The Swedish government has in national action plans and development cooperation pointed out the importance of relizing human rights at the municipal level. One of the municipality`s areas of responsibility is to attain a social service based on principals of democracy and solidarity. In addition, the social worker must apply national legislation, international human rights commitments and a user- or client perspective. The main purpose of the study is to investigate the importance of employees in the realization of human rights in the activities of social services. The study is based on interviews with employees in the social services. The results of the study are analyzed on the basis of theories regarding democracy, law enforcement and social work. The results show that the social workers in the exercise of authority need to apply different perspectives that are sometimes contradictory. The result indicates that the power to realize human rights in the social services is divided between structural factors and factors that have to do with the individual social worker.

The nature of the Swedish human rights legislation has undergone a significant transformation over the past decades. Whereas there was an overall consensus during the 20th century that the regulation and interpretation of human rights was best left to parliament, judicial review and strategic litigation has since come to play an ever larger role within the Swedish legal system. Throughout the 20th century the political majority viewed constitutional human rights as protection against potential anti democratic forces that were to come into play in times of crises. They were not primarily intended to be invoked to question regular legislation. A political majority considered human rights legislations to be too vague to hinder anything but blatant human rights violations, and thus their specific contents were deemed too political to be determined by anyone but the popularly elected parliament. Over the past 30 years, this attitude has shifted. The development of Swedish law has resulted in the view that even democratic parliaments are able to violate human rights in ordinary legislation. As such, the power to interpret and determine the scope of the human rights legislation has shifted from parliament to adjudicative organs through judicial review. At the same time, political activism through strategic litigation has grown in popularity and achieved significant legal changes. In summary, the modern human rights legislation has resulted in a redistribution of political power that is in stark contrast to what was envisioned when the Swedish constitutional rights were first developed. In this study, I examine the legal developments that have enabled the modern human rights legislation in order to create an understanding of its role within the Swedish democracy, over time and today. Through legislation, its legislative history, and court practice I chart and analyze the significant events surrounding the human rights legislation in the Swedish constitution and the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how the theme of human rights is portrayed in printed teaching materials written for the high school courses social studies 1a1 and 1b respectively. A total of three series from two publishers are analysed, which are the Kompass series, the Liber series, and the Arena series, where each series contains a course 1a1 and 1b. This study will fall under a qualitative content analysis with a comparative element and will use a semiotic-didactic analysis model. The result shows that the subject content of the textbooks for human rights fulfills the central content for the courses social studies 1a1 and 1b respectively. The textbooks differ regarding how big a place the theme of human rights was given in the textbook. The textbooks have several similarities and differences in composition and form of expression.

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This paper aims to study how the EU has maintained social, economic, cultural and political rights during Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The material used in this essay is official EU document from the different organs of the EU. To answer the question presented in the essay, both different human rights and Normative Power Europe have been used to see how the EU promoted the different human rights based on the idea that the EU is a normative power. To study this subject a text analysis has been used. By using this method, the study has found that social, economic, cultural and political rights all have been maintained by the EU in some way. Especially social and political rights and that the theory Normative Power Europe is applicable.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att analysera huruvida betydelsen av FN-stadgans centrala principer angående våldsanvändning, artikel 2(4), 2(7) och 51, kan förändras i och med staters agerande och isåfall på vilket sätt. Uppsatsen innehåller en teoretisk genomgång av icke-våldsprincipen och självförsvarsrätten. Vidare fokuserar uppsatsen på interventioner, med betoning på humanitära interventioner för att knyta an till Mänskliga Rättigheter som ämne. Till sist består uppsatsen av en tillämpning av den teoretiska delen genom en studie av Irakkonflikten 2003. Uppsatsen tar bland annat upp hur framtiden kan komma att se ut när det gäller användandet av preventivt självförsvar och humanitära interventioner, och hur USA:s agerande i Irakkonflikten 2003 kan påverka detta. Min slutsats är att tolkningen av folkrätten kan förändras bland annat genom staters agerande (om agerandet utvecklas till en praxis), men att tolkningen av grundläggande principer som våldsförbudet inte förändras så lätt utan istället är fortsatt omdebatterade. Den princip som kan komma att förändras i framtiden, bland annat i och med Irakkonflikten 2003, är rätten till självförsvar. / The purpose with this paper is to analyse whether the meaning of the central principles according to the use of force, article 2(4), 2(7) and 51, in the UN charter could be changed due to how states act. The paper contains of a teoretical review of the non-violence as a principle and the right to self-defence. Further, the paper focuses on interventions, with the emphasis on humanitarian interventions to put the paper in relation to the Human Right subject. Finally, the paper contains of an application of the teoretical part through a study of the Iraqi conflict 2003. The paper, among other things, brings up the issue about the use of preventive self-defence and humanitarian interventions for the future, and how the US governments acting in the Iraqi conflict 2003 effect this issue. My conclusion is that the interpretation of international law can be changed through states acting (if the acting developes into states practice), but central principles like non-force is not that easily changed, instead it contitiues to be an matter of deliberation. One principle that might be changed through, among other things, the Iraqi conflict is the right to self-defence.

Den senaste av de internationella konventioner som rör kvinnors rättigheter är Istanbulkonventionen som trädde i kraft den 1 augusti 2014. Den och övriga konventioner som rör kvinnors rättigheter har ratificerats av Sverige som därmed gjort sig skyldiga att efterleva dess krav och rekommendationer. Genom en diskursanalys har Sveriges lagar granskats med stöd av ett täckande intervjumaterial för att ta reda på om Sverige faktiskt efterlever de internationella åtagande som staten tagit på sig i frågan om att bekämpa mäns våld mot kvinnor. Materialet har bearbetats utifrån en feministisk teoribildning där det diskuterats utifrån könens sociala konstruktion, genusordningen och maskulinitetsperspektivet. / The latest of the international conventions on women's rights are Istanbul Convention, which entered into force on 1 August 2014. This and other conventions on women's rights has been ratified by Sweden thus guilty to comply with its requirements and recommendations. Through a discourse analysis has Sweden's laws examined under a comprehensive interview materials to find out about Sweden actually comply with the international commitments, which the State accepted for the issue of combating violence against women. The material has been processed from a feminist theory where it is discussed on the basis of gender social construction, gender order and masculinity perspective.

Denna uppsats behandlar turism i utvecklingsländer och den problematik som kan uppstå i samband med detta. Uppsatsen visar att denna problematik har en bredd som sträcker sig över både medborgerliga och politiska rättigheter och ekono¬miska, sociala och kulturella rättigheter. I uppsatsen tas bland annat ekonomi, ar-bets¬rättigheter, miljöförstöring, sexturism, ursprungsbefolkningar, tvångsför¬flyttningar och kulturella rättigheter upp. På alla dessa områden finns problem som turismindustrin, på olika sätt, försöker hantera. Uppsatsen innehåller en undersökning av hur de tre svenska marknadsledande paketresearrangörerna, Fritidsresor, Apollo och Ving, valt att arbeta med denna problematik. Studien görs genom att undersöka de uppförandekoder, policydoku¬ment och övriga initiativ som företagen tagit för att motverka problematiken. Slutligen så utvärderas också företagen och ställs mot beroendeteori för att se huruvida företagens arbete är tillräckligt för att överbrygga de särskilda förhållan¬den som råder i utvecklingsländerna. / This paper deals with tourism in the Third World and the problems that could be related to this. The paper shows that these problems have a scope from civil and political rights to economic, social and cultural rights. The paper covers the problems related to economy, labor rights, environ¬mental pollution, sextourism, indigenous peoples, forced displacement and cul¬tural rights. In all these areas there are problems that the tourism industry, in dif¬ferent ways, is trying to handle. The paper also includes a study on how the three market leading tour operators in Sweden, Fritidsresor, Apollo and Ving, are working with these problems. This study is conducted by examining the codes of conduct, corporate policies and other initiatives from the tour operators. The paper is concluded by an evaluation of the tour operator with the help of dependency theory. This is done to estimate the sufficiency of the operators social work in relation to the special conditions of developing countries.

Våld i nära relationer är ett stort samhällsproblem och även en kränkning av de mänskliga fri- och rättigheterna. Sverige har ett ansvar att förebygga våld i nära relationer och stödja de som är och har varit utsatta för detta. Denna uppsats belyser inte bara det nationella ansvaret utan även hur detta implementeras på lokal nivå. Malmö stad har genom sitt väl utarbetade kvinnoprogram blivit en av de kommuner i Sverige som kommit längst i arbetet mot våld i nära relationer. Kvinnofridsprogrammet är utformat för att bekämpa mäns våld mot kvinnor men har genom åren utvecklats till ett samarbete för alla som blivit utsatta för våld i en parrelation och deras eventuella barn. Trots utveklingen av programmet finns det brister i det och i dess implementering. Det är det patriarkala struktuerna och könsnormerna som styr vårt samhälle, vilket påverkar våra värderingar om vad som anses vara naturliga. Utifrån detta kan en normaliseringsprocess påverka vår syn på våld. Tanken med uppsatsen är inte bara att behandla Malmö stads arbete mot våld i nära relationer utan även belysa de mänskliga rättigheterna och allas lika värde oavsett kön, ålder, sexuell läggning, religion och ursprung. / Violence in intimate relationships is a major social problem as well as a violation of human rights and freedom. Sweden has a responsibility to prevent domestic violence and support those who are and have been exposed to this. This paper highlights not only a national responsibility but also how this implemented at the local level. Through a well-developed women's program has the City of Malmö become one of the municipalities in Sweden that has gonemost far in its work against violence in intimate relationships. The women's safety program is designed to combat men's violence against women, but over the years it has evolved into a collaboration of all who have experienced violence in a partner relationship and their children, if they have any. Despite the development of the program there is deficient in it and in its implementation. It is patriarchal structures and gender norms that govern our society which affect our values of what is considered natural. From this, a normalization process affects our views on violence. The idea of this paper is not only to treat City of Malmö´s work against violence in intimate relationships, but also shed light on human rights and the equal value of everybody regardless of gender, age, sexual orientation, religion and origin.

Uppsatsen utgår från det moderna samhällets tro på den rationella individen och på en liberal frihetskatalog bestående av såväl ekonomiska, sociala, kulturella rättigheter och medborgerliga, politiska rättigheter. Utifrån denna teoriram belyser uppsatsen hur vi kan förstå kollektivavtalens rationalitet och funktion samt kopplar dessa till de mänskliga rättigheterna. Ett kollektivavtals huvudsakliga syfte och rationalitet kan kort beskrivas som att det reglerar arbetsmarknaden utan statligt inflytande och på en sådan nivå att såväl kapitalismen som arbetskraften ges en möjlighet att överleva, reproducera sig och bli starkare. Genom att detta sker utan statliga ingripande så riskerar inte heller staten att drabbas negativt vid missnöje med anställnings och arbetsvillkoren, men får ändå in de skattemedel som behövs för att fylla den liberala frihetskatalogen med ett sådant innehåll att de mänskliga rättigheterna kan hamna på en hög nivå. / The essays starting-point is the modern society’s belief about the rational individual and on a liberal liberty bill witch include both the economical, social, cultural rights and civil and political rights. From this theoretic framework the essay illuminate how we can understand the collective agreements rationality and function witch later on is coupled to the human rights. A collective agreement main purpose and rationality can short be described as at it regulate the labour market without state interference and on such a level that both the capitalism and labour force will get an opportunity to survive, reproduce it self and getting stronger. The lack of state interference also lead to the fact that the state itself is not threaten if it’s citizen is unsatisfied with employment and working condition, but still gets the taxes that are needed to fill the liberal liberty bill with such substance that the human rights can reach a high level.