Sondage post-électoral de l'élection canadienne de 2019 / Ce mémoire vise à comprendre la place que la lutte aux changements climatiques a occupée lors de l’élection fédérale de 2019, considérée par plusieurs comme ayant déterminé par l’attitude des électeurs à propos des changements climatiques. Il analyse la relation entre le comportement électoral et les ramifications climatiques, incarnée par les enjeux de la taxe carbone et les oléoducs, qui clivent la classe politique et qui ont servi d’explication à la suite de la victoire du Parti libéral du Canada de Justin Trudeau. Certains commentateurs politiques – d’Ouest en Est - ont avancé que pour la première fois dans l’histoire canadienne, une élection canadienne a été le théâtre d’un référendum sur les changements climatiques. D’autres ont annoncé le grand gagnant de l’élection ne fût pas tant le gouvernement sortant de Justin Trudeau, et encore moins la formation conservatrice défaite dirigée par Andrew Scheer, mais bien celle de de la taxe carbone adoptée par le gouvernement fédéral dans le Cadre pancanadien sur la croissance propre et les changements climatiques en 2017. / This paper aims to understand the place that the climate change took in the 2019 federal election, considered by many to have determined voters' attitudes to climate change. It analyzes the relationship between electoral behavior and climate ramifications, embodied in the carbon tax and oil pipeline issues that split the political class and served as an explanation for the victory of Justin Trudeau's Liberal Party of Canada. Some political commentators from West to East argued that for the first time in Canadian history, a Canadian election was the scene of a referendum on climate change. Others announced that the big winner of the election was notJustin Trudeau's outgoing government, nor the defeated Conservative formation led by Andrew Scheer, but the carbon tax adopted by the federal government in the 2017 Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change.

[pt] Deus deseja que todos os homens se salvem e cheguem ao conhecimento da verdade, mas Jesus afirmou que, para ser salvo, é necessário crer e ser batizado. Perante esses dois axiomas bíblicos, a teologia tem se questionado, desde o final do século XIX, sobre as possíveis vias de acesso à mesma salvação para os não-cristãos que ignoram, sem culpa, o evangelho. O concílio Vaticano II colheu as primeiras contribuições da teologia das religiões, constatou a existência de elementos de verdade nas outras religiões e reconheceu as sementes do Verbo que os Padres da Igreja afirmavam existir em cada ser humano. Apresentou possibilidade de seus membros, por uma graça misteriosa de Deus, serem inseridos na única e universal economia de salvação da Santíssima Trindade. Dois conteúdos direcionam a investigação de um caminho soteriológico para além do cristianismo, que considera Jesus como mediador e redentor universal. O primeiro é a declaração Dominus Iesus, escrita para recordar os princípios da fé cristã frente as propostas da teologia do pluralismo religioso, que sugeria uma economia salvífica paralela ou complementar àquela trazida por Cristo em comunhão com o Espírito Santo. O segundo são as obras de São Justino de Roma, que buscou identificar os elementos soteriológicos que permitem os judeus e pagãos terem acesso a Jesus e alcançarem a salvação. Para os pagãos, ele observou componentes da verdade e do Logos, com especial destaque para o Logos spermatikós, reconhecidos como partículas de Deus em cada ser humano. Para os judeus, que apresentavam a Lei, o sábado e a circuncisão como elementos salvíficos, Justino aponta o batismo como a verdadeira circuncisão, Jesus como o sábado verdadeiro e a Igreja como a Nova Lei. A partir dessas contribuições, a pesquisa apresenta os lugares teológicos onde a salvação dos não-cristãos pode ser identificada / [en] God wishes that everyone be saved and achieved a knowledge of the truth, but Jesus affirmed that in order to be saved it s necessary to believe and be baptized. Faced with these two biblical axioms, theology has questioned itself, since the end of the 19th century, about the possible ways of access to the same salvation for non-Christians who ignore, through no fault of their own, the gospel. The Second Vatican Council s gathered the first contributions of the theology of religions, verified the existence of elements of truth in other religions and recognized the seeds of the Verb that the Fathers of the Church affirmed to exist in every human. It presented the possibility of its members, by a mysterious grace of God, being inserted in the single and universal economy of salvation of the Holy Trinity. Two topics directing the investigation of a soteriological way beyond Christianity, which considers Jesus as mediator and universal redeemer. The first is the declaration Dominus Iesus, written to recall the principles of the Christian faith against the proposals of the theology of religious pluralism, which suggested a salvific economy parallel or complementary to that brought by Christ in communion with the Holy Spirit. The second is the works of Saint Justin of Rome, who fetched to identify the soteriological elements that allow Jews and pagans to have access to Jesus and achieve salvation. For pagans, he observed components of truth and Logos, with special emphasis on Logos spermatikós, recognized as particles of God in each human. For the Jews, who presented the Law, the saturday and circumcision as salvific elements, Justin points to baptism as the true circumcision, Jesus as the true saturday and the Church as the New Law. From these contributions, the research presents the theological places where the salvation of non-Christians can be identified.

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Le présent mémoire propose d’examiner, d’une façon approfondie et innovatrice, le rapport entre les chrétiens et Marc-Aurèle à travers une analyse complète des sources à disposition, notamment celles historico-littéraires, épigraphiques, numismatiques et législatives. En particulier, l’on démontrera l’absence de fondement de l’image faite a posteriori de Marc-Aurèle en tant que protector christianorum dont le premier témoin, d'après nos connaissances, est Tertullien. L’on montrera, par le biais d’une analyse législative des sources à notre disposition qu’à l’époque de Marc-Aurèle il n’y avait aucune loi qui protégeait les chrétiens. Bien au contraire, les dispositions de Trajan étaient toujours valides. Par la suite, nous chercherons à trouver les véritables raisons de la politique de Marc-Aurèle envers les chrétiens à travers la comparaison entre la pensée médio-platonicienne de Justin et celle stoïcienne du princeps. L’interprétation philosophique de l’attitude à montrer face à la mort, nous donnera une clef de lecture pour pénétrer les raisons les plus profondes des violences et des procès que les chrétiens ont subis au cours de son principat. / This work aims to provide an original and thorough exploration of the relationship between Marcus Aurelius and the Christians by means of an in-depth analysis of the available historical, literary, epigraphic, numismatic, and legal sources. Specifically, it will show that the a posteriori view of Marcus Aurelius as protector Christianorum, apparently introduced by Tertullian, is unfounded. In support of this argument, a legal analysis of the available sources will show that, far from enjoying legal protection during the Principality of Marcus Aurelius, Christians were still subject to Trajan’s laws. The true reasons underlying the policy of Marcus Aurelius towards the Christians will be investigated by comparing the Middle Platonism of Justin Martyr with the stoic meditations of the princeps. In particular, the philosophical interpretation of the attitude deemed suitable in the face of death will provide an insight into the reasons that led to the wave of violence and to the trials of Christians under Marcus Aurelius’ rule.

Le néomalthusianisme est un courant de pensée qui réunit des pédagogues, des médecins, des anthropologues et des militants féministes et anarchistes. Sa réflexion et son action ont une dimension politique, économique et scientifique. Son projet est une transformation profonde des sociétés humaines par la limitation des naissances afin d'aboutir à une meilleure organisation sociale, capable de répondre à l'aspiration légitime des êtres humains au bonheur. Les moyens pour atteindre cet objectif sont la généralisation de la prophylaxie anticonceptionnelle qui comprend les techniques contraceptives et l'avortement. Le mouvement néomalthusien a été particulièrement actif en France, des années 1890 à la veille de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Il a également soulevé de nombreuses oppositions et a été activement combattu, notamment après la Première Guerre mondiale. S'intéressant au nombre des naissances, le néomalthusianisme souligne l'incompatibilité entre l'augmentation exponentielle de ce dernier et la possibilité pour les membres composant une collectivité de disposer du nécessaire afin d'atteindre le bonheur.De ce fait, le néomalthusianisme français est inséparable de l'eugénisme, thème central dans l'histoire de ce mouvement, de son émergence à ses derniers développements dans les années 1930. Le présent travail a pour objectif de tracer un portrait synthétique inédit du néomalthusianisme français en privilégiant son rapport aux sciences biomédicales et à la culture scientifique. [...] / Neo-Malthusianism is a line of thought which gathers education specialists,doctors, anthropologists and women's and anarchist activists. Its reflexion and its actionhave a political, economic and scientific dimension. Its project is to deeply transformhuman societies through birth control in order to reach a better social organisation, likelyto meet human beings’ legitimate aspiration for happiness. The means implemented toreach this goal are the generalisation of contraceptive prophylaxis, which includescontraceptive methods and abortion. The neo-Malthusian movement was particularlyactive in France, from the 1890ies to the eve of World War II. It has also met with strongopposition and was actively fought, noticeably after World War I. Observing the number ofbirths, neo-Malthusianism points how incompatible the exponential increase of births iswith the possibility for the members of a given community to have what they need to reachhappiness. Hence, French neo-Malthusianism is inseparable from eugenics, which is acentral theme in the history of this movement, from its emergence to its last developmentsin the 1930ies. The objective of the present work is to draw a new and previouslyunpublished synthetic portrait of this movement, focussing on its link to bio-medicalsciences and scientific culture. [...]

Denna kandidatuppsats består av en översättning av sju scener ur librettot till en musikal (Dear Evan Hansen av Steven Levenson, Benj Pasek och Justin Paul) och en översättningsteoretisk kommentar. Kommentaren ger först en kort översikt över musikalgenren och behandlar sedan översättningsarbetet, från källtext till måltext. I kommentaren beskriver jag min översättningsprincip, till vilken jag har använt mig av både Johan Franzons funktionella översättningsperspektiv (Franzon, 2009) och H. S. Drinkers principer (Drinker, 1950). Jag tar även upp de utmaningar och problem som jag stött på under översättningsarbetet och förklarar hur jag har löst dessa. Jag reflekterar också över hur musikallibrettots särskilda egenskaper har påverkat de val jag gjort i min översättning. / This bachelor’s thesis consists of a translation of seven scenes from a musical libretto (Dear Evan Hansen by Steven Levenson, Benj Pasek och Justin Paul) and a commentary of this translation. The commentary first provides a brief overview of the musical genre and proceeds to describe my translation, from source text to target text. The commentary describes my translation principle, which is inspired by the functional perspective of Johan Franzon (2009) as well as the principles of H. S. Drinker (1950). I also deal with the specific challenges encountered during the translation and describe how I handled them, as well as how the specific characteristics of the musical libretto has influenced my translation.

Ce mémoire vise à comprendre comment, par la représentation de politiciens en tant que personnalités publiques « célèbres », se pose un ensemble d’enjeux de pouvoir. L’analyse de la récurrence et des particularités de ces représentations, qui circulent dans et à travers le discours, permet de mieux comprendre comment s’exerce le pouvoir par, entre autres, la naturalisation. Cette recherche s’appuie principalement sur les concepts de représentation proposé par Hall (1997) et de pouvoir élaboré par Foucault. Le cas de Justin Trudeau, objet d’un ensemble de discours de célébrité produits à travers le discours médiatique à l’occasion de la course à la chefferie du Parti libéral du Canada (PLC), constitue un terrain riche pour l’analyse. Dans un premier temps, les représentations existantes et en circulation dans des textes médiatiques portant et produisant diverses significations sont analysées discursivement. Dans un deuxième temps, l’analyse s’attarde aux savoirs que ces représentations participent à produire et aux effets de pouvoir qu’elles induisent. Il est alors possible de comprendre que les représentations dont fait l’objet le politicien célèbre d’aujourd’hui sont organisées par la filiation et que ce mode d’organisation procède à la fois de la biographisation et de l’hétéronormativité. / This master’s thesis aims to understand how, by the representation of politicians as public individual celebrities, arise power issues. The analysis of recurrence patterns and particularities of those representations, which circulate through discourse, enable a better understanding of how power is exercised by, among other things, naturalization. This research is supported by Hall’s (1997) concept of representation and Foucault’s definition of power. The case of Justin Trudeau, object of celebrity discourses produced through media discourse at the time of the Liberal Party of Canada Leadership contest, was a prolific ground for analysis. Firstly, existing and circulating representations by media texts producing diverse significations are discursively analysed. Secondly, the analysis is concerned with knowledge these representations participate to produce and with power effects they induce. It is then possible to understand that representations which produce today’s celebrity politician are organised by filiation which proceed through biographisation and heteronormativity.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2004. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 880-87).

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

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