La figure du législateur demeure matière à controverse dans la pensée politique de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Son rôle, consistant à « transformer » la nature humaine en vue de réaliser la vertu civique, a porté certains interprètes à voir dans sa pensée une forme d’autoritarisme. L'erreur de cette interprétation nous apparaît être dans le sens et la portée attribués à l'idée de transformation morale. Cette dernière n'implique pas une transformation radicale des mœurs, mais bien leur parachèvement. Circonscrire cette portée nécessite de concevoir les mœurs comme une matière donnée et qui ne saurait être façonnée indéfiniment, car ses potentialités sont déterminées par son développement historique. Ce caractère décisif attribué par Rousseau au développement historique peut se comprendre à la lumière de sa conception pessimiste de l’évolution des mœurs. D’après cette conception, les mœurs, essentiellement corruptibles, atteignent un stade historique de corruption où elles ne sauraient être parachevées en vertu. Il s’ensuit que seul un peuple dont les mœurs sont non corrompues par le progrès historique a la potentialité d'atteindre la vertu. Ainsi, la tâche du législateur d'effectuer une transformation morale de l'homme doit être entendue non comme celle de créer ex nihilo une nouvelle nature humaine, mais comme celle de parachever les virtualités propres aux mœurs saines. / The status of the legislator remains a matter of controversy in the political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. His role, which consist in transforming human nature in order to realize civic virtue, has lead some interpreters to see in Rousseau’s thought a form of autocratic process. This error of interpretation seems related to the meaning and the range attributed to the idea of moral transformation. For Rousseau, the latter does not imply a radical transformation of morals (moeurs), but rather a process for perfecting or improving them. To circumscribe this task requires interpreting morals as a given matter that is not indefinitely malleable since its potential is determined by its historical development. This decisive character attributed to historical development by Rousseau can be understood in the light of his pessimistic conception of the evolution of morals. According to this conception, morals are essentially corruptible, and reach an historical stage of decadence such that they cannot be reformed into virtue. It follows that only a people whose morals are not corrupted by historical progress have the potential to reach virtue. Accordingly, the legislator, whose task is to carry out a moral transformation of man, must not be understood as one that creates ex nihilo a new human nature but rather as one that completes the potentiality inherent to healthy morals.

Sabemos que a querela entre Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) e Jean-Philippe Rameau (1683-1764) está sujeita a diferentes leituras, cujo interesse muitas vezes foi reduzido a um curioso anedotário ou a uma disputa produzida tão somente pelos humores de ambos. Nesta pesquisa, contudo, para além do relato biográfico e das conjecturas sobre as causas da rivalidade entre Rousseau e Rameau, intentamos priorizar uma análise que buscasse balizar os posicionamentos estéticos de um e outro, com ênfase nos argumentos expostos por Rousseau em sua contraposição ao sistema harmônico de Rameau. Ao longo deste debate, entendemos que, ao esquadrinhar e, posteriormente, criticar os escritos de Rameau, Rousseau teria encontrado ideias extraordinariamente férteis que favoreceram o desenvolvimento de seu pensamento musical. Para sustentar a tese da preeminência da melodia sobre a harmonia, assim contrariando os princípios do sistema ramista, o autor da maior parte dos verbetes sobre música da Enciclopédia, da Carta sobre a música francesa e do Dicionário de música, jamais deixaria de se referir ao sistema harmônico de seu rival. A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo compreender a querela Rousseau-Rameau sob este aspecto, assim como apontar a relação da disputa assinalada com inflamados debates que também estiveram em pauta na França da segunda metade do século XVIII, a exemplo da Querela dos Bufões. Para tanto, além de examinar aspectos pontuais dos escritos musicais já mencionados, cotejando-os com alguns dos principais textos da vasta obra teórica de Rameau, procuramos nos deter na análise do texto de Rousseau intitulado Exame de dois princípios avançados pelo Sr. Rameau, cuja tradução apresentamos em anexo. / We know that the quarrel between Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) and Jean- Philippe Rameau (1683-1764) is subject to different readings, whose interest has often been reduced to a curious collection of anecdotes or to a dispute produced only by the humors of both. In this research, however, beyond the biography and the conjectures about the causes of the rivalry between Rousseau and Rameau, we aim to prioritize an analysis that sought to mark the aesthetic positioning of one and the other, with emphasis on Rousseaus arguments as opposed to the harmonic system of Rameau. Throughout this debate, we understand that Rousseau, by scrutinizing and later criticizing Rameaus writings, would have found extraordinarily fertile ideas that favored the development of his musical thinking. To support the thesis of the preeminence of melody over harmony, thus contradicting the principles of the Rameaus system, the author of most of the articles on music at the Diderots Encyclopedia, of the Letter on French Music, and the Dictionary of Music, would never fail to refer to the harmonic system of his rival. The present research aims to understand the quarrel between Rousseau and Rameau in this aspect, as well as to point out the relationship of this dispute with inflamed debates that also were in agenda in France during the second half of the Eighteenth-Century, like the Quarrel of the Bouffons. Therefore, in addition to examining specific aspects of the musical writings already mentioned, comparing them with some of the main texts of Rameaus vast theoretical work, we seek to focus on the analysis of Rousseaus text entitled Examination of Two Principles Advanced by M. Rameau, whose translation into Portuguese we presented attached.

La figure du législateur demeure matière à controverse dans la pensée politique de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Son rôle, consistant à « transformer » la nature humaine en vue de réaliser la vertu civique, a porté certains interprètes à voir dans sa pensée une forme d’autoritarisme. L'erreur de cette interprétation nous apparaît être dans le sens et la portée attribués à l'idée de transformation morale. Cette dernière n'implique pas une transformation radicale des mœurs, mais bien leur parachèvement. Circonscrire cette portée nécessite de concevoir les mœurs comme une matière donnée et qui ne saurait être façonnée indéfiniment, car ses potentialités sont déterminées par son développement historique. Ce caractère décisif attribué par Rousseau au développement historique peut se comprendre à la lumière de sa conception pessimiste de l’évolution des mœurs. D’après cette conception, les mœurs, essentiellement corruptibles, atteignent un stade historique de corruption où elles ne sauraient être parachevées en vertu. Il s’ensuit que seul un peuple dont les mœurs sont non corrompues par le progrès historique a la potentialité d'atteindre la vertu. Ainsi, la tâche du législateur d'effectuer une transformation morale de l'homme doit être entendue non comme celle de créer ex nihilo une nouvelle nature humaine, mais comme celle de parachever les virtualités propres aux mœurs saines. / The status of the legislator remains a matter of controversy in the political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. His role, which consist in transforming human nature in order to realize civic virtue, has lead some interpreters to see in Rousseau’s thought a form of autocratic process. This error of interpretation seems related to the meaning and the range attributed to the idea of moral transformation. For Rousseau, the latter does not imply a radical transformation of morals (moeurs), but rather a process for perfecting or improving them. To circumscribe this task requires interpreting morals as a given matter that is not indefinitely malleable since its potential is determined by its historical development. This decisive character attributed to historical development by Rousseau can be understood in the light of his pessimistic conception of the evolution of morals. According to this conception, morals are essentially corruptible, and reach an historical stage of decadence such that they cannot be reformed into virtue. It follows that only a people whose morals are not corrupted by historical progress have the potential to reach virtue. Accordingly, the legislator, whose task is to carry out a moral transformation of man, must not be understood as one that creates ex nihilo a new human nature but rather as one that completes the potentiality inherent to healthy morals.

Thèse. Lettres. Paris. 1950.

Dans le premier versant du XVIIIe siècle, la présence de Paris dans les œuvres littéraires demeure sous-jacente ou est seulement suggérée par un simple regard qui reste généralement distant. C’est notamment le cas dans Le Diable boiteux de Lesage où la déambulation dans la ville reste subordonnée aux priorités visuelles (depuis un lieu surplombant, le diable montre à son élève les différents aspects de la ville). C’est avec Rousseau qu’une problématique nouvelle de la déambulation apparaît. Dans ses écrits autobiographiques (Les Confessions, Les Rêveries du promeneur solitaire), le narrateur met en scène cette déambulation dans son parcours même : les marches ou les promenades propices à la rêverie, à la méditation et à la remémoration. Avec Rétif de Bretonne (Les Nuits de Paris) et Louis-Sébastien Mercier (Tableau de Paris), Paris apparaît comme l’espace par excellence d’une errance féconde. La capitale française cesse d’être à l’arrière-plan et devient un objet d’écriture à part entière. / In the first half of the eighteenth century, the presence of Paris in the literary works remains underlying or is merely suggested by a single and generally distant glance. This is notably the case in Lesage’s novel The Lame Devil where the wandering in the city remains subordinate to visual priorities (from an overlooking place, the devil shows his learner different aspects of the city). It is with Rousseau that a new problem on ambulation emerges. In his autobiographical writings (Confessions, Reveries of a Solitary Walker), the narrator portrays this ambulation in his very career: walks or promenades inspiring daydreaming, conductive to meditation and recalling memories. With Rétif de la Bretonne (Parisian Nights) and Louis-Sébastien Mercier (Panorama of Paris), Paris seems to be the ideal place for a fertile wandering. The French capital ceases to be in the background and becomes a subject of writing in its own right.

Si la forte présence des personnages illustres et des cités antiques dans les œuvres politiques de Jean-Jacques Rousseau a été remarquée dès leur parution, leur fonction a trop longtemps été interprétée comme celle d'exemples à imiter. L'étude des multiples sources de Rousseau nous permet de mettre en lumière la complexité de ses références à l'Antiquité. Loin de présenter les grandes figures et les cités antiques comme des exemples monolithiques que le lecteur serait invité à faire revivre ou à regretter, Rousseau construit des modèles dynamiques, afin d'établir et d'explorer les « principes du droit politique», selon les termes du sous-titre du Contrat social. A partir de l'admiration pour les grands héros de Plutarque découverts dans son enfance, cette représentation se déplace dès le Discours sur les sciences et les arts vers l'étude des cités antiques, dont la réussite politique tient à ce qu'elles ont pleinement compris et exploité l'articulation fondamentale entre anthropologie et politique. C'est donc uniquement en observant comment les institutions politiques antiques prennent en charge la formation morale de l'homme que l'on peut pleinement établir les critères de fondation d'un corps politique légitime. La pensée politique antique joue ainsi un rôle considérable dans l'établissement de la distinction fondamentale entre souveraineté (pouvoir législatif) et gouvernement (pouvoir exécutif). L'étude de ces deux parties essentielles du corps politique met en évidence que la prégnance du modèle romain, plus fort que le modèle spartiate, permet à Rousseau de penser non seulement la fondation, mais encore la durée et le devenir du cor ps politique. / This dissertation conducts a systematic examination of Jean-Jacques Rousseau 's representation of Antiquity and provides a new interpretation of its meaning. Rousseau's lifelong interest in ancient Greece and Rome has so far been interpreted mainly as a personal myth, rooted in his emotional identification with examples of civic virtue. Challenging this interpretation, I analyze Rousseau's vision of Antiquity as a carefully constructed representatio n that seeks to answer key questions of early modern political thought. As he constructs his political system, Rousseau considers ancient material through a complex web of mediations, which alter his representation of Antiquity . The admiration for great men inherited from his childhood reading of Plutarch quickly turns into the construction of dynamic political models. Rousseau draws on ancient historical examples, as weil as on Plato's and Aristotle's political philosophy, to articulate his own definition of key modern political concepts such as sovereignty and body politic. In Rousseau's view ancient cities were politically successful because they fully understood the fundamental connection between anthropology and politics, placing the moral education of the citizens at the core of political action. Studying examples of ancient cities thus becomes indispensable not only to define a truly legitimate political structure, but also to design methods and practices to make it last over ti me. In this respect, the Roman Republic, whose institutions more successfully faced the challenge of history, serves as a more significant political model than Sparta. Reassessing Rousseau's representation of Antiquity thus allows usto reevaluate the place of government in his political system.

nÃo hà / O problema inicial que motivou a escrita deste trabalho surgiu da leitura de EmÃlio, de Rousseau. Nessa obra, foi possÃvel perceber a aÃÃo de diversos matizes teÃricos, como o racionalismo e o empirismo, atuando no desenvolvimento do plano educacional feito por Rousseau para o seu aluno imaginÃrio (o EmÃlio). A pergunta que conduziu essa curiosidade, desde entÃo, foi saber se existia uma teoria do conhecimento prÃpria ao pensamento de Rousseau e, se positiva a resposta, como ela estava ligada Ãs suas teorias da educaÃÃo. No conjunto de suas obras, descobriu-se a filiaÃÃo de Rousseau a autores como Descartes, Leibniz, Locke e Malebranche, como tambÃm a Condillac, Diderot, DâHolbach e HelvÃtius. à medida que se avanÃava na leitura da grande obra filosÃfica de Rousseau, percebeu-se uma teoria do conhecimento original, que aceita que pensamentos opostos convivam num mesmo espaÃo. A pedagogia de EmÃlio surgiu de uma miscelÃnea dessas teorias e de inÃmeras depuraÃÃes filosÃficas promovidas por Rousseau no interior do seu pensamento. O objetivo deste trabalho, portanto, à compreender a origem e o desenvolvimento da teoria do conhecimento de Rousseau, para, em seguida, entender como ele formulou suas teorias sobre educaÃÃo, principalmente no EmÃlio. O objeto desta pesquisa, alÃm da extensa bibliografia do pensador suÃÃo, concentrou-se na leitura e na anÃlise das principais obras dos filÃsofos acima mencionados. A metodologia empregada foi a da pesquisa documental comparativa, descritiva e crÃtica dos autores citados. O trabalho se divide em trÃs momentos: a primeira parte tem como intenÃÃo investigar os fundamentos da epistemologia rousseauniana atravÃs de suas influÃncias filosÃficas; a segunda parte prioriza as questÃes concernentes Ãs suas teorias da educaÃÃo; e a terceira e Ãltima parte procura investigar a ligaÃÃo entre teoria do conhecimento e educaÃÃo no interior do pensamento de Rousseau. / The initial problem which motivated the writing of this thesis arose from reading of Emile by Rousseau. In this work, it was possible to detect the influence of different theoretical approaches, such as rationalism and empiricism, inspiring the development of the educational plan designed by Rousseau for his imaginary student (Emile). The very core question of the present thesis regards to whether there was a theory of knowledge pertaining to Rousseauâs philosophical thinking and, if so, how it was related to his theories of education. In the set of his oeuvre, Rousseauâs affiliation to authors like Descartes, Leibniz, Locke and Malebranche, as well as Condillac, Diderot, DâHolbach and HelvÃtius was discovered. As the reading of the great philosophical work of Rousseau progressed, an original knowledge theory was discovered, of the kind which accepts the coexistence of opposite thoughts. Pedagogy, in the context of (the work) Emile, arose out of the miscellany of such theories and also for the intense philosophical maturing process on the core of Rousseauâs thinking. This study intended, therefore, to understand the origin and development of Rousseauâs theory of knowledge, and also to figure out how the philosopher formulated his theories on Education, especially in Emile. The object of this research, materialized through the extensive bibliography of the Swiss philosopher, was intensively read and analyzed. The methodology used was that of comparative, descriptive and critical documentary research of the mentioned authors. This research is divided into three sections: the first one intends to investigate the philosophical influence from different authors on the foundations of Rousseauâs epistemology; the second section addresses Rousseauâs theories of Education; the third and final part investigates the link between theory of knowledge and Education within Rousseauâs philosophical thought.

Sabemos que a querela entre Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) e Jean-Philippe Rameau (1683-1764) está sujeita a diferentes leituras, cujo interesse muitas vezes foi reduzido a um curioso anedotário ou a uma disputa produzida tão somente pelos humores de ambos. Nesta pesquisa, contudo, para além do relato biográfico e das conjecturas sobre as causas da rivalidade entre Rousseau e Rameau, intentamos priorizar uma análise que buscasse balizar os posicionamentos estéticos de um e outro, com ênfase nos argumentos expostos por Rousseau em sua contraposição ao sistema harmônico de Rameau. Ao longo deste debate, entendemos que, ao esquadrinhar e, posteriormente, criticar os escritos de Rameau, Rousseau teria encontrado ideias extraordinariamente férteis que favoreceram o desenvolvimento de seu pensamento musical. Para sustentar a tese da preeminência da melodia sobre a harmonia, assim contrariando os princípios do sistema ramista, o autor da maior parte dos verbetes sobre música da Enciclopédia, da Carta sobre a música francesa e do Dicionário de música, jamais deixaria de se referir ao sistema harmônico de seu rival. A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo compreender a querela Rousseau-Rameau sob este aspecto, assim como apontar a relação da disputa assinalada com inflamados debates que também estiveram em pauta na França da segunda metade do século XVIII, a exemplo da Querela dos Bufões. Para tanto, além de examinar aspectos pontuais dos escritos musicais já mencionados, cotejando-os com alguns dos principais textos da vasta obra teórica de Rameau, procuramos nos deter na análise do texto de Rousseau intitulado Exame de dois princípios avançados pelo Sr. Rameau, cuja tradução apresentamos em anexo. / We know that the quarrel between Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) and Jean- Philippe Rameau (1683-1764) is subject to different readings, whose interest has often been reduced to a curious collection of anecdotes or to a dispute produced only by the humors of both. In this research, however, beyond the biography and the conjectures about the causes of the rivalry between Rousseau and Rameau, we aim to prioritize an analysis that sought to mark the aesthetic positioning of one and the other, with emphasis on Rousseaus arguments as opposed to the harmonic system of Rameau. Throughout this debate, we understand that Rousseau, by scrutinizing and later criticizing Rameaus writings, would have found extraordinarily fertile ideas that favored the development of his musical thinking. To support the thesis of the preeminence of melody over harmony, thus contradicting the principles of the Rameaus system, the author of most of the articles on music at the Diderots Encyclopedia, of the Letter on French Music, and the Dictionary of Music, would never fail to refer to the harmonic system of his rival. The present research aims to understand the quarrel between Rousseau and Rameau in this aspect, as well as to point out the relationship of this dispute with inflamed debates that also were in agenda in France during the second half of the Eighteenth-Century, like the Quarrel of the Bouffons. Therefore, in addition to examining specific aspects of the musical writings already mentioned, comparing them with some of the main texts of Rameaus vast theoretical work, we seek to focus on the analysis of Rousseaus text entitled Examination of Two Principles Advanced by M. Rameau, whose translation into Portuguese we presented attached.

Si les propositions proprement révolutionnaires de l’apprendre comme de l’enseigner de J.-J. Rousseau au XVIIIe siècle ont pu alimenter toute la pensée de l’éducation pendant près de deux siècles, se seraient-elles effondrées au milieu du XXe siècle avec l’arrivée des Approches communicatives, Perspective actionnelle et Cadre européen commun de références pour les langues dans leur prolongement ? Ou bien, ces nouveaux modèles d’apprentissage rejouent-ils Emile ou de l’éducation ? Se pourrait-il que cette fiction nous informe du continuum et de la rupture avec la Tradition éducative occidentale depuis Platon ? car si Emile annonce l’apprenant d’aujourd’hui, ils se séparent radicalement quant à leur « destination » (Kant). Il est en effet des conditions pour que le métier d’homme, se transforme en savoir-être.De son côté, l’Essai sur l’origine des langues rousseauiste pose une question qui, même sondée par la linguistique, reste toujours en suspens. Le langage des hommes leur servirait-il à exprimer leurs besoins et leurs pensées ? Rousseau n’y croit pas, Saussure non plus, d’aucuns (Lacan pour principal) avance même que la langue sert à tout autre chose qu’à la communication, et d’autres, écrivains et poètes, lui font dire des choses insoupçonnées qu’on reconnaît cependant. Serait-elle néanmoins réductible à un savoir-faire par tout le monde ?A vouloir vite tourner les pages de l’histoire, la didactique (DLE et FLE notamment) se prive d’un illustre ancêtre qui pourtant voyait loin. Cette étude se propose d’y retourner. / If Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s radically innovative proposals for learning and teachning in tle 18th century nourished educational thought for two centuries, why did they collapse in the middle of 20th century with the development of Communicative and Action-oriented approaches, and, in their wake, the Common European Framework of References for Languages ? Or, alternatively, did these newer models of knowledge acquisition replay in some fashion or another the ideas contained in Rousseau’s Emile, or On Education ?Could it be that Rousseau’s fiction tell us about certain continuities and discontinuities in the Western intellectual tradition of educational thought since Plato ? If contemporary discussions of learning acquisition differ radically in Kantian terms of their ends, there are certain conditions necessary for vocational training to be transformed into life-skills (savoir-être).On the other hand, Rousseau’s Essay on the Origin of Languages asked a question to which contemporary linguists have been unable to give an adequate answer : does human language exists in order to express needs and thoughts ? Neither Rousseau, nor Saussure long after him, believed so. Lacan claimed that language serves another purpose besides communication. Others, writers and poets for example, regularly use language to say things otherwise unknown but recognizable nevertheless. Does this make language use’s purpose reducible to a form of expertise, or know-how (savoir-faire) ?In its rush to turn the pages of history, pedagogical approaches (notably Foreign Language Teaching and French Foreign Language programs) have deprived educational instructors of visionary aspects of Rousseau’s ideas about theses issues. This study shows their relevance to contemporary linguistic concerns.

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