Este trabalho tem como objeto de pesquisa o processo de consulta pública online para elaboração do Marco Civil da Internet, nova lei que dispõe sobre os direitos dos usuários de Internet no Brasil. Ele busca responder às seguintes perguntas: (i) como foi idealizado processo de consulta pública online do Marco Civil da Internet? (ii) Como a consulta foi gerenciada e executada? (iii) Quais foram os resultados da consulta em termos de soluções jurídicas aos conflitos políticos do setor da Internet? A proposta é realizar uma descrição desta experiência de participação social pela Internet a partir de um mapeamento das contribuições dos cidadãos e instituições, de informações em fontes variadas (imprensa especializada ou não e outros trabalhos acadêmicos) e do confronto deste levantamento com entrevistas dadas pelos gestores do projeto sobre seu planejamento e execução. A pesquisa trabalhou com a hipótese de que a consulta pública online que elaborou o Marco Civil da Internet se colocou como alternativa a um debate instaurado dentro do Congresso Nacional e bloqueado por propostas de lei de enfoque penal. O resultado da pesquisa sugere a confirmação dessa hipótese, bem como a relevância da experiência analisada para o sucesso uma estratégia política de reversão dessa agenda legislativa anterior. / Between 2009 and 2011 the Office of Legislative Affairs of the Ministry of Justice (SAL/MJ), in partnership with the Center for Technology and Society at Fundação Getúlio Vargas (FGV-CTS), organized a virtual platform to collect peoples comments and insights for a new bill that promises to establish a regulatory framework for the Internet: the Marco Civil da Internet. This work aims to describe this experience, addressing the following issues: (i) how the process was created; (ii) how it was managed and operationalized; and (iii) which outputs it produced in terms of legal solutions solving Internet regulation dilemmas. The research tested the hypothesis that the public consultation process revealed a turning point of the Brazilian Internet regulation debate, which was dominated by criminal-related approaches. The study suggests that the hypothesis was correct and that the analyzed experience was relevant in a reexamination of that previous political agenda.

The aim of this thesis is to show how mass media can affect the legislative process. This is shown generally as well as specifically - using the legislative process in the Czech Republic as an example, which is illustrated by a specific case, in which media pressure resulted in the change of legislation. This thesis is divided into four chapters. The first two are theoretical, the third chapter presents a case study and the last chapter draws conclusions from the previous three. The first chapter shows law as an open system, which develops while communicating with the other subsystems of society. Sociological approach to law is presented, as well as selected concepts from sociology of law. Some crucial concepts from law theory are defined. The last part of the first chapter presents the legislative process in the Czech Republic, which is being defined in the broad meaning of this concept. The theme of the second chapter is mass media - first its definition, followed by presentation of selected concepts of relationship between mass media and society, with emphasis on agenda-setting and framing. The third chapter presents a case study of a successful campaign for change in legislation - mass media campaign associated with the premiere of the documentary film Smejdi in Czech cinemas. Role of the...

A partir da perspectiva teórica de que o fortalecimento da democracia representativa vincula-s ao desenvolvimento da democracia participativa, este trabalho visa a analisar o exercício da participação política por meio do uso de ferramentas de tecnologia de informação e comunicação (TICs) no que se refere à elaboração de políticas públicas durante o processo legislativo. Além de avaliar outras experiências internacionais com esse intuito, o presente trabalho tem como base a realização de estudos de caso referentes a práticas participativas digitais desenvolvidas por parlamentos, em especial sobre o Programa e-Democracia da Câmara dos Deputados brasileira e o Projeto Senador Virtual do Senado chileno. Por meio de metodologia qualitativa, o estudo concluiu que tais projetos apresentam resultados ainda incipientes quanto à melhoria de representatividade na tomada de decisão, de agregação de inteligência coletiva no processo legislativo e de transparência da atuação parlamentar, elementos caros à democracia participativa e deliberativa. Não obstante, essas experiências têm o mérito de contribuir para a construção gradual de mecanismos participativos mais efetivos e complementares ao sistema de representação política / Departing from the theoretical standpoint in which the strengthening of representative democracy is related to the development of participatory democracy, this research aims to analyze information and communication technology experiments of political participation in policymaking. Besides evaluating mini-practices worldwide in this regard, we intend to study cases of digital participation developed by parliaments, specially the e-Democracia Program from Brazilian House of Representatives and the Senador Virtual Project from Chilean Senate House. By adopting qualitative methodology, this work concludes that such practices have just offered preliminary progresses for increasing representativeness in decision-making, aggregating collective intelligence in lawmaking and developing transparency over the behavior of legislators in the mandate, key aspects of the participatory and deliberative democracy. However, those practices contribute to the gradual construction of a more effective participatory mechanism that complements the system of political representation

A partir da perspectiva teórica de que o fortalecimento da democracia representativa vincula-s ao desenvolvimento da democracia participativa, este trabalho visa a analisar o exercício da participação política por meio do uso de ferramentas de tecnologia de informação e comunicação (TICs) no que se refere à elaboração de políticas públicas durante o processo legislativo. Além de avaliar outras experiências internacionais com esse intuito, o presente trabalho tem como base a realização de estudos de caso referentes a práticas participativas digitais desenvolvidas por parlamentos, em especial sobre o Programa e-Democracia da Câmara dos Deputados brasileira e o Projeto Senador Virtual do Senado chileno. Por meio de metodologia qualitativa, o estudo concluiu que tais projetos apresentam resultados ainda incipientes quanto à melhoria de representatividade na tomada de decisão, de agregação de inteligência coletiva no processo legislativo e de transparência da atuação parlamentar, elementos caros à democracia participativa e deliberativa. Não obstante, essas experiências têm o mérito de contribuir para a construção gradual de mecanismos participativos mais efetivos e complementares ao sistema de representação política / Departing from the theoretical standpoint in which the strengthening of representative democracy is related to the development of participatory democracy, this research aims to analyze information and communication technology experiments of political participation in policymaking. Besides evaluating mini-practices worldwide in this regard, we intend to study cases of digital participation developed by parliaments, specially the e-Democracia Program from Brazilian House of Representatives and the Senador Virtual Project from Chilean Senate House. By adopting qualitative methodology, this work concludes that such practices have just offered preliminary progresses for increasing representativeness in decision-making, aggregating collective intelligence in lawmaking and developing transparency over the behavior of legislators in the mandate, key aspects of the participatory and deliberative democracy. However, those practices contribute to the gradual construction of a more effective participatory mechanism that complements the system of political representation

In 1998 Sweden, as the first country in the world, formulated and implemented a law against sexualservices, which has since been known as “The Swedish Model” due to its unique approach in onlycriminalizing the buyer - not the seller - of sexual acts. This thesis researches the history of the ideasbehind the lawmaking process in its aim to gain better understanding on how lawmaking affectspeople’s perception of the world around them. By analysing the preparatory work behind the law,in relation to how prostitution has been treated in previous history, and as a document ofideological importance this thesis shows that the approach to prostitution, and the outcome of thepreparatory work - resulting in a partially criminalizing law - mainly relies on the idea thatprostitution is something bad in itself and in relation to the idea of human rights, but is beingadvocated against with the help of the societal problems based in stigmatizing ideas relying on thevery same implication.

af / Suid-Afrika is sedert 27 April 1994 'n materiele regstaat, wat deur beide uitdruklike en 'ongeskrewe' fundamentele waardes onderskraag word. Dit is juis hierdie fundamentele waardes wat 'n blote formele konstitusie (as grondslag van 'n relative democracy) van 'n oppermagtige grondwet (as basis van 'n materiele standard-setting democracy) onderskei. Alhoewel daar 'n lewendige debat oor die toepaslikheid van die talle tradisionele grondwetuitlegmetodes gevoer word, is daar nietemin tans geen oorhoofse waardebaseerde paradigma vir grondwetuitleg nie. Soms wil dit voorkom asof fundamentele grondwetlike waardes net as normatiewe retoriek, in stede van materiele riglyn, by grondwetuitleg gebruik word. Die owerheidsgesag is aan hoer normatiewe regsbeginsels gebonde wat grotendeels in die fundamentele regte-akte (as deel van 'n oppermagtige grondwet) vervat is. Die gewaarborgde fundamentele regte dien derhalwe as konkretisering van beide die regstaat en die demokrasie: die materiele regstaatbegrip is die basis van _die grondwetlike staat. Die materiele regstaat, as geregtigheidstaat, kan dus gesien word as die eindbestemming van die grondwet as lex fundamentalis in die regsorde. 'n Oppermagtige grondwet is egter onlosmaaklik verbind aan die materiele regstaat. Daarom behels grondwetuitleg noodwendig die aktivering van die grondwetlik-gepositiveerde waardes. Hierdie normatiewe regsbeginsels en fundamentele waardes wat in die grondwet as grundnorm van die geregtigheidstaat beliggaam is, moet dan deur 'n onafhanklike regbank gehandhaaf en afgedwing word. In beginsel is grondwetuitleg gemoeid met die identifisering, handhawing en aktivering van die fundamentele waardes wat 'n oppermagtige grondwet onderskraag. Waarde-aktiverende grondwetuitleg is nietemin nie 'n bloudruk waarmee aile praktiese uitlegprobleme opgelos kan word nie, maar 'n oorhoofse waardebaseerde paradigma: 'n dwingende, normatiewe verwysingsraamwerk waarvandaan, waarbinne en waarheen grondwetuitleg op pad is. Die tradisionele grondwetuitlegmetodiek is bloat aanvullende tegnieke wat 'n waarde-aktiverende paradigma van grondwetuitleg ondersteun. Aangesien fundamentele waardes onlosmaaklik deel van die materiele regstaat is, moet grondwetuitleg nie net waardebaseer nie, maar ook waardegerig wees; nie net waardes handhaaf nie, maar ook bevorder en aktiveer; nie net waardes weerspieel nie, maar ook aktief vestig. 86 'n raamwerk vir grondwetuitleg behels die 'animering' en konkretisering van fundamentele waardes, ideale en standaarde wat die materiele regstaat onderle, kortom, waarde-aktiverende grondwetuitleg as vergestalting van die materiele regstaat. / On 27 April1994 South Africa became a constitutional state (Rechtsstaat), underpinned by both express, and 'unwritten' fundamental constitutional values. These values represent the distinction between a formal constitution (ie the basis of a relative democracy), and a supreme constitution (the foundation of a material standard-setting democracy). Although the merits of various methods of constitutional interpretation are hotly debated, no general value-based paradigm for constitutional interpretation has yet been established. At times it seems as if fundamental constitutional values are merely invoked as normative rhetoric during constitutional interpretation, rather than as substantive guidelines. Government institutions are bound by these higher normative legal principles, which in a supreme constitution are articulated primarily in the bill of fundamental rights. The guaranteed fundamental rights are a concretisation of both the constitutional state and democracy: the material law state principle (Rechtsstaatprinzip) as the foundation of the constitutional state. The Rechtsstaat as 'just state' is the ultimate goal of a supreme constitution as lex fundamentalis in the legal order. A supreme constitution is inextricably linked to the Rechtsstaat. As a result, constitutional interpretation inevitably involves animating and activating values positivised within the constitution.These normative legal principles and fundamental values must be maintained and enforced by an independent judiciary. In principle, constitutional interpretation deals with the identification, maintenance and animation of the fundamental values underlying a supreme constitution. Value-activating constitutional interpretation is not a blueprint for resolving all practical interpretive problems, but it is a general value-based paradigm: a peremptory, normative frame of reference from which, within which and towards which all constitutional interpretation should be directed. The traditional methodologies of constitutional interpretation are merely ancillary techniques supporting a value-activating paradigm of constitutional interpretation. Since fundamental values undeniably form part of the Rechtsstaat, constitutional interpretation should not only be value-based, but also values-directed; should not merely uphold the values, but also promote and activate them; should not only reflect the values, but also actively establish them. Such a framework for constitutional interpretation involves the animation and concretisation of the fundamental values, standards and ideals underlying the constitutional state: valueactivating constitutional interpretation as embodiment of the Rechtsstaat. / Law / LL.D. (Law)

Triloger har utvecklats till att idag utgöra en viktig del av Europeiska unionens ordinarie lagstiftningsförfarande. Dessa informella förhandlingsmöten mellan unionslagstiftarna, med deltagande av kommissionen, har förändrat den praktiska tillämpningen av fördragens bestämmelser om lagstiftningsförfarandet fastän de inte omnämns i fördragen. Samtidigt som trilogerna har gjort processen mer effektiv har de haft en negativ påverkan på insynen i förfarandet. I denna uppsats studeras hur fenomenet triloger genom åren har uttryckts juridisk i den institutionella unionsrätten. Kritiken mot trilogerna och andra aktuella händelser som möjligen kan förändra trilogernas rättsliga ställning utvärderas. / Trilogues have evolved to become an important part of the European Union’s ordinary legislative procedure. These informal negotiating meetings between the Union legislators, with the participation of the Commission, have changed the practical application of the Treaty rules on the legislative procedure without being mentioned in primary law. While the trilogue system has made the process more efficient, it has had a negative impact on the transparency of the process. This paper aims to study how the trilogue phenomenon has been legally expressed in the institutional Union law. The criticism against trilogues and other recent events are also examined in order to assess how these possibly can change the legal status of trilogues. / Les trilogues ont connu une évolution en devenant une partie intégrante et importante de la procédure législative ordinaire de l’Union Européenne. Ces réunions de négociations informelles entre les législateurs européens, avec la participation de la Commission, ont modifiées l’application pratique des règles des traités sur la procédure législative sans être mentionnées dans le droit primaire. Bien que les trilogues aient rendu le processus plus efficace, ils ont indéniablement eu un impact négatif sur la transparence de la procédure. Cette thèse vise à reconstruire comment le phénomène des trilogues a été exprimé en termes légaux dans le droit institutionnel de l’Union. Les critiques à l’encontre des trilogues et d’autres actualités sont aussi étudiées afin d’évaluer la façon dont ceux-ci éventuellement peuvent modifier le statut juridique des trilogues.

af / Suid-Afrika is sedert 27 April 1994 'n materiele regstaat, wat deur beide uitdruklike en 'ongeskrewe' fundamentele waardes onderskraag word. Dit is juis hierdie fundamentele waardes wat 'n blote formele konstitusie (as grondslag van 'n relative democracy) van 'n oppermagtige grondwet (as basis van 'n materiele standard-setting democracy) onderskei. Alhoewel daar 'n lewendige debat oor die toepaslikheid van die talle tradisionele grondwetuitlegmetodes gevoer word, is daar nietemin tans geen oorhoofse waardebaseerde paradigma vir grondwetuitleg nie. Soms wil dit voorkom asof fundamentele grondwetlike waardes net as normatiewe retoriek, in stede van materiele riglyn, by grondwetuitleg gebruik word. Die owerheidsgesag is aan hoer normatiewe regsbeginsels gebonde wat grotendeels in die fundamentele regte-akte (as deel van 'n oppermagtige grondwet) vervat is. Die gewaarborgde fundamentele regte dien derhalwe as konkretisering van beide die regstaat en die demokrasie: die materiele regstaatbegrip is die basis van _die grondwetlike staat. Die materiele regstaat, as geregtigheidstaat, kan dus gesien word as die eindbestemming van die grondwet as lex fundamentalis in die regsorde. 'n Oppermagtige grondwet is egter onlosmaaklik verbind aan die materiele regstaat. Daarom behels grondwetuitleg noodwendig die aktivering van die grondwetlik-gepositiveerde waardes. Hierdie normatiewe regsbeginsels en fundamentele waardes wat in die grondwet as grundnorm van die geregtigheidstaat beliggaam is, moet dan deur 'n onafhanklike regbank gehandhaaf en afgedwing word. In beginsel is grondwetuitleg gemoeid met die identifisering, handhawing en aktivering van die fundamentele waardes wat 'n oppermagtige grondwet onderskraag. Waarde-aktiverende grondwetuitleg is nietemin nie 'n bloudruk waarmee aile praktiese uitlegprobleme opgelos kan word nie, maar 'n oorhoofse waardebaseerde paradigma: 'n dwingende, normatiewe verwysingsraamwerk waarvandaan, waarbinne en waarheen grondwetuitleg op pad is. Die tradisionele grondwetuitlegmetodiek is bloat aanvullende tegnieke wat 'n waarde-aktiverende paradigma van grondwetuitleg ondersteun. Aangesien fundamentele waardes onlosmaaklik deel van die materiele regstaat is, moet grondwetuitleg nie net waardebaseer nie, maar ook waardegerig wees; nie net waardes handhaaf nie, maar ook bevorder en aktiveer; nie net waardes weerspieel nie, maar ook aktief vestig. 86 'n raamwerk vir grondwetuitleg behels die 'animering' en konkretisering van fundamentele waardes, ideale en standaarde wat die materiele regstaat onderle, kortom, waarde-aktiverende grondwetuitleg as vergestalting van die materiele regstaat. / On 27 April1994 South Africa became a constitutional state (Rechtsstaat), underpinned by both express, and 'unwritten' fundamental constitutional values. These values represent the distinction between a formal constitution (ie the basis of a relative democracy), and a supreme constitution (the foundation of a material standard-setting democracy). Although the merits of various methods of constitutional interpretation are hotly debated, no general value-based paradigm for constitutional interpretation has yet been established. At times it seems as if fundamental constitutional values are merely invoked as normative rhetoric during constitutional interpretation, rather than as substantive guidelines. Government institutions are bound by these higher normative legal principles, which in a supreme constitution are articulated primarily in the bill of fundamental rights. The guaranteed fundamental rights are a concretisation of both the constitutional state and democracy: the material law state principle (Rechtsstaatprinzip) as the foundation of the constitutional state. The Rechtsstaat as 'just state' is the ultimate goal of a supreme constitution as lex fundamentalis in the legal order. A supreme constitution is inextricably linked to the Rechtsstaat. As a result, constitutional interpretation inevitably involves animating and activating values positivised within the constitution.These normative legal principles and fundamental values must be maintained and enforced by an independent judiciary. In principle, constitutional interpretation deals with the identification, maintenance and animation of the fundamental values underlying a supreme constitution. Value-activating constitutional interpretation is not a blueprint for resolving all practical interpretive problems, but it is a general value-based paradigm: a peremptory, normative frame of reference from which, within which and towards which all constitutional interpretation should be directed. The traditional methodologies of constitutional interpretation are merely ancillary techniques supporting a value-activating paradigm of constitutional interpretation. Since fundamental values undeniably form part of the Rechtsstaat, constitutional interpretation should not only be value-based, but also values-directed; should not merely uphold the values, but also promote and activate them; should not only reflect the values, but also actively establish them. Such a framework for constitutional interpretation involves the animation and concretisation of the fundamental values, standards and ideals underlying the constitutional state: valueactivating constitutional interpretation as embodiment of the Rechtsstaat. / Law / LL.D. (Law)

[pt] O trabalho examina os elementos centrais do procedimento legislativo resultante da atribuição, pela Constituição de 1988, de poder decisório às comissões parlamentares para aprovar e rejeitar projetos de lei. Investiga os precedentes do mecanismo no Brasil e os modelos italiano e espanhol, que serviram de inspiração ao constituinte brasileiro. Busca, ainda, apontar as falhas de regulação interna, na Câmara dos Deputados e no Senado Federal, que têm impedido melhor aproveitamento do novo instituto legislativo como canal de deliberação alternativo aos respectivos plenários. / [en] The dissertation looks into the core elements of the new legislative procedure created by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 that gives the decision power to approval and rejection laws to the committees. It investigates the precedents of the mechanism in Brazil and the Italian and Spanish models, which served as the base of inspiration to the Brazilian constituent. It also points out the flaws of the internal regulation of the legislative houses which have prevented better use of the new institute as an alternative channel for making laws.