Trata do espaço público como referência material na institucionalização das relações de poder. Aborda as alterações da paisagem urbana central da cidade de Jaboticabal a partir da instalação do regime Republicano (1889-1930), que gradativamente alterou o foco da ação política do meio rural para o ambiente da cidade. O seqüente incremento do modo de vida urbano suscitou transformações na organização das estruturas de poder com conseqüências diretas na concepção de cidade, enquanto artefato e enquanto locus de transmissão de mensagens. Essa situação gerou transformações e, paradoxalmente, permitiu permanências. No âmbito local, isso significou diversas disputas pelos espaços centrais da cidade, no que tange sua propriedade, administração, usos e significados. As implicações diretas remetem-se à organização das construções na região central, com destaque à praça e ao edifício da igreja, assim como os processos de remodelação relacionados a estes espaços. A câmara é, nesse sentido, agente de difusão dos projetos nacionais e a praça central, elemento espacial escolhido como recorte da pesquisa, o veículo portador das mensagens necessárias à fundamentação dessa nova ordem centrada na propagação do ideário de construção da nação brasileira. A discussão, no entanto, atravessa outra faceta do campo da administração da cidade, quando se soma aos valores simbólicos mencionados, as demandas concretas por infra-estrutura, situação inerente a um sistema urbano em expansão. Paralelamente, a adesão ao modo de produção capitalista insere a região na dinâmica mundial de produção, consumo e divisão do trabalho. A manutenção da base agrária, centrada no cultivo do café, fornece os instrumentos para a atuação de uma autoridade local constituída por defensores da República fatalmente ligados à cafeicultura. Finalmente, a imprensa local, que se transforma no veículo portador dos diversos discursos, engendrando a materialização destes na urbes. Para tanto, propõe uma análise baseada na coerência entre os discursos de legitimação e o espaço efetivamente construído. À medida que o discurso precisa ser fiel ao contexto pesquisado, opta pela utilização de documentos primários: leis, artigos de jornais, atas, cartas e todo e qualquer material que expresse de forma direta a alocução dos atores envolvidos. Da mesma forma, utiliza o suporte fotográfico com a finalidade de entender a configuração dos espaços e edifícios frente aos dados proporcionados pelos documentos pesquisados. / This dissertation deals with power relations materialization into public spaces. It investigates the changes in Jaboticabals urban landscape after the instatement of the Republican Regime (1889-1930), which gradually altered the focus of political actions from rural to urban environment. The rise of the urban way of living triggered transformations on the power structures with direct consequences for the city idea, as artifact and as locus for symbolic messages. This circumstance of pressing changes paradoxically permitted a number of resistances. On the local sphere it meant de installment of several disputes for the citys central locations, in regard of its property, management, use and meanings. The direct implications refer to the downtowns hierarchy of buildings, with emphasis on the square and church, along with their renovation processes. In this sense, the town council is the dissemination agent of national projects, and the central square, our study object, the instrument to deliver the necessary messages to configure this new order based on the ideology of constructing the brazilian nation. This discussion, however, is another facet of city government deals that in addition to the mentioned symbolic values must be understood in a situation of concrete demands for infrastructure inherent to an urban expansion condition. Also, the accession of capitalist places the region in the world production, consumption and labor division dynamics. The persistence of the agrarian base, focused on coffee plantation, provide the tools for the act of local authorities made up of supporters of the Republic and inevitably linked to coffee production. Finally, the local press that becomes the vehicle of various speeches, engendered in the materialization of urban grounds. To that end, we propose an analysis based on consistency between the speeches of legitimacy and space effectively built. To the extent that the speech must be faithful to the search context, we opt for primary sources use: laws, newspaper articles, minutes, letters and any material that expresses in a direct address the goals of the actors involved. As well as the use of photographic medium in order to understand the configuration of spaces and buildings, resource that enables the comparison image and data.

Antonio de Sampaio Doria (1883-1964) é lembrado na história da educação brasileira por ter efetuado a Reforma de 1920, a qual, visando à alfabetização de todos e levada a cabo com escassos recursos financeiros, foi alvo de muitas polêmicas por ter proposto a reestruturação do ensino primário mediante a redução de sua duração de quatro para dois anos e tornando-o obrigatório. A Reforma foi muito criticada à época porque alterava radicalmente as concepções que até então haviam balizado o ensino em São Paulo, o ensino enciclopédico. Devido aos embates e à incompreensão que a Reforma provocou, ela tornou-se um marco na história da educação brasileira. A partir desse quadro, optou-se na presente dissertação por deslocar a figura do Sampaio Doria reformador do ensino para a do Sampaio Doria militante da Liga Nacionalista e professor da Escola Normal, óptica esta abordada por poucos estudiosos, não obstante a riqueza de informações que pode ocultar. Com intuito de dar continuidade aos trabalhos iniciados por Heládio Antunha (1976) e ampliados por Marta Carvalho (2010), o objetivo geral desta dissertação é reconstruir a trajetória política e pedagógica de Sampaio Doria, pois se supõe que percorrendo os temas centrais ao seu pensamento poderão ser encontradas as bases que um dia lhe serviram para estruturar as 44 medidas que compuseram a Reforma. Os objetivos específicos encontram-se, de um lado, na leitura analítica das obras políticas e pedagógicas de Doria principais fontes documentais desta dissertação , vinculando tais obras aos seus locais de produção, seja na Escola Normal, seja na Liga Nacionalista. De outro, na análise do programa de ação proposto pela Liga Nacionalista, agremiação que exerceu grande influência sobre a trajetória de Doria e cujos registros revelam parte da atmosfera mental dos anos de 1910 e 1920 em São Paulo. Assim, este estudo insere-se mais especificamente no âmbito do Estado de São Paulo, sendo que o recorte temporal abrange os anos de 1914 a 1933. Tomando a obra de Doria como um todo (exceto suas obras de cunho jurídico), encontramos sobretudo as ideias de alfabetização, democracia, educação cívica, nacionalismo, voto secreto, formação do cidadão, o que nos conduziu a refletir acerca de qual projeto de cidadão e de sociedade estava sendo delineado naquelas primeiras décadas do século XX. Assim, a formação de um novo cidadão para um novo país foi tema que emergiu da leitura tanto dos livros políticos de Sampaio Doria quanto dos pedagógicos. Observou-se um pedagogo que militou pela instrução do povo, ideando a formação cívica do cidadão. Para moldar esta cidadania e erigir a sociedade democrática almejada, a escola é convocada como a instituição capaz de fazê-lo, transformando habitantes em povo. / Antonio de Sampaio Doria (1883-1964) is remembered in the history of Brazilian education for carrying out the 1920th Reform, which aimed to teach the population to read and write and was undertaken with limited financial resources. The Reform was involved in controversy for having proposed the restructuring of the primary education by making it compulsory and reducing its duration from four to two years. Besides, the Reform was widely criticized at the time because it radically altered the guideline conception on education in São Paulo, which was the encyclopedic teaching. Due to the conflicts and misunderstandings that the Reform provoked, it became a landmark in the history of Brazilian education. Instead of focusing on Sampaio Doria as the well-known education reformer, we chose in this dissertation to focus on Sampaio Doria as the militant of the Liga Nacionalista and teacher of the Escola Normal, an uncommon approach among researchers despite the wealth of information it may contain. In order to give continuity to the work started by Heládio Antunha (1976) and extended by Marta Carvalho (2010), the aim of this dissertation is to reconstruct the political and the pedagogical trajectory of Sampaio Doria, for we assume that his educational thoughts and opinions were essential for him to structure the 44 points of the Reform. The specific objectives are, on one hand, the analytical reading of the political and pedagogical works of Doria main documentary sources of this dissertation , linking such works to their production places, either at the Escola Normal and at the Liga Nacionalista. On the other hand, the analysis of the action program of the Liga Nacionalista, which had a great influence on Dorias trajectory and whose records reveal part of the mental atmosphere during the years of 1910 and 1920 in São Paulo. Thus, this study takes place specifically in the State of São Paulo, and the time frame covers the years 1914 to 1933. Considering all the books written by Doria (except his Legal works), we found mainly the ideas of literacy, democracy, civic education, nationalism, secret ballot, making of the citizens, which led us to think about the project of citizen and society that was being outlined in those first decades of the twentieth century. Thereby, the education of a new citizen for a new country was an idea that emerged by reading Dorias books. He was a pedagogue who militated for the peoples instruction, idealizing the education of the civic citizen. To create this citizenship and this democratic society, the school is called upon as the institution capable of doing so, turning inhabitants into citizens.

Le travail de recherche présenté ici a pour objectif de dégager les particularités des combattants irlandais engagés dans l’armée britannique pendant le Premier Conflit mondial et d’apprécier la singularité de leur sortie de guerre. Le champ chronologique est volontairement large dans la mesure où il dépasse 1918 pour traiter de la question des mémoires de guerre et de la démobilisation des unités irlandaises. Ainsi, notre travail entend montrer dans quelle mesure la situation endogène en Irlande influence la participation et les expériences de guerre des engagés volontaires et se répercute sur leur réinsertion dans le tissu urbain irlandais. En s’intéressant au retour des anciens combattants sous un angle socio-économique, politique et culturel notre travail enrichit l’historiographie de la période révolutionnaire irlandaise 1919-1924. L’étude des trajectoires des rescapés de la Première Guerre mondiale permet de traiter du réengagement d’anciens combattants irlandais dans les brigades républicaines et dans les unités de l’armée britannique tout en travaillant sur les actes de violence et de cruauté dont ils font l’objet. Les questionnements que suscite notre travail sont multiples, et se situent au croisement de l’histoire politique, de l’histoire sociale, de l’histoire culturelle et de l’anthropologie de l’expérience combattante. / This research work aims to identify the characteristics of the Irish soldiers who served in the British Army during the First World War and assess their peculiar post-war situation. We chose a wide chronological field, beyond 1918, in order to cover the war remembrance and demobilisation issues of Irish units. We aim to show how the endogenous situation in Ireland influenced the volunteers’ war effort and impacted their reintegration into Irish civil life. Our work enriches the 1919-1924 Irish revolutionary period’s historiography by focusing on socio-economic, political and cultural factors. Studying the life story of Irish First World War survivors enables us to span their enlistment in Republican brigades or British Army units, while also covering the acts of violence and cruelty committed against them. Our work lies at the crossroads of numerous political, social and cultural questions, as well as raising the anthropological issues of the Irish veterans’ experience.

Le Congrès des Etats-Unis est une institution méconnue, mal comprise et souvent dénigrée, y compris par ses propres membres. On le dit en crise, inadapté aux exigences du monde moderne. L’objectif est donc d’évaluer les forces et les faiblesses objectives du Congrès contemporain pour le réinsérer dans la dynamique des freins et contre-pouvoirs au coeur du système politique américain. La période retenue s’étale de la victoire des Républicains menés par Newt Gingrich en 1994 jusqu’aux élections de mi-mandat de 2006 et au retour des Démocrates.  De la présidence Clinton à Bush, ces douze années offrent un contexte institutionnel varié. Elles forment une trajectoire historique fascinante de la rhétorique révolutionnaire qui accompagne les victoires de 1994 à la résignation d’une défaite marquée par une certaine corruption institutionnelle, partisane et idéologique. Le cœur de notre étude vise à étudier les conséquences institutionnelles du retour à un équilibre partisan dans les deux chambres du Congrès. La compétition entre les deux partis a été accompagnée par la polarisation du système politique. Notre étude retrace les débuts de l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère sur la colline du Capitole. On cherchera à combiner une approche politique et institutionnelle en analysant plus particulièrement trois domaines de l’action politique particulièrement révélateurs: les finances via la procédure budgétaire, la réforme de l’Etat providence, et les relations avec le judiciaire via les nominations des Juges d’Appel fédéraux, lieu privilégié de frictions entre la Maison-Blanche et le Sénat. À cette perspective institutionnelle, il s’agira d’ajouter une étude sociologique de cohorte des membres du Congrès, nécessaire pour comprendre les ressorts de l’action institutionnelle.  Au-delà des membres de la chambre, l’étude d’une période dominée par le parti de l’éléphant nous permettra de plonger au cœur du mouvement conservateur. Après avoir présenté les racines historiques de l'idéologie conservatrice qui domine au sein du Parti républicain, il s'agira de révéler comment un mouvement contestataire a transformé l’institution du Congrès mais aussi comment l’institution a transformé le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain.  Dans un contexte international de renforcement du pouvoir exécutif, l’étude du Congrès doit permettre de redécouvrir certaines leçons sur les modalités de fonctionnement d’un système démocratique. Il s’agit de montrer qu'au-delà des questions techniques, des jeux de procédures obscures, dans la tension qui anime le Congrès, se joue l’avenir du concept de démocratie représentative ; de rétablir un certain équilibre dans la perception du système américain : système plus complexe qu’il n’apparaît dans les médias et même parfois la littérature. On ne peut se contenter d’étudier la présidence impériale sans prêter attention au vortex qui siège, toujours, au coeur de la constitution. Ainsi, sans  faire un panégyrique du pouvoir législatif, il s’agira de remettre en cause la tentation d’un Césarisme plus ou moins démocratique qui chercherait à faire du Congrès une chambre d’enregistrement des volontés de l’exécutif. / The United States Congress is often disparaged including by its own members. The critics of the institution decry the gridlock on Capitol Hill and Congress's alleged inability to deal with the challenges of the modern world. The unpopularity of today's Congress calls into question its ability to represent the American people. In that context it is necessary to try to assess whether or not Congress is truly dysfunctional. To that end, this study proposes to study a period of twelve years from 1994 to 2006 during which the Republican party dominated the institution. In 1994, under the leadership of Newt Gingrich, the Republicans returned to the majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. In 2006, after another midterm election, the Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were soundly defeated. Drawing on the long and tortuous history of the relationship between the Republican party and conservatism, the new majorities proposed large-scale change that amounted to a conservative revolution. They had initially laid out a clearly conservative agenda that insisted on balancing the budget and reducing the size of government. A detailed study of their fiscal policy and their attempts at entitlement reform over the period actually leads us to conclude that they eventually governed over ever larger deficits and a growing federal government whose policies were adjusted to favor different portions of the population. It is therefore necessary to try to account for the discrepancy between the initial goals and the eventual results. This entails studying first the evolution of the Republican members of Congress themselves to see whether the policy changes can be explained by the members becoming more moderate. Another explanation centers on the relationship between the members of the Congress and their constituents. The Republican majorities could have been forced to moderate their positions by the voters themselves in the elections of 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. Here the complex interplay that implies the interpretation of election results comes into play. Over the past decades, the American political system has been polarizing clearly. The growing ideological gap between the two parties and their bases calls into question the institutional stability of an institution built on the necessity to compromise. Especially since both parties have polarized while the margins of the majorities have grown more narrow. It is thus essential to look at the constraints set up by the institutional system. The arcane nuances of the legislative process directly impinges on the content of legislation. Indeed, if the majority rules decisively over the House of Representatives, in the Senate, the minority can very easily block most initiatives. The growing recourse to procedural shortcuts offered by the budget process is a testament to that fact.Finally, the relationship with the president of the United States is very much a factor in the equation. The twelve years of Republican domination in Congress covers two very different periods. Until January 2001, they had to battle with President Clinton in a context of divided government. Following George W. Bush's election in 2000, they started working under the command of the White House. The stark contrast in the way Senate republicans dealt with the two presidents when it came to their judicial nominees for the Federal Courts of Appeal offers an excellent opportunity to evaluate the continuing yet variable strength of the system of checks and balances set up by the U.S. Constitution. A deeper understanding of the workings of the contemporary Congress might allow for a more nuanced vision of the institution as much more than a roadblock on the road of presidential leadership and, perhaps, lead to a better appreciation of the way its members are trying or failing to fulfill their constitutional duty.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:33:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Aparecida da Silva Cabral.pdf: 8435420 bytes, checksum: a6670484e98229ce24ec28a496193dbf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-12 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research is concerning the process of building the curriculum of the City First Gymnasium, and has as goal the teaching practices analysis and valuation put into effect in the second grade, in the early years of the First Republic. It concentrated itself in the analysis of the teaching programs organized by the gymnasium s professors and the valuations made by the students. Are also a inspected the collision happened during the process of renerical of the public instruction, in São Paulo since 1890, in order to rebuilt the benefits or usefulness proposed for this educating institution. Since Republic Proclamation, the republican people of the São Paulo began a succession of the renovations in the public teaching, and among them that of the Normal School is emplasied and the same way, the low n. 88, september promulgacion. From the 1890 constituition the federative states could create and sustain its schools of second grade, since they accompanied the directions of the federal government referring to the fulfilment of teaching programs and the rule of the National Gymnasium. In this stage, in 1894, the Gymnasium of the Capital, was inaugurated in the paulistan capital, and it was the first state institution of teaching implanted in the state of São Paulo. In the year of 1896 by n. 2.251 decree, of inland business Mimstry and of the Union, this institution got to put in igual level to the National Gymnasium, having this wary he right to issue diplom / Esta investigação trata do processo de construção do currículo do Primeiro Gymnasio da Capital e tem por objetivo a análise das práticas de ensino e de avaliação ocorridas no ensino secundário nos anos iniciais da Primeira República. A pesquisa está centrada na análise dos programas de ensino organizados pelos professores do Gymnasio e nas avaliações realizadas pelos alunos. São examinados, também, os embates ocorridos no processo de reforma da instrução pública em São Paulo a partir de 1890, com o intuito de interpretar as finalidades projetadas para a referida instituição educativa. A partir da Proclamação da República, os republicanos paulistas iniciaram uma série de reformas na educação pública, dentre elas destacam-se a reforma da Escola Normal e a promulgação da lei n. 88, de 09 de setembro de 1892. A partir da Constituição de 1890, os estados da federação poderiam criar e manter as suas escolas de ensino secundário, desde que seguissem as orientações do governo federal quanto ao cumprimento dos programas de ensino e do regulamento do Ginásio Nacional. Nesse cenário, em 1894, o Gymnasio da Capital foi inaugurado na capital paulista, sendo a primeira instituição estadual de ensino a ser implantada no Estado de São Paulo. No ano de 1896, por meio do decreto n. 2.251 do Ministério dos Negócios Interiores da União, essa instituição conseguiu a equiparação ao Ginásio Nacional, adquirindo, portanto, o direito de expedir diplomas

This diploma thesis analyses the media image of political party Sdružení pro republiku - Republikánské strany Československa (SPR - RSČ, The Union for Republic - Republican Party of Czechoslovakia), and the media discourse in 1990s. The thesis is focused on analysis of electronic media such as radio and TV talk shows. The time period of the analysis was chosen to capture the period when this political subject was active on Czechoslovak and later on Czech political scene, i.e. 1990-1998. The author discusses the development of the political communication of the party representatives (most of the space is dedicated to media appetence of SPR - RSČ president Miroslav Sládek) and the general political communication in mass media. The goal of the thesis is to analyse the comparison of the media appearance of the party members during the eight years from when the party entered on political scene to its political decline in June 1998. Keywords The Union for Republic - Republican Party of Czechoslovakia, analysis of media discourse, electronic media, party system, media image, development of society.

Antonio de Sampaio Doria (1883-1964) é lembrado na história da educação brasileira por ter efetuado a Reforma de 1920, a qual, visando à alfabetização de todos e levada a cabo com escassos recursos financeiros, foi alvo de muitas polêmicas por ter proposto a reestruturação do ensino primário mediante a redução de sua duração de quatro para dois anos e tornando-o obrigatório. A Reforma foi muito criticada à época porque alterava radicalmente as concepções que até então haviam balizado o ensino em São Paulo, o ensino enciclopédico. Devido aos embates e à incompreensão que a Reforma provocou, ela tornou-se um marco na história da educação brasileira. A partir desse quadro, optou-se na presente dissertação por deslocar a figura do Sampaio Doria reformador do ensino para a do Sampaio Doria militante da Liga Nacionalista e professor da Escola Normal, óptica esta abordada por poucos estudiosos, não obstante a riqueza de informações que pode ocultar. Com intuito de dar continuidade aos trabalhos iniciados por Heládio Antunha (1976) e ampliados por Marta Carvalho (2010), o objetivo geral desta dissertação é reconstruir a trajetória política e pedagógica de Sampaio Doria, pois se supõe que percorrendo os temas centrais ao seu pensamento poderão ser encontradas as bases que um dia lhe serviram para estruturar as 44 medidas que compuseram a Reforma. Os objetivos específicos encontram-se, de um lado, na leitura analítica das obras políticas e pedagógicas de Doria principais fontes documentais desta dissertação , vinculando tais obras aos seus locais de produção, seja na Escola Normal, seja na Liga Nacionalista. De outro, na análise do programa de ação proposto pela Liga Nacionalista, agremiação que exerceu grande influência sobre a trajetória de Doria e cujos registros revelam parte da atmosfera mental dos anos de 1910 e 1920 em São Paulo. Assim, este estudo insere-se mais especificamente no âmbito do Estado de São Paulo, sendo que o recorte temporal abrange os anos de 1914 a 1933. Tomando a obra de Doria como um todo (exceto suas obras de cunho jurídico), encontramos sobretudo as ideias de alfabetização, democracia, educação cívica, nacionalismo, voto secreto, formação do cidadão, o que nos conduziu a refletir acerca de qual projeto de cidadão e de sociedade estava sendo delineado naquelas primeiras décadas do século XX. Assim, a formação de um novo cidadão para um novo país foi tema que emergiu da leitura tanto dos livros políticos de Sampaio Doria quanto dos pedagógicos. Observou-se um pedagogo que militou pela instrução do povo, ideando a formação cívica do cidadão. Para moldar esta cidadania e erigir a sociedade democrática almejada, a escola é convocada como a instituição capaz de fazê-lo, transformando habitantes em povo. / Antonio de Sampaio Doria (1883-1964) is remembered in the history of Brazilian education for carrying out the 1920th Reform, which aimed to teach the population to read and write and was undertaken with limited financial resources. The Reform was involved in controversy for having proposed the restructuring of the primary education by making it compulsory and reducing its duration from four to two years. Besides, the Reform was widely criticized at the time because it radically altered the guideline conception on education in São Paulo, which was the encyclopedic teaching. Due to the conflicts and misunderstandings that the Reform provoked, it became a landmark in the history of Brazilian education. Instead of focusing on Sampaio Doria as the well-known education reformer, we chose in this dissertation to focus on Sampaio Doria as the militant of the Liga Nacionalista and teacher of the Escola Normal, an uncommon approach among researchers despite the wealth of information it may contain. In order to give continuity to the work started by Heládio Antunha (1976) and extended by Marta Carvalho (2010), the aim of this dissertation is to reconstruct the political and the pedagogical trajectory of Sampaio Doria, for we assume that his educational thoughts and opinions were essential for him to structure the 44 points of the Reform. The specific objectives are, on one hand, the analytical reading of the political and pedagogical works of Doria main documentary sources of this dissertation , linking such works to their production places, either at the Escola Normal and at the Liga Nacionalista. On the other hand, the analysis of the action program of the Liga Nacionalista, which had a great influence on Dorias trajectory and whose records reveal part of the mental atmosphere during the years of 1910 and 1920 in São Paulo. Thus, this study takes place specifically in the State of São Paulo, and the time frame covers the years 1914 to 1933. Considering all the books written by Doria (except his Legal works), we found mainly the ideas of literacy, democracy, civic education, nationalism, secret ballot, making of the citizens, which led us to think about the project of citizen and society that was being outlined in those first decades of the twentieth century. Thereby, the education of a new citizen for a new country was an idea that emerged by reading Dorias books. He was a pedagogue who militated for the peoples instruction, idealizing the education of the civic citizen. To create this citizenship and this democratic society, the school is called upon as the institution capable of doing so, turning inhabitants into citizens.

Cette Thèse de Doctorat en Histoire a l’objectif primordial d’analyser comment l’idéaire républicain a été traité dans les pages d’humour des périodiques illustrés qui circulaient au Rio de Janeiro au XIXe siècle. La presse illustrée a eu un large développement au Brésil Empire, tout en circulant à côté de journaux quotidiens et littéraires. Les sujets les plus divers de la vie de la Cour ont été divulgués par ces journaux comme, par exemple, les activités politiques, l’un des thèmes préférés. La propagande républicaine, inaugurée en 1870 au Rio de Janeiro, n’est pas passée inaperçue et, partie intégrante de la politique de l’époque, a bientôt commencé à figurer dans les illustrations et textes des articles des journaux. L’analyse de la symbologie républicaine, diffusée surtout à partir de la Révolution Française et de la République instituée en 1792, adaptée aux périodiques brésiliens, est le but présent dans tous les chapitres de la thèse. L’allégorie féminine de la République a été l’élément le plus employé par les caricaturistes quand il s’agissait des questions républicaines, à côté du bonnet phrygien, l’emblème caractéristique des idéaux républicains. Tout d’abord, le travail a été dirigé aux périodiques qui ont accompagné les activités républicaines tout au long de leur campagne jusqu’à la Proclamation de la République en 1889. Par la suite, l’analyse a été orientée à vérifier comment la symbologie a été utilisée pour traiter non plus la campagne en faveur d’un nouveau régime mais, oui, dans l’intérêt du gouvernement républicain au Brésil. Il a été possible d’observer que depuis les années 1870, quand l’idéaire républicain a commencé à faire partie de la vie politique brésilienne, jusqu’à la première décennie républicaine aux années 1890, les symboles ont été utilisés par les artistes dans leurs productions pour démontrer que l’idéaire républicain a été constamment traité, en soulignant l’importance donnée par les périodiques à l’analyse de l’histoire politique au Brésil. / Esta Tese de Doutorado em História tem por objetivo primordial analisar como o ideário republicano foi tratado nas páginas de humor de periódicos ilustrados que circularam no Rio de Janeiro no século XIX. A imprensa ilustrada teve um amplo desenvolvimento no Brasil Império circulando ao lado de jornais diários e literários. Os mais diversos assuntos da vida da Corte foram noticiados por esses jornais, entre eles, as atividades políticas foram um dos temas mais comentados. A propaganda republicana inaugurada em 1870 no Rio de Janeiro não passou despercebida e, como parte da política do tempo, logo passou a figurar nas ilustrações e nos textos dos artigos dos jornais. A análise da simbologia republicana difundida, sobretudo, a partir da Revolução Francesa e da República instituída em 1792, e adaptada nos periódicos brasileiros é o objetivo que perpassa todos os capítulos da tese. A alegoria feminina da República foi o elemento mais empregado pelos caricaturistas ao tratar das questões republicanas ao lado do barrete frígio, emblema característico dos ideais republicanos. No primeiro momento, o trabalho foi direcionado aos periódicos que acompanharam as atividades republicanas ao longo de sua campanha até a Proclamação da República em 1889. No instante seguinte, a análise foi dirigida a averiguar como a simbologia foi aproveitada para tratar não mais da campanha em prol de um novo regime político e sim do governo republicano no Brasil. Foi possível verificar que desde os anos 1870, quando o ideário republicano começou a fazer parte da vida política brasileira, até a primeira década republicana,nos anos 1890, os símbolos foram usados pelos artistas em suas produções demonstrando que o ideário republicano foi constantemente tratado, evidenciando a importância dos periódicos à análise da história política no Brasil. / This Doctoral Thesis aims to analyse how the republican ideas were depicted on pages of illustrated periodicals in Rio de Janeiro in the XIXth Century. Illustrated press had a significant development in Imperial Brazil, along with daily newspapers and literary publications. The most diverse issues of life in Court were published in these publications, and political activities were the favorite ones. Republican propaganda begun in 1870 in Rio de Janeiro, was noticed as well, and became part of articles in the newspapers. The analysis of republican symbols spread after French Revolution and Republic founded in 1792, and adapted to Brazilian periodicals, is the purpose which pervades all chapters of this work. The female allegory of Republic was the most employed element by cartoonists when depicted republican issues besides phrygian cap, the main symbol of republican ideals. In the first place, this work addresses the periodicals which followed republican acts during the campaign to the Proclamation of Republic in 1889. Next, the anslysis of symbols turns from the campaign for a new regime to the way they were employed to address republican government in Brazil. It was possible to find that since the 1870’s, when republican ideas became part of Brazilian politics, to the first republican decade in the 1890’s, artists used symbols, showing that republican ideas had been constantly dealt with. Their works prove that periodicals were a valid source for the study of political history in Brazil.

La Pennsylvanie est un État complexe dans sa géographie économique, urbaine et raciale et, partant, dans les comportements électoraux de ses citoyens. Cette thèse examine la manière dont le Tea Party s’y est organisé et les modes de mobilisation qu’il a adoptés. Fort d’une tradition conservatrice souvent sous-estimée, l'État de William Penn constitue un bon observatoire pour étudier l'évolution et les mutations du mouvement conservateur et de son bras armé électoral, le Parti républicain. L’observation de terrain démontre que le Tea Party ne peut pas être appréhendé indépendamment d’une large galaxie de groupes nationaux et locaux, de think tanks, de médias avec lesquels il entretient des relations souvent conflictuelles.La thèse met en lumière la mutation d’un mouvement social médiatisé en une mobilisation politique dont les efforts se concentrent à l’échelle fédérée et locale. Rétifs à toute institutionnalisation, les groupes locaux voudraient restituer aux citoyens des processus de décision que l’appareil républicain aurait confisqués à son profit. Stratégie d’entrisme, pressions sur les élus, travail idéologique d’organisations de terrain, action concertée au Congrès ont fait glisser le centre de gravité du GOP vers un conservatisme pour lequel la capacité à nouer des compromis pour gouverner est disqualifiée. En dépit d’une force militante en recul, la nébuleuse Tea Party soumet idéologiquement le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain à de fortes pressions qui ne sont pas étrangères à la confusion qui caractérise la situation politique actuelle du pays. / Pennsylvania is a complex state in its economic, urban, and racial geographies, accordingly complex is the electoral behavior of its citizens. This thesis examines the ways in which Tea Party groups in Pennsylvania mobilized and organized. The often overlooked conservative tradition of William Penn’s state makes it an excellent case study to examine the evolution and mutations of the conservative movement and of its electoral arm, the Republican party. The fieldwork conducted in this thesis shows that the Tea Party cannot be understood without taking into account a great number of national and local groups, think tanks, and media personalities with whom it often has chaotic relationships.This work focuses on the evolution of a visible social movement into a political mobilization that targets the state and local levels. Local Tea Party groups, who are opposed to any form of institutionalization, fight to snatch power from the hands of the GOP establishment to give it back to the voters. Gradual infiltration of the Republican party, constant pressure on elected officials, ideological work conducted by advocacy organizations, and concerted action in Congress have driven the GOP towards a brand of conservatism that rejects any idea of compromise in governing. Despite a drop in the number of activists, the Tea Party movement has subjected the conservative movement and the Republican party to heavy ideological pressure, which partly explains the current confusion in the country’s political landscape.

Bien qu’elles aient été isolées il y a plusieurs décennies, certaines formes d’amphores « puniques » restaient difficiles à appréhender en raison de leur fabrication au cours de la période romaine. Plusieurs découvertes récentes ont permis d’identifier la production de certains de ces conteneurs au sein de l’espace du détroit de Gibraltar, après la seconde Guerre Punique (218-202 av. J.-C.). Face à l’importance et à la cohérence de la documentation concernant ces amphores, l’archéologie espagnole les a rassemblé dans un même groupe, celui des « amphores tardo-puniques ». Pour l’heure, cinq classes de conteneurs composent ce groupe, du fait de leurs chronologies commune et d’une mixité des traits typo-morphologiques commune, entre les traditions phéniciennes du détroit, puniques et romaines. La considération conjointe de ces types a été corroborée par une très large documentation, l’étude de ces amphores tardo-puniques représentant un nouvel axe de recherche. Néanmoins, de nombreuses interrogations persistaient sur ce mobilier malgré ces premiers ces progrès. D’une part, l’extension réelle de la production de ces conteneurs, de même que les modalités de leur fabrication au sein du détroit – entre la Maurétanie et l’Ibérie – restaient mal définies. D’autre part, les conditions et l’amplitude de leur distribution en dehors de la région du détroit représentaient des aspects particulièrement mal connus. Notre recherche entend constituer un large corpus de données archéologiques et historiques afin de tenter d’aborder ces questionnements. Pour y parvenir, un état de la question a été réalisé via le regroupement de la documentation des contextes de fabrication connus et supposés. Ensuite, une étude de plusieurs gisements sous-marins, en majorité inédits, a été réalisée afin de pouvoir observer les conditions de la circulation maritime de ces emballages. Enfin, leur place dans les réseaux d’échanges romains a été examinée via l’étude de plusieurs sites de consommation. L’analyse approfondie de ces informations, via un cadre analytique pluridisciplinaire, a conduit à réévaluer l’importance de ces conteneurs tardo-puniques dans les réseaux d’échanges tardo-républicains, un phénomène qui est également distinctement associé à l’intégration des élites du détroit de Gibraltar dans la « société » romaine. / Although they were isolated for several decades, some forms of "Punic" amphorae remain difficult to handle, mostly because of their manufacturing during the Roman period. Several recent discoveries allowed to identify the production of some of these containers within the space of the Strait of Gibraltar, in the continuation of the second Punic War (218-202 BC). Given the importance and consistency of their documentation, the Spanish archaeology gathered these ancient packages in the group of the "Late-Punic amphorae". For the moment, five types compose this group. They share several characteristics, between their chronologies and their morphological features mixing Phoenician, Punic and Roman traditions. The joint consideration of these types has recently been, confirmed, the study of the Late-Punic amphorae becoming a new area of research. Nevertheless, many questions persisted in spite of huge progress. On one hand, the real extension of the production of these containers, as well as the modalities of their manufacturing within the area of the Strait, could not be defined. On the other hand, the conditions and the range of their commercial diffusion out of the Iberian Peninsula was still uncertain.Our research intends to deal with these questions thanks to a wide corpus of archaeological and historical data. The first stage of our study concerned the consolidation of the documentation from the manufacturing contexts associated with the Late-Punic containers. Then, a study of several underwater deposits, most of them largely unpublished, is realized in order to observe their maritime traffic. Their place in the trade patterns of the Late Republican era is criticized by examining their presence in several consumption sites. The analysis of all these data led to reevaluate the commercial success of these Late-Punic containers, whereas their diffusion was clearly connected with the integration of the local elites from the Strait of Gibraltar in the Roman society.