Die Beiträge des vorliegenden Sammelbandes widmen sich vorrangig den finanz- und sozialrechtlichen Problemen von Georgien im Transformationsprozess, bieten wichtige Informationen zur aktuellen Situation von Haushalten und zum Steueraufkommen, zu Fragen der Armut und der Einkommensverteilung, zur rechtlichen Fundierung der Finanz- und Sozialpolitik sowie zur Ausgestaltung der gebietskörperschaftlichen Struktur. Die Autoren vermitteln weitgehende Vorschläge zur Reform des Steuer- und Transfersystems sowie zum Aufbau eines friedensstiftenden Föderalstaats, welcher die Kenntnisse über die Wertgrundlagen einer offenen Gesellschaft vertieft, damit den zivilgesellschaftlichen Ansatz unterstützt, eine Stärkung des demokratischen Marktsystems fördert und zugleich das friedliche Zusammenleben in einer unruhigen Region erleichtert.

Am Ende des zweiten Weltkrieges war im zerstörten Europa die Notwendigkeit einer neuen Wirtschaftsordnung gegeben. Insbesondere in Deutschland war es wichtig, dass durch diese ein erneuter Krieg verhindert würde. Das 1918 nach dem ersten Weltkrieg entstandene wirtschaftliche System wurde damals als eine der Hauptursachen für den Aufstieg des nationalsozialistischen Regimes gesehen. Die Sieger des ersten Weltkrieges hatten sich gegen einen direkten Eingriff in die Wirtschaftspolitik Deutschlands entschieden und damit die Entwicklung der marktwirtschaftlichen Ordnung der Weimarer Republik ermöglicht. Dieses Vorgehen erschien den Siegermächten nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg fehlerhaft und veranlasste sie zur Besetzung Deutschlands und zur Restriktion der Wirtschaft...

Atkūrus valstybingumą Lietuvai buvo pakankamai lengva nuosekliai pereiti prie kokio nors Europinio ar jam artimo gerovės modelio, tačiau šalis kūrė laisvosios rinkos ekonomiką. Gerovės valstybės kūrimas buvo atidedamas „geresniems laikams“ motyvuojant tuo, kad būtina mažinti vyriausybės išlaidas socialinėms reikmėms siekiant sukurti ekonominės erdvės atvirumą verslui. Dabar, nepaisant daugelio teigiamų pasiekimų, Lietuvoje vis dar nei ryškių gerovės valstybės formavimosi požymių, nei pastangų racionaliau rinktis tam tikrą socialinės politikos modelį beveik nėra, tuo tarpu socialinės problemos Lietuvoje vis aštrėja, valstybės išlaidų dalis yra viena mažiausių visoje Europoje. Tad ar egzistuoja tarp ekonomikos laisvės ir santykinių valstybės išlaidų tiesioginė tarpusavio priklausomybė? Darbo eigoje buvo paržiūrėtos laisvesnių šalių valstybės išlaidos, lyginamos visų Europos ir pasaulio šalių valstybių išlaidos su tų šalių ekonomine laisve, patikrinta tiesioginė priklausomybė tarp valstybės ekonominės laisvės indekso ir santykinio valstybės išlaidų dydžio. Darbe buvo aptariama Lietuvos ekonominė-socialinė politika, valstybės strateginių dokumentų prioritetai bei dabartinis Lietuvos makroekonomikos rodiklių prioritetas. Taip pat buvo atskleidžiamas valstybės vaidmuo bei funkcijos, nagrinėjamos prielaidos, kurios lemia valstybės dalyvavimą ekonomikoje, gilintasi į socialiai orientuotos rinkos esmę, apžvelgti įvairūs veikiantys valstybių modeliai: monetarinis liberalusis ir... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In study “Conception of the welfare state and implementation of conception in Lithuania” was analysed conception of the welfare state and explored the possibility to implement whole or essential parts of welfare state model in Lithuania. Herein was used linear model of regression analysis to describe the relationship between size of government spending and index of economic freedom – the correlation coefficient indicated relatively weak relationship between the variables. In this study discussed a question of further state economy development and problem of the welfare state model choice in Lithuania.

More than a decade after the World Bank was forced out of the dam-building industry due to the social and environmental consequences of the projects they helped to finance, World Bank support for the development of the Nam Theun 2 (NT2) Hydroelectric Project, located atop the bio-diverse Nakai Plateau in central Laos, signals the re-emergence of the Bank’s involvement in large-scale dam construction initiatives. The NT2 project is the Bank’s response to its international critics. The project is a ‘test case’ for a new model of hydropower development that seeks to counteract any negative consequences to the surrounding environment and populations through the enactment of a new set of environmental and social safeguards that the Bank had spent over a decade developing. As the optimal consequence, if NT2 achieves the goal of safeguarding the bio-diverse environment of the Nakai region through the creation and implementation of long-term ‘socially and environmentally sustainable’ livelihood activities capable of raising the living standards and income levels of Nakai villagers beyond the national poverty line, then the NT2 model of development will be validated and its use in other World Bank supported hydroelectric initiatives all but assured. The alternative result is that the new safeguard mechanisms fail to achieve these goals, significantly contributing to the destabilization of one of the of the most environmentally and culturally unique regions in the world. This thesis analyzes the effectiveness of NT2 social and environmental safeguards in order to determine to what extent this new model of development is achieving the objectives it set prior to construction. Using a range of data, it analyzes outcomes produced from the core safeguards program of the project: the resettlement livelihoods’ programmes. Analysis of villagers’ livelihoods after resettlement clearly indicates that the NT2 model was never able to overcome challenges posed by reduced access to forest and agricultural lands for re-establishing villagers’ core land-based livelihood activities. As a result, many villagers have abandoned the livelihoods programmes at resettlement villages across the Plateau. In the short term, these villagers have, nevertheless, significantly increased their incomes through intensified commercial fishing and export-oriented rare timber and endangered wildlife extraction activities. The problem for NT2 developers such as the World Bank is that this form of economic activity is neither socially nor environmentally sustainable, placing the regional environment, local populations and the NT2 project in jeopardy. / Graduate

Notre travail consiste à faire une grille de lecture de nos principaux pères fondateurs de l'économie politique, en l'occurrence, Aristote, A.Smith et K.Marx et ceci, à travers un historien français, F.Braudel, de ses outils conceptuels et de ses problématiques défendues, en particulier, son schéma de tripartition de l'économie, - la vie matérielle, l'économie de marché et le capitalisme -, dans son ouvrage «Civilisation Matérielle, Economie et Capitalisme XVe-XVIIIe siècle». Nous effectuons une sorte de relecture ou revisite braudélienne dans la source de l'économie politique et de ses trois principaux fondateurs cités ci-dessus. Nous cherchons à vérifier certaines interprétations sur les conceptions de l'«économie de marché» de nos trois auteurs de l'économie politique. L'essentiel de notre travail consiste à saisir la présence du lien entre l'économie et la morale sociale chez nos fondateurs de l'économie politique. / Our study is an reading grid of our main founders of political economy, Aristotle, and this A.Smith and K.Marx and this, through a French historian, F.Braudel, his conceptual tools and problematic issues, in particular, the tripartite of the Economy - Material life, Market economy and Capitalism – he has defended in his book "Material Civilization, Economy and Capitalism XVth-XVIIIth century." We perform a braudelian proofreading or revisits in the source of political economy and of its three main founders mentioned above. We try to verify certain interpretations of theirs concepts of "Market Economy". Our study focus on the relation between the Economics and the Social ethics in our founders of political economy.

China’s rise and Russia’s fall shape today’s global political economy. This new great divergence originates from the different policies pursued in the transition from a command economy. Russia applied a ‘big-bang’ doctrine with rapid price liberalisation at its core. In contrast, a policy of experimentalist gradualism manifested in the dual track price system (DTPS) laid the foundations for China’s economic success. But the Chinese reform approach was highly contested in the 1980s and China came close to implementing a big bang. My dissertation sheds light on this critical crossroads by asking on what intellectual grounds China escaped a big bang in price reform; or to turn the question positively, on what intellectual grounds the DTPS was defended against the plans to implement a big bang. To derive an answer, the first part presents the broad historical and theoretical context of the 1980s Chinese price reform debate. In particular, I analyse the ancient Chinese tradition of price regulation, the US price control experience and controversies during and after the Second World War, and the Chinese Communists’ price policies in the Maoist period. Against this background, the second part conducts an in-depth study of the 1980s price reform debate drawing on more than 50 interviews with Chinese and foreign economists, previously unexplored archival evidence and a wealth of Chinese sources. I show that the DTPS emerged from bureaucratic practices and was justified by large-scale empirical research efforts conducted by young intellectuals, who had gained influence through their contribution to rural reform. In contrast, I find that the big bang reform approach was introduced to China by Eastern European émigré scholars and Western economists, and was promoted by a group of Chinese academic economists. I demonstrate how the DTPS was grounded in a pragmatic philosophy of economic policy-making deeply rooted in China’s bureaucratic tradition, which prevailed over the idealist stance underlying the panacea of a big bang.

With the entry into force of the Constitution of Peru of 1993, the economic model of social market economy, which was accompanied by an institutional reform, creating four (4) regulators of utilities and one (1) competition agency, was established. The economic model of social market economy, guarantees free competition in the market as a general rule, establishing a regulatory framework for public services that before the reform, were managed directly by the State. Thus, in this paper we will learn how to set up the Peruvian institutional framework and what are the main similarities and differences between competition and regulation, for which we will detail the functions of the competition agency and regulatory bodies as well as interaction between the two. / Con la entrada en vigencia de la Constitución Política del Perú de 1993, se estableció el modelo económico de economía social de mercado. Como parte del mismo, se realizaron una serie de reformas institucionales del Estado, creándose cuatro organismos reguladores de los servicios públicos y una agencia de competencia. El modelo económico de economía social de mercado garantiza la libre competencia en el mercado como regla general, estableciendo un marco regulatorio para los servicios públicos que, antes de la reforma, eran gestionados directamente por el Estado. Así, en el presente trabajo podremos conocer cómo se ha establecido el marco institucional peruano y cuáles son las principales similitudes y diferencias de la competencia y la regulación, para lo que detallaremos las funciones de la agencia de competencia y la de los organismos reguladores, así como la interacción que existe entre ambos.

Submitted by Celso Magalhaes (celsomagalhaes@ufrrj.br) on 2017-06-08T11:30:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Sebasti?o Cezar Ferreira.pdf: 4722531 bytes, checksum: dd1dd2c0278f6a131da66f7078f207ce (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-08T11:30:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Sebasti?o Cezar Ferreira.pdf: 4722531 bytes, checksum: dd1dd2c0278f6a131da66f7078f207ce (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-22 / This dissertation analyzed the conditions of creation of social protection policies to the excluded and marginalized, through the emergence of capitalist market economy, cause, if poverty existed before the arising of this specific type of market economy, it used to be resolved by domesticity, reciprocity and redistribution whithin the community. The emergence of pauperization and mendicancy led to an era of solutions for the excluded populations to have the "right to life". Among these there were families and women, in social conditions of extreme fragility. Against the "satanic mill" States created a Governmentality to intervene in the new situation imposed by the capitalist market economy that emerged. In the 20th Century, the Welfare State was the solution, granting benefits to workers, families and women, what means: the state will use part of its resources to protect those who were excluded from the new economy. Despite the criticism to this new role of state, such as being a "free lunch", that discouraged work and productivity, the Welfare State had triumphed given the multifunctional character of social protection policy of the state, that in one hand, removes the red danger, and on the other, imposes a social peace and prevent fractures in society, which has become essential for the accumulation of capital in this stage of capitalist development. In Brazil, the social protection system varied throughout the twentieth century in a model of underdevelopment and authoritarianism that excluded large portions of society to satisfy their basic needs. Hunger, unemployment, low wages were recurrent in the country. The arrival of the Workers' Party to power in 2002 reoriented the State Governmentality to remedy the gravity of the economic situation of the poor and created Bolsa Fam?lia Program that focuses on family, and especially women. At the city of Vi?osa, Minas Gerais, the Program was implemented with remarkable results, such as the National Program, confirmed in the present research project through interviews and questionnaires. / A presente disserta??o analisou as condi??es em que se gestou a prote??o social aos exclu?dos e marginalizados, atrav?s da emerg?ncia da economia de mercado capitalista, pois, se a pobreza existiu antes deste tipo espec?fico de economia de mercado surgir, ela era resolvida pela domesticidade, reciprocidade e redistribui??o na comunidade. O surgimento da pauperiza??o e da mendic?ncia implicou em uma era de solu??es para que os exclu?dos tivessem o ?direito ? vida?. Entre estes estavam fam?lias e mulheres, em condi??es de fragilidade social ainda mais profundas. Contra o ?moinho sat?nico? que se avizinhava os Estados criaram uma Governamentalidade, aparelhando-se para intervir na nova situa??o imposta pela economia de mercado capitalista que se desprendia da sociedade. No s?culo XX, o Estado do Bem Estar Social foi a solu??o para enfrentar esta novidade, concedendo benef?cios aos trabalhadores, fam?lias e mulheres, ou seja, o Estado passa utilizar parte dos seus recursos para proteger aqueles que foram exclu?dos pela nova economia. Apesar das cr?ticas a este novo papel do Estado, como por exemplo, de ser um ?almo?o gr?tis?, que desestimulava o trabalho e a produtividade, demonstrou-se que estas cr?ticas foram superadas dado o car?ter multifuncional da pol?tica de prote??o social do Estado, que por um lado, afasta o perigo vermelho, e por outro, imp?e uma paz social e evita fraturas na sociedade, o que se tornou essencial para a acumula??o de capitais nesta etapa do desenvolvimento capitalista. No Brasil, o sistema de prote??o social variou ao longo do s?culo XX dentro de um modelo de subdesenvolvimento e autoritarismo que excluiu grandes parcelas da sociedade de saciar suas necessidades b?sicas. A fome, o desemprego, os baixos sal?rios foram recorrentes no pa?s. A chegada do Partido dos Trabalhadores ao poder em 2002 reorientou a Governamentalidade Estatal para sanar a gravidade da situa??o econ?mica dos pobres e criou-se o Programa Bolsa Fam?lia que focaliza a fam?lia, e, especialmente, a mulher. No munic?pio de Vi?osa implantou-se o Programa com not?veis resultados, como os do Programa Nacional, atestados nesta pesquisa por meio de entrevistas e question?rios.

Le régime du contrôle des concentrations, l’un des volets essentiels du droit de la concurrence, est chargé de préserver une concurrence effective sur un marché donné, via un contrôle administratif préalable par l’autorité de la concurrence, pour toutes les opérations de concentration contrôlables projetées par les entreprises pertinentes. Ce mécanisme juridique est conçu pour être ouvert, anticipatif et dynamique sur le fonctionnement de l’économie de marché, système économique inscrit dans le contexte d’une économie mondialisée, adopté par les pays membres participant vivement à la coopération économique internationale. Au cours de la transition économique chinoise et dans le but d’établir un marché de pleine concurrence, la présente recherche se déploie, suite à la ligne évolutive et directive d’émergence d’un contexte favorable et de renforcement du régime juridique inhérent au contrôle des concentrations, pour étudier des questions incontournables relatives à la protection d’une concurrence effective par le droit, dans le dessein d’établir et de perfectionner une économie libérale, pour la Chine contemporaine. Il s’avère enfin qu’un engagement ouvert au marché mondial pour les entreprises chinoises et un esprit cosmopolite et pluraliste, tant pour les peuples chinois que pour les observateurs étrangers, seront vraiment favorables pour parvenir au besoin d’unification territoriale et de gouvernance unitaire, qui constituent depuis toujours la recherche historique dans la civilisation chinoise / The merger control system, one of the essential pillars of competition law, is intended to preserve an effective competition in a given market, via a prerequisite administrative control by the competition authority, for all the qualified merger activities projected by the relevant enterprises. This legal mechanism is conceived for being open, anticipant and dynamic of functioning of the market economy, the actual economic system operating in the context of an international economy, adopted by the Member States being involved actively in the worldwide economic cooperation. During the Chinese economic transition and for the purpose of establishing a market of competition, the present research is extended, following the evolutionary and directive line of emergence of a favorable environment and of consolidation of the inherent legal regime for the merger control system, to study the unavoidable questions relating to the protection of an effective competition by law, in order to set up and to improve a free economy, for contemporary China. It turns out that an active engagement in the global market for the Chinese enterprises, and a cosmopolitan and pluralist spirit both for Chinese people and foreign observers, will be eventually favorable to reach to the requirement of territorial unification and centralized governance, which have always been its historical pursuit in Chinese civilization

The main objective of my diploma thesis is comprehensive analysis of the transition process in the Czech Republic with focuse on the second half of the nineties of the 20th century. In the first part I briefly analyse transition and privatization process in 1991 - 1996. Emphasis will be given to the selected concept of privatization and criticism. Then in a separate sub-chapter I critically judge the procedure of first and second wave of coupon privatization. The second part will be consist of an analysis of the financial crisis in 1996 - 1997 and I'll mainly deal with its causes and implemented measures. In subsequent chapters of the thesis I'll focus on the question of the so-called third wave of voucher privatization, privatization of banks and the role the National Property Fund and the Consolidation Agency. Chosen subject will be the result of the analysis of published sources, the latest literature and papers. An important part will be also studying of daily press and interviews with some economists, which are published or were in mass media. Finally I will try to get some personal interview with someone of the actors, who's involved in this a complex process.