[pt] A presente tese de doutorado versa sobre perspectivas infra-estruturais e afetivas da integração de pessoas venezuelanas LGBTI+ na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Para essa finalidade, recorre à literatura sobre migração, gênero e sexualidade; a relatórios e documentos de Organizações Não-governamentais, Organizações Internacionais, e a entrevistas semi-estruturadas com oito pessoas migrantes venezuelanas LGBTI+, tendo o objetivo de abordar dimensões variadas da integração, palavra que merece olhares críticos a partir da percepção de que gênero e sexualidade perpassam a infra-estrutura migratória, mesmo em se tratando da cis-heterossexualidade, desde a decisão de migrar até a (longa e contínua) chegada no local de destino. O deslocamento de pessoas venezuelanas para o Brasil, assim como a intensificação de fluxos de pessoas de outras nacionalidades buscando refúgio em território brasileiro na década de 2010, vem levantando a necessidade de revisões de políticas migratórias nos níveis federal e local que, embora tenham recentemente se multiplicado, requerem maiores debates sobre a participação de migrantes, sobre seus direitos políticos enquanto cidadãos, e sobre as importantes interseccionalidades que perpassam raça, gênero e sexualidade, ponto focal desta tese. Por fim, as entrevistas semi-estruturadas lançarão luz sobre como as políticas LGBTI+ e os desdobramentos da cidadania sexual no Brasil incidem sobre a vida das pessoas entrevistadas, que acabam por fazer sentido de si mesmas ao narrar sobre as espacialidades e pertencimentos que perfazem suas vidas no Rio de Janeiro. Perspectivas de interseccionalidade e posicionalidade serão fundamentais para a reflexão de que as categorias de migração/migrante, refúgio/refugiado e gênero e orientação sexual se realizam a partir de processos materiais e históricos cujas incorporações acontecem de modos relacionais e contingentes que constróem e são construídos por experiências de discriminações e destituições. Por outro lado, permitem brechas e negociações para estratégias de sobrevivência e aspirações subjetivas e objetivas sobre o presente e o futuro. / [en] This doctoral dissertation deals with infrastructural and affective perspectives of the integration of Venezuelan LGBTI+ people in the city of Rio de Janeiro. For this purpose, it draws on the literature on migration, gender and sexuality; on reports and documents from Non-governmental Organizations, International Organizations; and semi-structured interviews with eight Venezuelan LGBTI+ migrants, with the aim of addressing varied dimensions of integration, a word that deserves a critical gaze based on the perception that gender and sexuality permeate the migratory infra-structure, even when it comes to cis-heterosexuality, from the decision to migrate to the (long and enduring) arrival at the destination. The displacement of Venezuelan people to Brazil, as well as the intensification of flows of people from other nationalities seeking asylum in the Brazilian territory in the 2010s, has raised the need of revisiting migration policies at the federal and local levels which, although have recently multiplied, require greater debates on the participation of migrants, on their political rights as citizens, and on the important intersectionalities that permeate race, gender and sexuality. Finally, the semi-structured interviews will shed light on how LGBTI+ policies and the developments of sexual citizenship in Brazil affect the lives of the people interviewed, who make sense of themselves as they narrate the spatialities and belongings that make up their lives in Rio de Janeiro. Perspectives on intersectionality and positionality will be fundamental to the reflection that the categories of migration/migrant, asylum/refugee and gender and sexual orientation are realized through material and historical processes whose embodiment occurs in relational and contingent ways that construct and are constructed by experiences of discrimination and destitution. On the other hand, it allows strategies of survival and subjective and objective aspirations about the present and the future.

[pt] Esta tese de doutorado investiga o acolhimento humanitário de pessoas LGBTI+ pela Operação Acolhida (2018-2022) como resposta do Brasil para o fluxo de migrantes e refugiadas venezuelanas no país, pensando um panorama dos serviços oferecidos e das questões que surgem no acolhimento e na integração dessa população no território brasileiro. Uma abordagem da performatividade de Judith Butler amparada por Jacques Derrida será usada como estratégia analítica para entender as práticas, os discursos, os protocolos e as regras empreendidas nesse caso pensando a reiteração de normas de gênero, sexo e sexualidade, do humanitarismo e de Estado. Nesse sentido, o texto é um enquadramento parcial de reiterações performativas da Operação Acolhida que podem (re)criar (im)possibilidades não-intencionais para migrantes e refugiadas venezuelanas LGBTI+. A realidade social LGBTI+fóbica traz consigo atravessamentos culturais locais e transfronteiriços em que imperam lacunas, silêncios, segregação e violências. Enquanto a lógica humanitária traz consigo as narrativas e protocolos da crise, da emergência estabelecendo pressa e reforçando ausências constitutivas; e o Estado traz consigo a demanda da contenção, da gestão e governo das populações e espaços, criando narrativas de (des)acolhida. Nessa sobreposição normativa e regulatória do contexto de acolhimento da Operação Acolhida, a população migrante e refugiada LGBTI+ necessita de integração a médio e longo prazo e de políticas que garantam seus direitos no país. Demandas de empregabilidade, saúde e assistência social se multiplicam em um universo em que o pensamento de curto prazo é reproduzido de forma central. Os limites, problemas e avanços da estrutura logística humanitária são foco do trabalho e delinearão os achados da pesquisa apontando para uma reflexão em torno da adaptação de protocolos e de uma crítica dialógica. / [en] This PhD thesis investigates the humanitarian reception of LGBTI+ people from Operação Acolhida (2018-2022) as a response from Brazil to the flow of Venezuelan migrants and refugees in the country, thinking about an overview of the services offered and the issues that arise in the encounter and integration of this population in the Brazilian territory. An approach to Judith Butler s performativity supported by Jacques Derrida will be used as an analytical strategy to understand the practices, discourses, protocols and rules undertaken in this case thinking about the reiteration of norms of gender, sex and sexuality, humanitarianism and the State. In this sense, the text is a partial framing of performative reiterations of the Operação Acolhida that can (re)create unintentional (im)possibilities for Venezuelan LGBTI+ migrants and refugees. The LGBTI+phobic social reality brings with it local and international cultural crossings in which gaps, silences, segregation and violence prevail. While the humanitarian logic brings with it the narratives and protocols of crisis, of emergency, establishing haste and reinforcing constitutive absences; and the State brings with it the demand for containment, management and government of populations and spaces, creating (un)welcoming narratives. In this normative and regulatory overlap of the reception context of Operação Acolhida, the LGBTI+ migrant and refugee population needs medium and long-term integration and policies that guarantee their rights in the country. Employability, health and social assistance demands multiply in a universe in which short-term thinking is centrally reproduced. The limits, problems and advances of the humanitarian logistical structure are the focus of this work and will outline the research findings, pointing to a reflection around the adaptation of protocols and a dialogic critique.

The history of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is often considered to be tightly intertwined to that of European security, and late developments in European cooperation indeed seem to demonstrate that asylum has become first and foremost a matter of security in Europe. Yet, this tightening of policies contrasts with the flourishing of proposals claiming to mainstream equality throughout European legislation. This dissertation examines the way a politicized issue in the field of equality—LGBTI rights—has become incorporated into a cooperation mechanism that is itself divisive among Member States, the CEAS. It answers the following question: what does the European LGBTI asylum debate demonstrate about the role played by politicization in shaping the meaning and form taken by equality in European policies? Through a qualitative inquiry, it shows that while the CEAS has been a key space of renegotiation of LGBTI equality in Europe, this deepening came at the cost of the disarticulation of LGBTI emancipation from migrants’ rights. Contrarily to what has been assumed by the literature on homonationalism, this disarticulation was not strategically constructed by LGBTI activists. It rather originated from the predominance of the paradigm of “migration governance”, which depoliticizes exclusions and divides causes to better manage populations. Consequently, even though politicization is often perceived as a negative phenomenon by policymakers, this dissertation shows that what is needed to make the CEAS hold its promises of protection is not less, but more political debate. Only through this re-politicization will new and collective forms of equality emerge. / Le Régime d’Asile Européen Commun (RAEC) est souvent critiqué pour la vision sécuritaire de l’asile qu’il incarne. Il est vrai que son histoire reste marquée par la volonté des Etats-Membres de contrôler la mobilité humaine sur le sol européen. Toutefois, bien que les récents durcissements des politiques communautaires semblent confirmer cette sécuritisation du droit d’asile, ceux-ci contrastent avec l’affirmation croissante de la nécessité de « mainstreamer » le principe d’égalité au sein du droit européen. Prenant cette contradiction pour point de départ, cette thèse examine la manière dont un enjeu controversé au sein du champ de l’égalité – les droits LGBTI – fut incorporé au sein d’un mécanisme de coopération lui-même conflictuel pour les Etats-Membres, le RAEC. Elle répond à la question suivante : en quoi le débat européen sur l’asile LGBTI interroge-t-il le rôle joué par la politisation dans la redéfinition des politiques d’égalité en Europe ? A partir d’une enquête qualitative, cette thèse montre que si le RAEC fut un espace-clé de l’approfondissement de l’égalité LGBTI en Europe, ce fut au prix de la construction des droits LGBTI et des droits des migrants comme deux enjeux distincts. Cette division, toutefois, prend sa source non pas dans une instrumentalisation homonationaliste, mais plutôt dans les dispositifs dépolitisants de gouvernance et de triage des populations qui prédominent désormais au sein des politiques européennes, dépolitisant les exclusions et fragmentant les causes. Face à cette logique individualisante, seule la repolitisation du débat permettra d’inventer de nouvelles formes de politiques d’égalité porteuses d’émancipation collective.

For decades LGBTQ rights have been approached purely by a legal strategy, in particular advocating for the legalization of same-sex marriage. However, discrimination and violence against the LGBTQ community continues to be a major issue in Latin America because of cultural values such as Catholicism and machismo that uphold a standard of and, in turn, have control over people’s sexuality. Using a human rights approach towards the politics of sexuality, LGBTI activists in Costa Rican and Nicaragua have been successful in transforming public opinion about sexuality and more importantly, sexual diversity. As a result of their egalitarian framework and efforts to educate people about sexual diversity, they have made great advancements toward achieving acceptance and equality for LGBTI people. This study focuses on how Costa Rican and Nicaraguan LGBTI activists have worked around traditional cultural values such as Catholicism and machismo that prevent people from accepting and tolerating LGBTI people. The examples of LGBTI activists in these two countries have important implications for other LGBTI activists and the strategies they use to try to achieve full equality (social and legal) for people whose sexual identity differs from the conventional.

This paper investigates the development of transnational human rights activists’ networks and how they operate and influence LGBTI human rights activist networks in Uganda against violence on the Ugandan LGBTI communities. The case study, employs semi structured interviews to investigate, how transnational networks are used as a mobilization too in promoting LGBTI human rights in Uganda. Further investigation is done on how transnational networks influence different social networks within local LGBTI activist groups when dealing with violence against the LGBTI communities. The study is taken from a view point of different local LGBTI activist groups and their close link with other international organizations and human rights bodies specifically from countries such as Sweden. Theories surrounding transnational networks and social networks are used in order to frame both cross border relations and local networks among the LGBTI groups. The study also calls for further research on other actors such as transnational migrants and individual activist including social media activist and their impact on the rights of LGBTI in Uganda.

Pride Marches are usually considered as the most important manifestations of LGBTI activism and politics, either as festive and commercial celebrations or protests against violations of human rights of the LGBTI population. The first BiH Pride March from September 2019 successfully took the form of the latter, under heavy security measures and without any incidents in Sarajevo. Bosnia is regarded as a highly patriarchal country with strong homophobia and structural discrimination towards its minorities and marginalized groups. In that context, the Pride March is the most visible expression of LGBTI struggles for social recognition and acceptance. It also illustrates the status of human rights in BiH and represents a form of symbolic politics concerning the EU. This study aims to examine how the event was organized, how it indicated the human rights of LGBTI persons in the country, and what was the influence of Western Embassies and international organizations in BiH on its preparation and staging. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with the organizers, the attendees, activists, and members of the LGBTI community in the country; 11 in total. The analysis shows a connection between the egalitarian Organizing Committee (activists/individuals) and the March´s claim for equality of LGBTI people in BiH society, including a correlation between the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and discrimination of LGBTI persons in BiH. The analysis also shows strong cooperation between the organizers and the international community in the country. The study concludes the March being organized as a collaborative and a multi-level project, indicating the discrimination and homophobia through additional security costs imposed on the organizers. Finally, the study finds the international community´s efforts as co-decisive for March´s success.

The LGBTI+ community in Turkey are regularly subjected to discrimination, threats andviolence. This study aims to analyze how two Turkish newspapers cover LGBTI+ in Turkey,with a time frame of the last ten years and a sub-focus on the ban of Istanbul pride in 2015. Ipresent a qualitative approach to the study based on framing analysis regarding mediacoverage. The analysis applies to articles and citations within these, using four different‘frames’ adapted from previous research; equality frame, victim frame, morality frame andpropaganda of homosexuality frame. The results show a decrease of LGBTI+ coveragewithin the examined time frame and a variation of frame usage. There are indications that thepride ban of 2015 may have been a shifting point for framing regarding both articles andcitations. The results also uncover a substantial decrease in the quantity of coverage on thetopic. The results of the two newspapers differ, indicating different media outlets portrayLGBTI+ people in diverse ways.

The text describes the main progress in depicting the LGBTI topic in the Inter-American area. It begins with the analysis of some conceptual issues that are crossed to the topic and discuss the importance of including political commitments and statements in the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly of OAS (Organization of American States) related to the LGTBI community protection. Even though, a few cases have gone to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, some landmark cases have deserved the Inter-American Court of Human Rights opinion. This produces an interesting case law on the matter. Finally, the text covers the latest Inter-American Convention on human rights adopted by the General Assembly of OAS in 2013, which includes the LGBTI community. That Conventionconstitutes the first regional treaty in force on the matter. / El artículo describe los principales avances que han contribuidoa visibilizar la temática de las Lesbianas, Gays, Bisexuales, Travestis e Intersexuales (LGBTI) a nivel interamericano. Para ello, comienza con el análisis de algunas cuestiones conceptuales que son transversales al tema y discute la importancia que tiene la inclusión de varios compromisos políticos y declaraciones en las resoluciones de la Asamblea General de la OEA referentes a la protección de la comunidad LGBTI. Si bien aún pocos casos han llegado a la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, algunos casos emblemáticos han merecido el pronunciamiento de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, lo que ya genera una jurisprudencia interesante sobre el tema. Finalmente, el texto aborda el contenido de la más reciente Convención Interamericana sobre derechos humanos adoptada por la Asamblea General de la OEA en 2013, la cual incluye dentro de su ámbito de aplicación al colectivo LGBTI. Así, dicha Convención constituye el primer tratado regional en vigor referido a la materia.

The main problem of this thesis was the comparative analysis of the procedures in place in Sweden and Italy for the reception and support of LGBTI asylum seekers fleeing from war. The aim was to understand if the Swedish and Italian asylum and social systems are supporting and protecting the rights of LGBTI asylum seekers equally, also by uncovering how these procedures affect individuals. The method used to carry out this study was analysis of secondary documents. Queer and migration research, as well as reports, were used to provide a general framework to the issue, while country-specific data was sought in current domestic legislation and country reports carried out by local and international NGOs invested in LGBTI and migrants rights. The gathered information was examined from a descriptive, critical and constructive perspective, and placed within a prevailing comparative framework. Indeed, at the core of the study, lies a comparison between procedural differences in Sweden and Italy concerning the reception and protection of LGBTI asylum seekers who flee war. It was found that in Sweden and Italy people seeking refuge from war torn countries have much higher possibilities to be granted asylum than any other group of migrants. However, with regards to LGBTI asylum seekers from other countries, the social and asylum system of both are structurally violent in that the exclusion and discrimination against sexual minority refugees is the standard. In fact, LGBTI asylum seekers face similar challenges related to their intersectional identity in Sweden as well as Italy, although to different degrees: compared to Italy, Sweden has more standard procedures set in place that help queer asylees have a better experience. Nevertheless, neither systems hold up to the standard they should as consistent reports describe unlawful practices that violate humanitarian law and breach of Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights. Ultimately, LGBTI asylum seekers appear to have virtually no control over any aspect of their application or experience in the asylum and social system in Sweden as well as Italy. Therefore, rather than experiencing a newfound freedom, in entering the Italian and Swedish democratic spaces, these individuals simply experience a different kind of oppression.

Through Judith Butler’s concept of ‘cultural translation’, this dissertation seeks to provide a less imperialistic law-making mechanism as it relates to the lesbian, gay and bisexual rights concept (hereinafter ‘the LGB rights concept’) in Turkey, which currently relies heavily on legal transplantation. In search of a new law-making method, this thesis first deconstructs ‘legal transplantation’ as that which creates various asymmetrical relations that amount to consolidating Western imperialism. Critical legal scholars have shown great interest in revealing the imperialistic consequences of the law-maker West and the law-taker non-West. This thesis aims to add another dimension to these discussions by placing ‘imitation’, as advanced by Judith Butler, at the heart of its analyses. It scrutinises legal transplantation through the various imitations/repetitions it embodies and explores the role of imitation in law-making as law-taking. It does so by evaluating legal change by means of legal transplantation through the example of the Turkish experience with the LGB rights concept, and uses Judith Butler’s understanding of imitation/repetition, as advanced in her gender performativity concept, to achieve this evaluation This thesis attempts to expand our understanding of law-making as law-taking by unveiling their performative force, which humanises the subject in a way that is similar to the processes of gendering it. In doing so, this thesis aims to transfer the analyses that postulate the gendered body as performative to the rubric of human rights law, and argues that humanisation of the body through granting rights is performative as well. Though the occasion arises for subversion from these various imitations, it introduces a new law-making method, cultural translation, transforming the realm of limited possibilities for human rights into the realm of the possible.