Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Aim: To investigate whether Mpumalanga Province's representation in the NCOP can be improved. Problem: The Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature is not performing as expected in the NCOP. The views of Mpumalanga Province are not articulated well in the NCOP. This may be as a result of a lack of research capacity within the Provincial Legislature. The available researchers are not experienced in the political and policy environment. The NCOP meeting cycle or timetable also does not allow enough time for the provinces to adequately prepare for pieces of legislation. There is further little or no interaction between the chairpersons of the Provincial Portfolio Committees and their counterparts in the NCOP. There is poor coordination, planning and communication within the provincial legislature. The Mpumalanga NCOP Liaison Office in Cape Town is not adding value to the information flow from Parliament to the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature. It is acting as a post box by passing information on without any further research and analysis. The research question is: How to improve the effectiveness of the Mpumalanga representation in the National Council of Provinces? Hypothesis: The role of the Mpumalanga NCOP Liaison Office in Parliament needs to be redefined, and the research capacity of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature needs to be enhanced, in order to increase the effectiveness of the representation of Mpumalanga Province in the NCOP. Methodology: The following methods were used in this study; • Face to face interviews with the Chairperson of the NCOP, Ms N Pandor. • A structured questionnaire was sent to the Chief Whip of the NCOP, Mr. E Surty and selected members from the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature. • Participant observation was used, as the researcher was, at the time of this study, an employee of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature stationed at the NCOP. • A literature study was also undertaken. Scope: The study concentrated on the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature while lessons were drawn from other provinces. There is no universally agreed upon criterion to judge what constitutes organizational effectiveness. Evidence from the literature revealed that in order to improve organizational effectiveness, the Goal Attainment, Systems and Strategic Constituencies Approaches to organizational effectiveness need to be combined. These approaches are not mutually exclusive. The focus of the Goal Attainment Approach is mainly on ends while the Systems Approach concentrates on means to achieve the ends. The Strategic Constituencies Approach seeks to appease those stakeholders, in the environment, with potential to threaten organizational stability. Major Findings: Observation, personal experience and the responses from the informants tended to confirm the hypothesis. This study revealed that the researchers of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature were not empowered to deal with legislative matters. Major ConclusionslRecommendations: The most important recommendations are; .:. That Parliament should introduce legislation that will enable Provincial Legislatures to confer authority on their delegations to cast votes uniformly on their behalf in the NCOP . •:. That the brief of the provincial research unit be clearly specified. That a research agenda for each session of Parliament be set. .:. That the role of Regis House staff be expanded to include research, administration and liaison work. .:. That all researchers and senior staff of the organization be re-briefed on the functioning of the Provincial Legislature . •:. That comparative research be conducted on KwaZulu Natal and Western Cape who seemed to produce the best results. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Doelwit: Om ondersoek in te stel of die Mpumalanga Provinsie se verteenwoordiging op die Raad van Provinsies verbeter kan word. Probleem: Die Mpumalanga Wetgewer presteer nie na verwagting in die Nasionale Raad van Provinsies (NRVP) nie. Die sieninge van die Mpumalanga Provinsie word nie goed weergegee in die NRVP nie. Dit mag wees as gevolg van 'n gebrek aan navorsingskapasiteit in die Provinsiale Wetgewer (PW). Die beskikbare navorsers het nie ondervinding in die politieke en beleidsomgewing nie. Die NRVP siklus of tydskedule gee nie genoeg tyd aan provinsies om behoorlik vir wetgewing voor te berei nie. Daar is min of geen interaksie tussen die voorsitters van die Provinsiale Portefeulje Komitees en hul kollegas in die NRVP nie. Daar is ook swak koordinasie, beplanning en kommunikasie in die Provinsiale Wetgewer. Die Mpumalanga NRVP se skakelkantoor in Kaapstad voeg geen waarde toe tot die vloei van inligting van die Parlement na die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer nie. Tans dien dit net as 'n posbus, wat inligting deurgee sonder verdere navorsing en analise. Die navorsingsvraag is, hoe kan die verteenwoordiging van die Mpumalanga Provinsie in die NRVP verbeter word? Hipotese: Die rol van die Mpumalanga skakelkantoor in die Parlement moet herdefinieer word en die navorsingskapasiteit van die Provinsiale Wetgewer moet versterk word, om die effektiwiteit van die verteenwoordiging van die Mpumalanga provinsie te verbeter in die NRVP. Metodologie: Die volgende metodes is gebruik in hierdie studie: • Persoonlike onderhoude met die Voorsitter van die NRVP, Me N Pandor. • 'n Gestruktureerde vraelys is gestuur na die Hoofsweep van die NRVP, Mnr E Surty en die teikengroep lede van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer. • Deelnemende waarneming is gebruik, omdat die navorser tydens die studie 'n werknemer van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer was, gestasioneer by die NRVP. • 'n Literatuurstudie is ook onderneem. Omvang: Die studie het gekonsentreer op die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer, terwyl lesse geleer is vanaf ander provinsies. Daar is geen universeel ooreengekome kriteria waarop organisasies se effektiwiteit beoordeel kan word nie. Die geraadpleegde literatuur bevestig die hipotese. Die skrywers se gevolgtrekkings toon aan dat die volgende benaderinge tot organisatoriese effektiwiteit gekombineer moet word om 'n organisasie se effektiwiteit te verbeter: die doelwitbereikingsbenadering; sisteem en strategiese kiesafdelingsbenadering. Hierdie benaderings is nie onderling uitsluitend nie. Die fokus van doelwitbereikingsbenadering is hoofsaaklik op resultate terwyl die sisteembenadering konsentreer op maniere om die gevolge te bereik. Die strategiese kiesafdelingsbenadering probeer al die rolspelers met die potensiaal om organisatoriese stabiliteit te bedreig, bevredig,. Hoof Bevindinge: Waarneming, persoonlike ervaring en terugvoering vanaf die respondente het die hipotese deurgaans bevestig. Die studie het getoon dat die navorsers van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer nie wetgewende sake behoorlik kan hanteer nie. Belangrikste Gevolgtrekkings/Aanbevelings: Dit sluit in: ~ Die Parlement moet wetgewing voorlê wat die Provinsiale Wetgewers sal toelaat om hul afgevaardigdes te magtig om hul stemme eenvormig te kan uitbring in die NRVP namens daardie wetgewers. ~ Dat die opdrag van die provinsiale navorsingseenheid duidelik uitgespel word ~ Dat 'n navorsingsagenda bepaal word vir elke sessie van die Parlement ~ Dat die rol van Regis House personeel uitgebrei word om navorsing, administrasie en skakelwerk in te sluit ~ Dat alle navorsers en senior personeel van die organisasie geherorienteer word rakende die werksaamhede van die Provinsiale Wetgewer ~ Dat vergelykende navorsing gedoen word oor KwaZulu Natal en Wes Kaap wat die beste resultate lewer.

The problem with which this study was concerned is the political influence of community/junior college chief executive officers (CEOs) and campus presidents on the state legislature, both directly and indirectly, in the funding of community colleges in Texas. Perceptions of effectiveness were recorded by survey from campus presidents and CEOs as well as from legislators and key legislators. In addition, interviews were conducted with several key legislators and the chief administrators of the two statewide community college organizations. The purpose of the study was to analyze the policy-making process in Texas of which community/junior colleges are a part. The influential relationships and interactions of the sixty-five CEOs and campus presidents of the public community college districts and campuses in Texas were analyzed after a survey instrument was administered. Perceptions of rank—and—file legislators were gathered through use of another survey instrument and perceptions of key legislators were gathered in the same manner but with the addition of a personal interview. Certain questions were asked of them concerning interactions and communication with leaders of community colleges. With the legislators and the presidents certain demographic data was collected and analyzed as a part of the study. Among the findings, campus presidents and CEOs do not have sufficient levels of acquaintance, interaction and communication to heavily influence local people whom they consider powerful in state funding of community colleges. Furthermore, legislators do not receive enough communication from powerful local group members to positively influence their decisions regarding community college funding. Presidents and CEOs from the metropolitan districts communicate most often with their legislators followed by those from rural districts. Board members from the metropolitan districts are most active in communicating with their legislators. Finally, legislators view the community college nearest them as equal to or better than community colleges statewide.

La question de la durée du mandat présidentiel est indissociable de la réflexion sur l’équilibre des pouvoirs et sur la nature de la Ve République. Le quinquennat présidentiel, envisagé en1973 puis définitivement adopté par référendum le 24 septembre 2000, s’inscrit dans un mouvement de présidentialisation des institutions entamé depuis 1962 et l’élection du Président de la République au suffrage universel. En prévoyant une durée de mandat égale pour le chef de l’Etat et l’Assemblée nationale, le quinquennat entend redéfinir la dyarchie exécutive et mettre fin à l’arythmie électorale et à la cohabitation. Alors que la Constitution de 1958 privilégiait la souplesse pour répondre à toutes les situations politiques, le quinquennat fait le choix de l’efficacité en favorisant la concordance des majorités parlementaire et présidentielle. Mais le quinquennat est davantage un commencement qu’une fin. Poursuivi par l’inversion du calendrier électoral en 2001 et par une révision constitutionnelle majeure en 2008, le quinquennat a ouvert la voie à un régime présidentiel dont les effets se font déjà sentir à travers la reconfiguration du rôle du chef de l’Etat, le renforcement du poids de l’élection présidentielle, la présidentialisation des partis politiques et la bipolarisation de l’espace partisan. Dix ans après son entrée en vigueur, le quinquennat place la Ve République face à un choix : corriger le présidentialisme majoritaire dans le cadre des institutions actuelles ou achever la transition vers la VIe République et le régime présidentiel. / The issue of the length of the presidential term of office cannot be separated from the question of the balance of power in the Fifth Republic, and thus the question of its very essence. The five-year term of presidency, foreseen in 1973 and definitively enacted by referendum on September 24, 2000, comes out of a tendency toward expansion of presidential powers since1962, as well as from the decision to elect the President of the Republic by direct popular vote. Aligning the five-year term with that of the Assemblée nationale redefines shared governance between the President and the Prime Minister by removing the electoral unbalance that created the “cohabitation” (i.e. opposing camps of political goals and parties inpower) as in the past. Although the 1958 Constitution stressed its ability to adapt to any political situation, the five-year term makes the clear choice of effectively favoring concurrent majorities, both parliamentary and presidential. However, this choice is more of a beginning than an end. In 2001 a new electoral agenda followed the five-year term reform. Subsequently, there was a major revision of the Constitution in 2008. As a result we have seen a reconfiguration of the President’s role, a net increase in the importance of presidential election, and finally, political and partisan polarization. Ten years after its inception, the five year term forces the Fifth Republic to choose either to adapt the majoritarian presidentialism within and among existing divisions of government or to initiate a transition toward a Sixth Republic and a purely presidential regime.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alessandro Elias Gumier.pdf: 858538 bytes, checksum: 548ca9bdd3a7fba9da9fcbf2880b0c89 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-04 / Public spending has gained increasing relevance in the economic analysis. However, few studies have dealt with the public expense of the legislative branch. The goal of this dissertation is to analyze legislative spending of São Paulo cities between 1997-2010, as well as estimate the socioeconomic points for the level of this expense. Thereby, we used the methodology of cluster analysis and linear regression in cross-section of socioeconomic factors of the 645 counties, based on 2010 data. The results suggest that the number of councilors is not clearly relevant factor to explain the legislative municipal spending, pointing out, however, the municipal income as the most significant variable for the occurrence of this sort of expense / O gasto público tem ganhado cada vez mais relevância nas análises econômicas. No entanto, poucos estudos têm tratado do gasto público do Poder Legislativo. O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar os gastos legislativos dos municípios do Estado de São Paulo no período 1997-2010, bem como estimar os fatores socioeconômicos determinantes para o nível deste gasto. Para tanto, utilizou-se a metodologia de análise de cluster e de regressão linear em corte transversal de fatores socioeconômicos dos 645 municípios paulistas, com base nos dados de 2010. Os resultados sugerem que o número de vereadores não constitui fator claramente relevante para explicar o gasto legislativo municipal, apontando, em contrapartida, a renda municipal como a variável mais significativa para a ocorrência deste tipo de dispêndio

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-10-05T12:29:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mirelle Monte Soares_.pdf: 5217529 bytes, checksum: 0ae97980b61e70605941d4ec27cf9674 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-05T12:29:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mirelle Monte Soares_.pdf: 5217529 bytes, checksum: 0ae97980b61e70605941d4ec27cf9674 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-10 / Nenhuma / O presente trabalho pretende analisar a crise funcional do Estado Contemporâneo, através de uma abordagem hermêutico-filosófica. Em primeiro, contextualizar-se-á o Estado, mostrar-se-á em que modelo ele hoje está inserido e de que crise trata a dissertação, para em seguida explicar uma de suas subdivisões: a crise funcional. Esta será analisada em seu viés interno e externo. Internamente, estudar-se-á a crise entre Legislativo e Judiciário, demonstrando-se que o Judiciário efetivamente cresceu, em decorrência de agora estar dentro de um Estado Social e que, além desse crescimento involuntário, ele também passou a ocupar e usurpar uma função que não era constitucionalmente de sua competência, passando a fazer uma verdadeira produção normativa. Uma vez mostrada a ação, discutir-se-á sobre a reação legislativa: seus limites e possibilidades. Por fim, concluir-se-á que o Estado realmente está em crise e que as funções tradicionais precisam assumir novos lugares no cenário democrático aceitando inclusive a entrada e participação de novos atores, que fazem parte de sua crise funcional externa. / This essay discusses the functional crisis of the contemporary state, through a hermeutic-philosophical approach. First, will contextualize the state in which model it is now part of that crisis and this is the dissertation, then explain to one of its phases will show up: the functional crisis. As the intention is to remain exclusively in the crisis between legislature and judiciary, will prove that the judiciary effectively increased, due to now living in a welfare state and that, beyond this involuntary growth, he also began to occupy and usurping a function that was not constitutionally within its competence, becoming a true normative production. Once shown the action, will be discussing about the legislative reaction: its limits and possibilities. Finally, we will conclude that the state really is in crisis and that the traditional functions must take place in the new democratic scenario, even accepting the input and participation of new actors.

The essays in this dissertation examine how political institutions affect economic development. In the first essay, I examine how executive control of the legislature shapes the time horizon of governing politicians and its effect on economic growth. The second essay examines how border changes over the past two centuries have provided different areas within modern countries with different institutional histories and how this affects the geographic concentration of economic activity. For the final essay, I examine whether elections have an effect on macroeconomic volatility when controlling for the democratic nature of the regime.

This essay presents a comparative study of the Swedish articles of war of year 1621 and 1683 which aims to, through analysis, assess the extent of the development in Swedish army legislature during the 17th century and to derive the likely underlying causes for this development. The study is in large comprised by a detailed comparison of the two collections of articles of war in order to determine the practical changes to the legislature that occurred between the years that they came into force. / Denna uppsats presenterar en komparativ studie av de svenska krigsartiklarna av år 1621 och 1683 och ämnar att genom analys avgöra vad som förändrades inom svensk krigslagstiftning under 1600-talet samt att härleda denna utveckling till de förhållanden som kan förmodas ha framkallat denna. Studien utgörs till stor del av en detaljjämförelse av de två uppsättningarna krigsartiklar för att avgöra de praktiska förändringar i lagstiftningen som tagit plats emellan de år de trädde i kraft.

The diploma thesis "Presentation of the financial statements in accordance by Czech account legislature (ČÚS) and International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) in particular entity" aims to assess the presentation of the financial statements according with Czech accounting standard and IFRS. It focuses on the differences resulting from accounting under both accounting systems.

A partir da perspectiva teórica de que o fortalecimento da democracia representativa vincula-s ao desenvolvimento da democracia participativa, este trabalho visa a analisar o exercício da participação política por meio do uso de ferramentas de tecnologia de informação e comunicação (TICs) no que se refere à elaboração de políticas públicas durante o processo legislativo. Além de avaliar outras experiências internacionais com esse intuito, o presente trabalho tem como base a realização de estudos de caso referentes a práticas participativas digitais desenvolvidas por parlamentos, em especial sobre o Programa e-Democracia da Câmara dos Deputados brasileira e o Projeto Senador Virtual do Senado chileno. Por meio de metodologia qualitativa, o estudo concluiu que tais projetos apresentam resultados ainda incipientes quanto à melhoria de representatividade na tomada de decisão, de agregação de inteligência coletiva no processo legislativo e de transparência da atuação parlamentar, elementos caros à democracia participativa e deliberativa. Não obstante, essas experiências têm o mérito de contribuir para a construção gradual de mecanismos participativos mais efetivos e complementares ao sistema de representação política / Departing from the theoretical standpoint in which the strengthening of representative democracy is related to the development of participatory democracy, this research aims to analyze information and communication technology experiments of political participation in policymaking. Besides evaluating mini-practices worldwide in this regard, we intend to study cases of digital participation developed by parliaments, specially the e-Democracia Program from Brazilian House of Representatives and the Senador Virtual Project from Chilean Senate House. By adopting qualitative methodology, this work concludes that such practices have just offered preliminary progresses for increasing representativeness in decision-making, aggregating collective intelligence in lawmaking and developing transparency over the behavior of legislators in the mandate, key aspects of the participatory and deliberative democracy. However, those practices contribute to the gradual construction of a more effective participatory mechanism that complements the system of political representation

Este trabalho tem por estudo a relação entre o Legislador e o Intérprete, relacionando esse conflito de papéis nas instituições com a figura de grupos minoritários, utilizando-se da decisão da ADPF 132/ADI 4277 como exemplo desse enfrentamento. Dessa forma um fenômeno recente da realidade brasileira, acompanhado de um forte crescimento é o desempenho ativista do Poder Judiciário, o protagonismo exercido por este é amplamente discutido e polemizado. Essa postura alcança desdobramentos dos mais diversos níveis, e engloba variados preceitos desde a estrutura dos poderes; harmonia institucional; desempenho funcional e repercussão social. Pautada por uma sociedade cada vez mais complexa e plural a figura das minorias aparece como vulnerável. Nesse contexto social e político atualmente se baseia o fenômeno de uma relação desarmônica entre as instituições detentoras do poder, mais explicitamente entre o Poder Legislativo e o Poder Judiciário. O método e o mérito da resolução de conflitos consiste em uma espécie de analogia com relação ao enfrentamento e interferências nas prerrogativas essencialmente atribuídas aos parlamentares e a resolução de conflitos por parte do judiciário, realçando a eficaz decisão em relação ao mérito da questão, mas em conflito com a ilegitimidade do órgão que a exerceu. Ou seja, com o questionamento da necessidade- excesso de judicialização. Trata-se de um debate fundamental e de grandiosa importância para o desenrolar do Estado Democrático de Direito; a realidade social e a sua relação com a democracia. Leva- se ao entendimento que a postura é um fenômeno posto e se não estabelecido com o cuidado e merecedora atenção, pode ocasionar efeitos colaterais e riscos severos de entrave ao respeito do ideal democrático. Situação que revela a vulnerabilidade e instabilidade da sociedade e principalmente das minorias em relação aos poderes e a problemática e polêmica do ativismo judicial. Utiliza-se uma pesquisa bibliográfica, qualitativa com método dedutivo, para buscar compreender as causas e consequências da relação de grupos minoritários, exemplificados pela decisão do STF na ADPF132/ADI 4277, com a ligação do conflito entre o Legislador e o Intérprete. / This research's goal is to study the relationship between the legislator and the interpreter, relating this conflict of roles in these institutions to the figure of minority groups, using the decision of ADPF 132/ADI 4277 as an example of this confrontation. This is a recent phenomenon in brazilian reality, accompanied by a strong growth performance of the activist judiciary, and its widely discussed role. This attitude reaches consequences of different levels, and encompasses a variety of precepts from the structure of powers, institutional harmony, functional performance and social impact. Guided by an increasingly complex and pluralistic society, minority figures appear as vulnerable. The phenomenon of a disharmonious relationship between the institutions that hold power, more explicitly between the Legislature and the Judiciary, is based on this social and political context today. The method and the substance of the conflict resolution consist in a kind of analogy related to confrontation and interference to the prerogatives attributed mainly to parliamentarians and conflict resolution by the judiciary, highlighting the effective decision related to the merits, but illegitimate for this institution. In other words, questioning the need - over judicialization. This is a fundamental debate and has its great importance for the development of the democratic state with rule of law; the social reality and its relation to democracy. It leads to the understanding that this is a phenomenon that if not established with the required care and attention, may cause severe side effects and severe risks to the respect of the democratic ideal. This situation reveals the vulnerability and instability of society, especially the minorities in relation to the controversy of the judicial activism. A bibliographic research is used, qualitative with deductive method, seeking to understand the causes and consequences of the relation of minority groups, exemplified by the decision of the Supreme Court in ADPF132/ADI 4277, linked to the conflict between the legislator and the interpreter.