livsvärld ut? Vilken roll spelar erkännandet i validering för deltagarna? Resultatet synliggör de maktförhållanden som uppstår mellan deltagare och lärare i bedömningsprocessen. En omvårdande ideologi lyfts fram och problematiseras. Därtill diskuteras betydelsen av gemensam förståelse mellan deltagare och lärare vid bedömning, samt vilka konsekvenser brist på gemensam förståelse kan få. På ett makroplan åskådliggör analysen spänningen mellan deltagarnas erfarenheter och utbildningssystemets krav på formalisering. Vidare genomförs mer utvecklingsfokuserade analyser som vill visa på möjligheterna för kritiskt lärande och förändring i validering. Resultatet demonstrerar också, bland annat, betydelsen av att bli erkänd för sina förmågor och hur detta kan utveckla individens självuppskattning och främja lärande. I studien föreslås det att kommunikativt handlande kan utgöra en norm för hur validering kan utvecklas mot mer kritiskt lärande och positiv förändring. Men också att erkännande av tidigare förmågor kan gynna individens positiva relation till sig själv, hur detta främjar lärande, självuppskattning och hur validering därmed kan utgöra en grund för ett vidare självförverkligande genom arbete.

This essay studies the implicit and explicit perspectives of Bruce Lincoln, Jürgen Habermas, Talal Asad, Saba Mahmood, Charles Taylor, José Casanova and their approach to secularism as a phenomenon. This is done by categorizing them into three categories. The categories,enlightenment-centered theorists, critical theorists and implicit-theological theorists, all have explicit accounts and implicit forms of reasoning that shape and contextualize their respective approach. The Enlightenment-centered theorists tend to regard secularism as a neutral and peace-keeping statecraft. This approach implicitly contains the idea of a clear division between secular and religious. This implicit form of reasoning I argue is problematically non-reflexive to the theorist’s own standpoint and risks becoming a form of secular ideology. The theorists categorized as critical theorists view secularism more as a type of discourse where what is seen as religious and the secular is inherently fluid. This is then analyzed by them as a special strategy for Western sovereignty. The perspective of the implicit-theological theorists is similar both to the Enlightenment-centered and the criticaltheorists' perspective in that secularism is primarily peace-keeping and that the categories are often fluid. I show that their approach contains theological assumptions that religion responds to a realm which challenges the immanent world. In the last chapter of the essay, I give a normative evaluation of the three approaches to secularism where I argue that while the enlightenment-centered theorists have useful explanatory models, the critical and to a lesser extent implicit-theological approach to secularism are more fruitful for religious studies. They allow for more flexibility in studying the relationship between secular and religious groups as they do not determine the categories in advance. The essay also contains a concluding discussion on the type of problems for philosophy of science and religious studies that arise when secularism and what is seen as the secular is deconstructed.

In the tumultuous political climate following Brexit, a new energy has been given to the idea of establishing transnational lists for the European elections. With the ever-increasing need for democratic legitimacy on the EU stage, the system of transnational lists is viewed by many as a salvation to the problem with democratic deficit within the European Union. The idea of transnational lists was voted in the European Parliament during the plenary session in Strasbourg on February 2018 but rejected after a debate on a clearly divided issue. By analysing the debate from 2018, this study aims to investigate what are the conditions, found in the debate, that could make transnational lists in the European Parliament possible.  When analysing the debate from 2018, five significant conditions for transnational lists were identified. These conditions were democracy, question of federal states, the aspect of spitzenkandidaten, solidarity and the size of Member States. Interestingly, the conditions were observed to be both obstacles and possibilities for transnational lists. Taken together, these results suggest that there is an association between the above-named conditions and the failure of the proposition for transnational lists, alternatively, to a future breakthrough.

O objeto da presente pesquisa constitui-se na análise imanente dos pressupostos da \"guinada linguístico-pragmática\" de Jürgen Habermas verificada no interior de sua magnum opus - a Teoria do agir comunicativo, publicada em 1981. O objetivo a que nos propusemos alcançar é a elucidação do modo peculiar como Habermas absorve as aquisições teóricas da pragmática linguística (em especial J. L. Austin e J. R. Searle) visando a construção de sua teoria da comunicação, cujo ponto central é a postulação do consenso entre sujeitos capazes de linguagem e ação como o \"fim último\" ou télos do agir comunicativo. A hipótese teórica - ou de trabalho -, que acreditamos ter sido confirmada ao longo de nossa pesquisa, é a de que Habermas, mesmo sendo um árduo defensor da razão e do \"projeto da modernidade\", compartilha ponto comum com os pensadores do período que se convencionou designar pós-modernidade: o chamado \"idealismo linguístico\", isto é, apreensão dos atos comunicativos como entidades autônomas, porque separados das relações materiais e sociais dos homens. / The object of this research is the immanent analysis of the Jürgen Habermas \"linguistic-pragmatic turn\" presuppositions, verified in his magnum opus - The Theory of Communicative Action, published in 1981. The goal we set ourselves to achieve is to elucidate the peculiar way as Habermas absorbs the theoretical acquisitions of linguistic pragmatics (especially J. L. Austin and J. R. Searle) for the construction of a theory of communication, whose focal point is the postulation of consensus between subjects capable of speech and action as the telos of communicative action. The theoretical hypothesis that we believe have been confirmed throughout our research is that Habermas, despite being a vehement defender of reason and the \"Project of modernity\", shares common ground with the thinkers of that period is conventionally designate postmodernity: the so-called \"linguistic idealism\", i. e. the seizure of communicative acts as autonomous entities, because separed of socials and materials relations of men

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:40:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 29 / Nenhuma / Esta tese envolve uma investigação pragmático-sistêmica sobre o conceito de serviço público. Trata-se, portanto, de uma observação específica do serviço público, ou seja, o seu conceito. O problema, portanto, é como o Direito responde à pergunta “o que é serviço público”. O problema acima será abordado a partir da matriz pragmático-sistêmica. A hipótese é investigar como o conceito de serviço público levará (ou não) à distinção serviço público/não serviço público. O conceito de serviço público será abordado a partir de suas funções, e esta é uma outra hipótese dessa tese – a de que o funcionalismo é adequado para a observação sociológica de categorias dogmáticas do Direito. O caminho, tortuoso, labiríntico e recursivo, é feito com a ajuda de sete funções atribuídas ao conceito de serviço público (e, conseqüentemente, ao próprio serviço público), a saber: função de distinguir, de oscilar, de selecionar, de estabilizar, de indicar símbolos, de acoplar e de deflagrar. A matriz teórica será a pragmáticasistêmic / This thesis involves a pragmatic-systemic research on the concept of public service. It is therefore a particular point of public service, its concept. The problem that drives this, thus, is how the legal system responds to the question "what is public service". The above problem is observed from pragmatic-systemic perspective. The hypothesis of the study is that the investigation of the concept of public service will lead to distinguish public service / non-public service. The concept of public service will be approached from his functions, and this is another hypothesis - that the functionalism is suitable for the sociological observation of dogmatic categories of the legal system. The path is winding, labyrinth and recursive, and is done with the help of seven functions assigned to the concept of public service (and, consequently, the public service itself), namely to distinguish function of differentiate, to select, to stabilize, of state symbols, and to couple outbreak. The matrix theory is the pragmatic

In Lübeck fand 2010 eine Bürgerkonferenz zum Thema Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen statt. 20 Bürger unterschiedlichen Alters und mit heterogenen Bildungshintergründen informierten sich über das Thema Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen, diskutierten ihre Überzeugungen und Erfahrungen und verfassten am Ende ein gemeinsames Votum. Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen war bei den Bürgern definiert als ein Gedankenkonstrukt darüber, welche Werte und Kriterien in der medizinischen Versorgung als wirklich wichtig empfunden werden, und welche weniger wichtig erscheinen. Aus diesen Überlegungen können Rangfolgen medizinischer Interventionen und Therapien erarbeitet werden. Diese Konferenz betreffend beantwortet diese Arbeit die Forschungsfragen, ob Bürger in der Lage sind ein solch komplexes Thema wie Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen sinnvoll und weiterführend zu diskutieren, zu welchen inhaltlichen Ergebnissen sie dabei kommen und welche Bedeutung diese Ergebnisse für die Gesamtdebatte haben können. Die Lübecker Bürger haben einen gelungenen Diskurs geführt, was in dieser Arbeit anhand von Kriterien des Diskursethikers Jürgen Habermas herausgearbeitet wird. Mit dieser Methode eine Bürgerkonferenz zu analysieren wurde dabei innerhalb dieser Arbeit ein neuer Weg beschritten. Außerdem wird bezüglich der inhaltlichen Diskussion gezeigt, welche wichtige Bedeutung der Bürgerdiskurs für die Gesamtdebatte hat. Die Bürger haben einzelne neue Aspekte angesprochen, aber vor allem zeigt sich in der Analyse, dass die Lübecker Bürger einen Schwerpunkt bei Werten und Kriterien setzen, die das einzelne Individuum betreffen. Der Vergleich der inhaltlichen Ergebnisse der Lübecker Bürgerkonferenz mit den inhaltlichen Ergebnissen einer kanadischen citizens jury zu diesem Themenkomplex zeigt viele Parallelen und gibt damit den Hinweis darauf, dass ein länderübergreifender gemeinsamer Bürgerwille besteht.

O objeto da presente pesquisa constitui-se na análise imanente dos pressupostos da \"guinada linguístico-pragmática\" de Jürgen Habermas verificada no interior de sua magnum opus - a Teoria do agir comunicativo, publicada em 1981. O objetivo a que nos propusemos alcançar é a elucidação do modo peculiar como Habermas absorve as aquisições teóricas da pragmática linguística (em especial J. L. Austin e J. R. Searle) visando a construção de sua teoria da comunicação, cujo ponto central é a postulação do consenso entre sujeitos capazes de linguagem e ação como o \"fim último\" ou télos do agir comunicativo. A hipótese teórica - ou de trabalho -, que acreditamos ter sido confirmada ao longo de nossa pesquisa, é a de que Habermas, mesmo sendo um árduo defensor da razão e do \"projeto da modernidade\", compartilha ponto comum com os pensadores do período que se convencionou designar pós-modernidade: o chamado \"idealismo linguístico\", isto é, apreensão dos atos comunicativos como entidades autônomas, porque separados das relações materiais e sociais dos homens. / The object of this research is the immanent analysis of the Jürgen Habermas \"linguistic-pragmatic turn\" presuppositions, verified in his magnum opus - The Theory of Communicative Action, published in 1981. The goal we set ourselves to achieve is to elucidate the peculiar way as Habermas absorbs the theoretical acquisitions of linguistic pragmatics (especially J. L. Austin and J. R. Searle) for the construction of a theory of communication, whose focal point is the postulation of consensus between subjects capable of speech and action as the telos of communicative action. The theoretical hypothesis that we believe have been confirmed throughout our research is that Habermas, despite being a vehement defender of reason and the \"Project of modernity\", shares common ground with the thinkers of that period is conventionally designate postmodernity: the so-called \"linguistic idealism\", i. e. the seizure of communicative acts as autonomous entities, because separed of socials and materials relations of men

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carolina Souza Torres Blanco.pdf: 1215182 bytes, checksum: 18d310b8bcb4bddc8090e95dc754796a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-12 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The transformations through the linguistic turn and hermeneutics, awareness of the interpretative character of knowledge of cultural objects, as in the case of law, and the role of language in human understanding of the world generates a crisis paradigm on how to understand the law and how to operate it. There are theories supporting the linking of law and legal decisions to a question of political morality and a claim to correctness. These transformations in theory of law lead to direct modifications on Constitutionalism. However, performing this requirement of Fulcrum in initial Constitution, compliance with the pretense of correction of the legal decision? If we differ on what's fair or unfair, how to reconcile it with the requirements of legal certainty and the democratic character of our coexistence? This dissertation proposes a contribution to this debate through the study of three contemporary authors: Ronald Dworkin, Robert Alexy, Jürgen Habermas. Study the problems of rationality and the correction of legal decision in the optical of these three authors, so we defend, at the end, the idea of implementation of the Constitution as argumentative venture-discursive and hermeneutical-constructive, tuned to rational agreements shared between human beings in the world of life / Com as transformações operadas através da guinada linguística e hermenêutica, a conscientização do caráter interpretativo do conhecimento de objetos culturais, como é o caso do direito, e do papel da linguagem na compreensão humana de mundo gera uma crise paradigmática sobre o modo de se compreender o direito e de como se operar com ele. Teorias surgem sustentando a vinculação do direito e das decisões jurídicas a uma problemática de moralidade política e a uma pretensão de correção. Essas transformações na teoria do direito conduzem a modificações diretas no Constitucionalismo. Contudo, como executar esta exigência, de fulcro inicial na concretização da Constituição, de cumprimento da pretensão de correção da decisão jurídica? Se divergimos sobre o que é justo ou injusto, como conciliá-la com exigências de segurança jurídica e ao caráter democrático de nossa convivência? A presente dissertação propõe uma contribuição a este debate através do estudo de três autores contemporâneos: Ronald Dworkin, Robert Alexy, Jürgen Habermas. Estuda-se, assim, a problemática da racionalidade e da correção da decisão jurídica nas óticas desses três autores, para, ao fim, defendermos, a ideia de concretização da Constituição como empreendimento argumentativo-discursivo e hermenêutico-construtivo, atento ao compartilhamento intersubjetivo do acordado racionalmente no mundo da vida

O presente estudo trata do conceito de esfera pública (Öffentlichkeit) na sociedade moderna a partir da teoria social de Niklas Luhmann. Não se trata, contudo, de mera exegese. É certo que a teoria luhmanniana é utilizada como guia do argumento e como referencial teórico básico, mas sua utilização é feita através de uma abordagem interdisciplinar que visa a dialogar tanto com a macro teoria dominante acerca da esfera pública (de Jürgen Habermas) quanto com problemas teóricos levantados por teorias de médio alcance que, preocupadas com a pesquisa empírica, evidenciaram problemas e fenômenos contemporâneos que não parecem ser passíveis de enfrentamento pela teoria habermasiana. Por isso, os desenvolvimentos da teoria dos sistemas sobre o conceito de esfera pública enfrentarão dois momentos de tensão: no primeiro Parte I do trabalho um enfrentamento teórico conceitual em face da teoria de Jürgen Habermas sobre a esfera pública, e no segundo Parte II com alguns problemas contemporâneos levantados para literatura atual: sua relação com o Estado e o sistema político, com os Tribunais Constitucionais, com os meios de comunicação em massa, com movimentos de protesto e com as pretensões de inclusão na sociedade mundial (Weltgesellschaft). / This study concern the concept of the public sphere (Öffentlichkeit) of modern society in the social theory of Niklas Luhmann. It is not, however, an exegetic study. Niklas Luhmanns theory constitutes the main guide-line of this study and functions as its basal theoretical framework. Nevertheless, the arguments here presented are carried on by an interdisciplinary approach, in order to perform a dialog not only with the dominant theory of the modern public sphere (Jürgen Habermas), but also with theoretical problems raised by middle range theories which are concerned which empirical research; and with contemporary problems and phenomena that do not seem to be tacked properly by the habermasian theory. Therefore, the systems theory model of modern public sphere faces two moments of tension: In the first one Part I it faces Jürgen Habermas theory of the public sphere. In the second Part II contemporary problems and issues are addressed: the relation among the public sphere, the State and the political system; the mass communication system; protest movements and the inclusion claims carried on in the world society (Weltgesellschaft).