La thèse repose sur une étude longitudinale d’une technologie de réseau émergente (le logiciel MESH Commotion) et des agencements d’actants qui l’entourent (personnes, objets, organisations, discours, etc.). Ce dispositif, parce qu’il revendique explicitement qu’il est politique au sein de différents plis socio-historiques, produit différentes versions de lui-même qui articulent de manière singulière les notions d’agentivité, d’infrastructures et de biens communs. Par cette politique ouverte et assumée, il nous invite à comprendre la notion de médiation sous un jour nouveau : la médiation infrastructurelle. L’enquête menée rend compte des différentes interprétations de ce logiciel ; elle cherche à comprendre si cette technologie représente une forme de démonstrateur qui permet de penser différemment les forces des infrastructures de télécommunications et leurs emprises sur le lien social. Pour ce faire, ce travail se caractérise par un parcours ethnographique particulier qui, par le milieu, saisit les manières dont différentes versions de ce dispositif sociotechnique sont instaurées. Les résultats de la recherche rendent compte des tâtonnements successifs des acteurs qui visent à faire émerger une forme sociotechnique encore peu reconnue, mais ils dévoilent également les éléments nécessaires à une opération de médiation infrastructurelle. / This dissertation is concerned with a longitudinal study of a computer network technology referred to as the Commotion wireless MESH software, and the assemblages of actants that come into contact with it (such as people, objects, organizations, discourses, etc.). I argue that this apparatus produces different versions of itself that uniquely relates the concepts of agency, infrastructure and the Commons because it explicitly claims to be both technical and political within different socio-historical folds. By assuming such an overt political stance, it invites us to think through the notion of mediation in a new light (infrastructural mediation). My research methods reflect different interpretations of this software by seeking to understand whether this wireless mesh network technology represents a compromise solution to redefining the forces that constitute telecommunications infrastructure and its hold on the social bond. To do so, my dissertation expands on a particular ethnographic path which, “by the middle”, attempts to understand the ways in which the existence of a socio-technical system is established. I argue that the establishment of a socio-technical apparatus does not amount to pulling it out of thin air, but rather to make it become what it is. The findings reflect the successive trials and errors that go into this process of developing a sociotechnical and mediatic form that has yet to be recognized, while also shoring up the constitutive elements of a mediation process between the Commons and telecommunications infrastructure.

At the best of times, education policy implementation is a difficult and uncertain process. Taking this as a point of departure, the researcher advanced the hypothesis that education policy implementation in a society in transition: is accompanied by a fragmentation of the pre-transition coherence in interpersonal relations among policy actors; is affected by a heightening of value conflicts and the emergence of competing interpretive schemes; is influenced by the perceived self-interest of policy actors; is affected by changing power relationships and structural adjustments; and reflects a general weakening of interpersonal, cultural, and structural linkages that had evolved in pre-transition years. The Indian education system in South Africa was studied as an exemplar of a system located in a society in transition. The data collated by means of three research strategies - historical report, questionnaire, and structured interview - gave strong support to the hypothesis. In addition, they pointed to the significance of variables such as policy content and policy quality, political interference and pressure, bias and favouritism among senior officials, religious, sectional, and language loyalties of participants, and loss of job satisfaction and morale among policy actors. These findings were discussed against the background of relevant literature. This concluded in the development_gf a theoretical model to explain education policy implementation in a society in transition. Basically, the model suggests that socio-political struggles in the larger society tend. to be replicated in the micro-contexts of the education system, producing fundamental alterations in the interpersonal, cultural, and structural aspects of the system, a general weakening of system linkages, and a progressive de-coupling of system components. All these changes recursively impact on and are impacted on by policymaking and policy implementation processes and outcomes. These impacts, however, tend to occur in a non-standard, nonlinear manner. The theoretical underpinnings of the model emerge from general systems theory, modern social systems theory, chaos/ complexity theory, conflict theory, structuration theory, organisation change theory, and loosely coupled systems theory. Finally, the study concludes with general propositions relating to education policy implementation in a society in transition and a set of research and management-oriented recommendations. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. (Educational Management)

Text in French / Member of the union of black workers in the port of Marseille, in France, and an eyewitness to the misery of black workers in the European environment, Sembène Ousmane, in 1956, wrote, using his personal experiences, his first book entitled The Black Docker. In this novel, he describes the sufferings of the working class, the struggle between colonisers and colonised. In 1960, he uses as a pretext the strike of the Senegalese railway workers in 1937 to write a book entitled God's Bits of Wood. In this story where two forces clashed, on one hand, the colonised struggling against the colonial system and want, at all costs, to improve their living conditions, and on the other hand, the colonisers that are in support of their colonialist ideals and refuse the changes, the author tells the epic story of strikers in Senegal and their relentless struggles against the colonisers to change their living conditions for better. In 1973, an eyewitness of the daily realities of his native country, Senegal, after gaining national sovereignty, Sembène Ousmane wrote and published a book entitled Xala. In this book, he describes the evils of neo-colonialism and criticises the new African middle class, born after independence. After reading these novels, one notes that Sembène Ousmane, a defender of freedom, denounces the injustices done to the blacks, both in the colonial era as well as in the post colonial period. This is why from a book to another, he continues tirelessly his struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism, evoking the sufferings and tragedies endured by the Africans. It occurs constantly in his imaginary creations, a theme, or better still a dialectical; commitment and militancy. What does he mean by « commitment » and « militancy » ? How do these two concepts manifest themselves in the works of the Senegalese writer? What strategy does he propose to the oppressed in the struggle against the oppressors? What means has he put at the disposal of the disinherited struggling to break the yoke of oppression and exploitation in order to achieve freedom and equality? / Membre du syndicat des travailleurs noirs, au port de Marseille, en France, et témoin oculaire de la misère vécue par les ouvriers noirs dans ce milieu européen, Sembène Ousmane, en 1956, écrit, en se servant de ses expériences personnelles, son premier ouvrage intitulé Le Docker noir. Dans ce roman, il décrit la souffrance de la classe ouvrière, la lutte entre colonisateurs et colonisés. En 1960, il se sert d’un prétexte, la grève des ouvriers sénégalais en 1937, pour écrire un ouvrage intitulé Les Bouts de bois de Dieu. Dans ce récit, où s’affrontent deux forces, d’une part les colonisés qui luttent contre le système colonial et veulent, à tout prix, l’amélioration de leurs conditions de vie, et d’autre part, les colonisateurs qui soutiennent les idéaux colonialistes et refusent le changement, l’auteur relate l’histoire épique des grévistes au Sénégal, et la lutte implacable qu’ils mènent contre les colonisateurs pour le changement de leurs conditions de vie. En 1973, témoin oculaire des réalités quotidiennes de son pays natal, le Sénégal, après son accession à la souveraineté nationale, Sembène Ousmane écrit et publie, un ouvrage intitulé Xala. Dans ce livre, il décrit les méfaits du néocolonialisme et critique la nouvelle classe bourgeoise africaine, née après l’indépendance. Après lecture des trois romans, on constate que Sembène Ousmane, défenseur de la liberté, dénonce les injustices faites aux Noirs, aussi bien à l’époque coloniale qu’à la période postcoloniale. C’est pourquoi, d’un ouvrage à l’autre, il continue, inlassablement, sa lutte contre le colonialisme et le néocolonialisme, en évoquant les souffrances et les drames endurés par les Africains. Il revient, constamment, dans ses créations imaginaires, à une thématique, ou mieux une dialectique, l’engagement et le militantisme. Qu’entend-il par « engagement » et « militantisme »? Comment ces deux lexèmes se manifestent-ils dans les écrits de cet écrivain sénégalais? Quelles stratégies propose-t-il aux opprimés dans la lutte qui les oppose aux oppresseurs? Quels moyens met-il a la disposition des déshérités en lutte pour briser le joug de l’oppression et celui de l’exploitation afin d’obtenir la liberté et l’égalité? / Linguistics and Modern Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (French)

The Niger Delta militancy ravaged the Nigerian upstream petroleum sector between 2004-2009, bringing it to a standstill. In response, the Nigerian state adopted an amnesty policy―a globally recognized tool for conflict resolution and peacebuilding―to protect the sector and the economy from collapse. Little is known, however, about the unintended consequences of the amnesty implementation for the Nigerian upstream petroleum sector. Thus, the purpose of this study was to fill this gap in the research literature on the Niger Delta amnesty program. Polarity management was the conceptual framework applied; relative deprivation and polarities of democracy constituted the theoretical foundation for this qualitative case study. Face-to-face interviews and focus group discussions were conducted with 29 purposefully selected participants from the senior ranks of the petroleum industry, sector trade unions, relevant government agencies, and a regional university. Data were inductively coded as part of content analysis, the data analysis strategy. Participants viewed the amnesty policy as being poorly conceived and implemented due to the many unintended negative consequences arising from the policy implementation. The key finding from the study indicates that both the sector and the Niger Delta region are worse off post the amnesty policy implementation. The study concludes that by adopting and implementing the study recommendations, stakeholders may be able to mitigate the identified unintended consequences, position the Nigerian upstream petroleum sector for sustainable growth, address the root causes of the militancy, and deliver a positive social change for the residents of Niger Delta.

CRUZ, Elizabeth Ferreira. Ação política, transformação social e reconstrução de identidades: um olhar a partir do feminismo para a militância das mulheres rurais nos movimentos sociais. 2008. 180f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by Liliane oliveira (morena.liliane@hotmail.com) on 2011-11-28T16:59:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Dis_EFCRUZ.pdf: 1349104 bytes, checksum: 31603bf81161110d96ecb7d357017d1a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-11-29T11:39:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Dis_EFCRUZ.pdf: 1349104 bytes, checksum: 31603bf81161110d96ecb7d357017d1a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-29T11:39:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Dis_EFCRUZ.pdf: 1349104 bytes, checksum: 31603bf81161110d96ecb7d357017d1a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / The present research's main objective was to identify and analyze the transformations that occurred in the dimensions of the identity and the subject position of rural women that exercise political militancy in social movements in rural Ceará. It sought also to apprehend if the linking or proximity with feminism, as it ideology/vision of the world, theory or social movement, it constitutes a differential for the change of position of the subject of militant women, contributing so that these women can be more autonomous, so much in the movements of which they are a part, as in their routine life in the scope of the familiar relations. The analysis concentrates itself in the experiences of militant women of three social movements: Movement of Rural Working Women of the Northeast – MMTR/NE, Movement of Rural Workers Without Land – MST and Union Movement of Rural Workers – MSTTR. It analyzes also the experiences of rural women that aren't militants in social movements of form to be able to identify and complicate differences and resemblances between the two groups, establishing or not if the political militancy provokes significant transformations in the dimensions of the identity and in the routine practices of the militant women. The key concepts in this study are: identity, subject, social transformation and militancy. This reflection is based on epistemological, theoretic and methodological principles of Feminist Theories e Marxism. In able to better apprehend the object of study, a methodological procedure to qualitative research was adopted, in a feminist approach, reaping the empirical facts through individual and collective interviews (focal group), participant observation, as well as the analysis of documents. The conclusions indicate that the political militancy in social movements, even if they are not sufficient to constitute the women as full subjects of themselves, it contributes in a significant form so that these women act in their own lives, political and private, with more autonomy than those that are not militants in social movements. The militancy enables bigger knowledge, bigger access to the information and the experience in a political-public world that creates conditions for the exercise of a citizen practice, such as proposition and claim of rights. There are significant differences between the women who are active militants and those that are not, specifically, in their vision about class and gender domination trials in the world. Even if there are resemblances in the perceptions about the transformations occurred in the rural environment, the militant women show a posture more critical about those transformations, some identifying in them contradictions. Also, it was possible to identify that between the militant women there is a perception more critical of the uneven relations between women and men and of the present patriarchal culture in out society, especially, those that have some straight or indirect bond with the feminism. Between these, it was established a trial of change in the relations of kind in the family scope, including a bigger division of the housework. / A presente pesquisa teve como principal objetivo identificar e analisar as transformações ocorridas nas dimensões da identidade e na posição de sujeito das mulheres rurais que exercem militância política em movimentos sociais rurais no Ceará. Buscou também apreender se a vinculação ou aproximação com o feminismo, seja como ideologia/visão de mundo, teoria ou movimento social, constitui um diferencial para a mudança de posição de sujeito das mulheres militantes, contribuindo para que estas sejam mais autônomas, tanto nos movimentos em que militam como em sua vida cotidiana no âmbito das relações familiares. A análise concentra-se nas experiências de mulheres militantes de três movimentos sociais: Movimento de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais do Nordeste – MMTR/NE, Movimento Sem Terra – MST e Movimento Sindical de Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais – MSTTR. Analisa também as experiências de mulheres rurais que não militam em movimentos de forma a poder identificar e problematizar diferenças e semelhanças entre os dois grupos, constatando ou não se a militância política provoca transformações significativas nas dimensões da identidade e nas práticas cotidianas das mulheres militantes. São conceitos-chave neste estudo: identidade, sujeito, transformação social e militância. Esta reflexão toma como base os princípios epistemológicos, teóricos e metodológicos das Teorias Feministas e do Marxismo. Para dar contar de apreender melhor o objeto de estudo, adotou-se como procedimento metodológico a pesquisa qualitativa, numa abordagem feminista, colhendo os dados empíricos através de entrevistas coletivas (grupo focal) e individuais, observação participante, bem como a análise de documentos. As conclusões indicam que a militância política em movimentos sociais, ainda que não seja suficiente para constituir as mulheres como sujeitos plenos de si, contribui de forma significativa para que estas mulheres ajam e se coloquem em suas vidas, política e privada, com mais autonomia do que aquelas que não militam em movimentos sociais. A militância possibilita maior conhecimento, maior acesso à informação e a vivência em um mundo público-político que cria condições para o exercício de uma prática cidadã, de proposição e reivindicação de direitos. Há diferenças significativas entre as mulheres que militam e aquelas que não militam, em especial, na sua visão de mundo sobre os processos de dominação de classe e de gênero. Ainda que haja semelhanças nas percepções sobre as transformações ocorridas no meio rural, as mulheres militantes mostram uma postura mais crítica sobre essas transformações, algumas identificando nelas contradições. Também foi possível identificar que entre as mulheres militantes há uma percepção mais crítica das relações desiguais de poder entre mulheres e homens e da cultura patriarcal presentes na sociedade, sobretudo, aquelas que têm algum vínculo direto ou indireto com o feminismo. Entre estas, foi constatado um processo de mudança nas relações de gênero no âmbito familiar, inclusive uma maior divisão do trabalho doméstico.

At the best of times, education policy implementation is a difficult and uncertain process. Taking this as a point of departure, the researcher advanced the hypothesis that education policy implementation in a society in transition: is accompanied by a fragmentation of the pre-transition coherence in interpersonal relations among policy actors; is affected by a heightening of value conflicts and the emergence of competing interpretive schemes; is influenced by the perceived self-interest of policy actors; is affected by changing power relationships and structural adjustments; and reflects a general weakening of interpersonal, cultural, and structural linkages that had evolved in pre-transition years. The Indian education system in South Africa was studied as an exemplar of a system located in a society in transition. The data collated by means of three research strategies - historical report, questionnaire, and structured interview - gave strong support to the hypothesis. In addition, they pointed to the significance of variables such as policy content and policy quality, political interference and pressure, bias and favouritism among senior officials, religious, sectional, and language loyalties of participants, and loss of job satisfaction and morale among policy actors. These findings were discussed against the background of relevant literature. This concluded in the development_gf a theoretical model to explain education policy implementation in a society in transition. Basically, the model suggests that socio-political struggles in the larger society tend. to be replicated in the micro-contexts of the education system, producing fundamental alterations in the interpersonal, cultural, and structural aspects of the system, a general weakening of system linkages, and a progressive de-coupling of system components. All these changes recursively impact on and are impacted on by policymaking and policy implementation processes and outcomes. These impacts, however, tend to occur in a non-standard, nonlinear manner. The theoretical underpinnings of the model emerge from general systems theory, modern social systems theory, chaos/ complexity theory, conflict theory, structuration theory, organisation change theory, and loosely coupled systems theory. Finally, the study concludes with general propositions relating to education policy implementation in a society in transition and a set of research and management-oriented recommendations. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. (Educational Management)

Text in French / Member of the union of black workers in the port of Marseille, in France, and an eyewitness to the misery of black workers in the European environment, Sembène Ousmane, in 1956, wrote, using his personal experiences, his first book entitled The Black Docker. In this novel, he describes the sufferings of the working class, the struggle between colonisers and colonised. In 1960, he uses as a pretext the strike of the Senegalese railway workers in 1937 to write a book entitled God's Bits of Wood. In this story where two forces clashed, on one hand, the colonised struggling against the colonial system and want, at all costs, to improve their living conditions, and on the other hand, the colonisers that are in support of their colonialist ideals and refuse the changes, the author tells the epic story of strikers in Senegal and their relentless struggles against the colonisers to change their living conditions for better. In 1973, an eyewitness of the daily realities of his native country, Senegal, after gaining national sovereignty, Sembène Ousmane wrote and published a book entitled Xala. In this book, he describes the evils of neo-colonialism and criticises the new African middle class, born after independence. After reading these novels, one notes that Sembène Ousmane, a defender of freedom, denounces the injustices done to the blacks, both in the colonial era as well as in the post colonial period. This is why from a book to another, he continues tirelessly his struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism, evoking the sufferings and tragedies endured by the Africans. It occurs constantly in his imaginary creations, a theme, or better still a dialectical; commitment and militancy. What does he mean by « commitment » and « militancy » ? How do these two concepts manifest themselves in the works of the Senegalese writer? What strategy does he propose to the oppressed in the struggle against the oppressors? What means has he put at the disposal of the disinherited struggling to break the yoke of oppression and exploitation in order to achieve freedom and equality? / Membre du syndicat des travailleurs noirs, au port de Marseille, en France, et témoin oculaire de la misère vécue par les ouvriers noirs dans ce milieu européen, Sembène Ousmane, en 1956, écrit, en se servant de ses expériences personnelles, son premier ouvrage intitulé Le Docker noir. Dans ce roman, il décrit la souffrance de la classe ouvrière, la lutte entre colonisateurs et colonisés. En 1960, il se sert d’un prétexte, la grève des ouvriers sénégalais en 1937, pour écrire un ouvrage intitulé Les Bouts de bois de Dieu. Dans ce récit, où s’affrontent deux forces, d’une part les colonisés qui luttent contre le système colonial et veulent, à tout prix, l’amélioration de leurs conditions de vie, et d’autre part, les colonisateurs qui soutiennent les idéaux colonialistes et refusent le changement, l’auteur relate l’histoire épique des grévistes au Sénégal, et la lutte implacable qu’ils mènent contre les colonisateurs pour le changement de leurs conditions de vie. En 1973, témoin oculaire des réalités quotidiennes de son pays natal, le Sénégal, après son accession à la souveraineté nationale, Sembène Ousmane écrit et publie, un ouvrage intitulé Xala. Dans ce livre, il décrit les méfaits du néocolonialisme et critique la nouvelle classe bourgeoise africaine, née après l’indépendance. Après lecture des trois romans, on constate que Sembène Ousmane, défenseur de la liberté, dénonce les injustices faites aux Noirs, aussi bien à l’époque coloniale qu’à la période postcoloniale. C’est pourquoi, d’un ouvrage à l’autre, il continue, inlassablement, sa lutte contre le colonialisme et le néocolonialisme, en évoquant les souffrances et les drames endurés par les Africains. Il revient, constamment, dans ses créations imaginaires, à une thématique, ou mieux une dialectique, l’engagement et le militantisme. Qu’entend-il par « engagement » et « militantisme »? Comment ces deux lexèmes se manifestent-ils dans les écrits de cet écrivain sénégalais? Quelles stratégies propose-t-il aux opprimés dans la lutte qui les oppose aux oppresseurs? Quels moyens met-il a la disposition des déshérités en lutte pour briser le joug de l’oppression et celui de l’exploitation afin d’obtenir la liberté et l’égalité? / Linguistics and Modern Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (French)

À l’ère du militantisme digital, il est fréquent d’apercevoir des militants se placer en tant que porte parole sur différents champs de bataille au fil du temps. Dans ce contexte, la légitimité de leurs prises de position est questionnée par le tribunal médiatique. Là où certains dénoncent un opportunisme politique, nous avançons la thèse selon laquelle une multitude d’éléments peuvent motiver les changements de champs d’action militants visibles. C’est pourquoi la recherche présentée vise à mettre en lumière les processus influençant les transitions d’engagements militants au travers des mouvements sociaux protestataires. Pour ce faire, des entretiens semi-directifs ont été menés auprès de 8 militants alors actifs au sein de la mouvance opposée aux mesures sanitaires. Dans cette démarche, le récit des participants et un calendrier de vie ont été combinés dans un protocole d’enquête narrative biographique. Finalement, les données d'entretiens collectées ont été analysées à l'aide d'une méthode de théorisation ancrée s'appuyant sur un cadre théorique mobilisant la perspective du parcours de vie. Cette méthode a permis de montrer que les expériences influençant les trajectoires militantes diffèrent selon les modalités de transitions ; c’est-à-dire selon si elle s’effectue entre des groupes contestataires au sein d’un même mouvement, ou entre des mouvements défendant des causes différentes. Les résultats ont montré que les transitions d’engagements entre groupes contestataires peuvent être influencées par des insatisfactions liées aux stratégies d’actions ; alors que les transitions d’engagement actif entre deux mouvements protestataires peuvent être expliquées, soit (a) par un cumul d’engagement survenu suite à l’apparition d’un événement imprévu induisant une priorité d’action, soit (b) par une stratégie visant à faire perdurer les rétributions de la carrière militante au moment du déclin du mouvement alors investi. Par ailleurs, ce projet de recherche contribue plus généralement à expliquer les expériences ayant motivé des transitions d’engagements militants selon les propos des acteurs de cet objet d’études, dont 5 leaders du mouvement opposé aux mesures sanitaires. / In the age of digital activism, it's common to see activists positioning themselves as spokespersons on different battlefields over time. In this context, the legitimacy of their positions is questioned by the media tribunal. Where some denounce political opportunism, we put forward the thesis that a multitude of elements can motivate visible changes in activist fields of action. For this reason, the research presented here aims to shed light on the processes influencing transitions in activist commitment through social protest movements. To this end, semi-directive interviews were conducted with 8 activists then active within the movement opposed to health measures. In this approach, the participants' narratives and a life calendar were combined in a biographical narrative survey protocol. Finally, the interview data collected were analyzed using a grounded theorizing method based on a theoretical framework mobilizing the life-course perspective. This method enabled us to show that the course influencing militant trajectories differs according to the modalities of transitions, i.e. whether they take place between protest groups within the same movement, or between movements defending different causes. The results show that transitions of commitment between protest groups can be influenced by dissatisfaction with action strategies ; whereas transitions of active commitment between two protest movements can be explained either (a) by an accumulation of commitment following the appearance of an unforeseen event inducing a priority for action, or (b) by a strategy aimed at maintaining the rewards of the activist career at the time of the decline of the movement then invested. In addition, this research project contributes more generally to explaining the experiences that motivated militant transitions in activist commitments according to the words of the actors in this object of study, including 5 leaders of the movement opposed to health measures.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In this study, rhetorical analysis through the framework of victimage ritual is employed to analyze four Boko Haram messages on You Tube, five e-mail messages sent to journalists from leaders of Boko Haram, and a BlogSpot web page devoted to Boko Haram. The aim of this analysis is to understand the persuasive devices by which Boko Haram leaders create, express, and sustain their jurisprudence on acts of violence. The goal of this study is to understand how leaders of Boko Haram construct and express the group’s values, sway belief, and justify violence. The findings show that Boko Haram desire to redeem non-Muslims from perdition, liberate Muslims from persecution, protect Islam from criticism, and revenge perceived acts of injustices against Muslims. The group has embarked on this aim by allotting blame, vilifying the enemy-Other, pressing for a holy war, encouraging martyrdom, and alluding to an apocalypse. Boko Haram’s audience is made to believe that Allah has assigned Boko Haram the task to liberate and restore an Islamic haven in Nigeria. Therefore, opposition from the Nigerian government or Western forces is constructed as actions of evil, thus killing members of the opposition becomes a celestial and noble cause. This juxtaposition serves to encourage the violent Jihad which leaders of Boko Haram claims Allah assigned them to lead in the first place. As a result of this cyclical communication, media houses, along the Nigerian government, Christians and Western ideals become the symbolic evil, against which Muslims, sympathizers and would-be-recruits must unite. By locking Islam against the Nigerian government, Western ideals and Christianity in a characteristically hostile manner, Boko Haram precludes any real solution other than an orchestrated Jihad-crusade-or-cleanse model in which a possible coexistence of Muslims and the enemy-Other are denied, and the threat posed by the enemy-Other is eliminated through conversion or destruction. As a result, this study proposes that Boko Haram Internet messages Boko Haram’s mission reveals a movement of separatism, conservatism, and fascism. A movement based on the claim that its activism will establish a state in accordance with the dictates of Allah.

Cette thèse vise à analyser dans la contemporanéité (1980-2013) la trajectoire du catholicisme, dans le sillage de la microhistoire, par l’étude de ses acteurs, de ses territoires et de ses communautés, des modes de gouvernement ecclésial. Nous mettrons en lumière le paradoxe du tissu de l’Eglise locale qui se dilate et se morcelle, mais aussi se contracte et se polarise, obligeant l’Ordinaire, dans son gouvernement, à penser un changement de paradigme : passer du défi de la proximité à celui de l’unité, compte tenu de la pluralité des communautés et des territoires associés. Nous étudierons, pour appuyer nos analyses, les diocèses de Rennes, Autun et Fréjus-Toulon. Un glissement de la logique d’enclos à la dynamique de pôles centralisateurs sera appréhendé, parfois en tensions, par les acteurs d’Eglise, à la lumière de quatre enjeux structurant l’argumentation : le « biotope » (rural/urbain), la diversité communautaire, le militantisme et la question de l’identité (statuts des clercs, coresponsabilité, modalités de l’évangélisation, communautarisme…).L’histoire et la géographie sociale permettront de renouveler les problématiques de l’appartenance spatiale et religieuse en partant d’interrogations sur le territoire selon des indicateurs précis : réseaux de fidèles et des militants, apport des nouvelles communautés (effectifs, choix pastoraux, gouvernement), options épiscopales en faveur de tel territoire ou tel groupe ecclésial… Pour l’historien, l’espace peut être considéré comme un outil heuristique, dans lequel des changements d’échelle se sont imposés dans le temps court. En délimitant nos recherches (1980-2013), nous voulons nous attarder à l’intérieur d’espaces qui ne possèdent plus la relative homogénéité que l’histoire leur prêtait avant le XXème siècle.Nos recherches s’inscrivent dans une structure en trois parties. La première partie se veut avant tout contextuelle, à la lumière de la postmodernité et de la sécularisation qui modifient les modes d’appartenance à une religion déclarée par beaucoup en soins palliatifs. Nous analyserons les liens étroits entre le catholicisme et ses modes d’insertion territoriale (rural/urbain) à partir de nos diocèses de référence. Nous présenterons les dé/recompositions des formes de militantisme dans le diocèse de Rennes, terreau d’Action catholique de plus en plus stérile et laissant la place à une militance familialiste très urbaine.La seconde partie de la thèse abordera les enjeux de la gouvernance ecclésiale dans les trois diocèses d’étude. Nous étudierons, dans le temps court, l’évolution du « munus regendi » des évêques et des prêtres avec le croisement des générations, avec le principe de coresponsabilité et le développement différencié selon les diocèses du diaconat permanent et des laïcs en mission ecclésiale. Nous développerons tout particulièrement le cas toulonnais pour lequel peu d’études approfondies ont été réalisées.Enfin, la troisième partie mettra l’accent sur la problématique du développement croissant d’un catholicisme attestataire polarisé en quête de visibilité. Nous analyserons la genèse du Renouveau et sa trajectoire dans le diocèse de Rennes. Nous nous pencherons particulièrement sur la communauté de l’Emmanuel, sur sa promotion de la nouvelle évangélisation et l’intégralisme de ses modes pastoraux. Ensuite, fort d’une certaine fécondité sacerdotale et d’un dialogue chaotique avec Rome (Motu proprio en 1988 et 2007), la galaxie traditionaliste très hétéroclite reste le cadre de mutations contemporaines que nous étudierons dans les diocèses de Rennes et d’Autun. Enfin, nous changerons d’échelle en nous focalisant sur la ville-sanctuaire de Paray-le-Monial, pôle militant et laboratoire incubateur d’un « nouveau catholicisme », sur l’articulation entre les différents territoires (ville, sanctuaire, paroisse) et les acteurs en place. / This thesis aims at analysing, in the contemporary world (1980-2013), the trajectory of catholicism, in the wake of microhistory, through the study of its actors, its territories and its communities, the modes of ecclesial government. We will highlight the paradox of the fabric of the local Church which expands and fragments, but also contracts and polarizes, forcing the Ordinary, in his government, to think of a paradigm shift: from the challenge of proximity to the one of unity, taking into account the plurality of communities and associated territories. To support our analyses, we will study the dioceses of Rennes, Autun and Frejus-Toulon. A shift from the logic of enclosures to the dynamics of a centralizing pole will be apprehended, sometimes in tension, by Church actors, in the light of four issues structuring the argument: « biotope » (rural/urban), community diversity, activism and the question of identity (status of clerics, co-responsibility, modalities of evangelization, communautarism...).History and social geography will enable us to renew the problems of spatial and religious belonging by starting from questions about the territory according to precise indicators: networks of the faithful and militants, the contribution of new communities (numbers, pastoral strategies, government), episcopal options in favour of a particular territory or ecclesial group... For the historian, space can be considered as a heuristic tool, in which changes of scale have been imposed in short time. By delimiting our research (1980-2013), we want to focus on the interior of aeras that no longer possess the relative homogeneity that history lent them before the 20th century.Our research are presented in a three-part structure. The first part is intended above all to be contextual, in the light of postmodernity and secularization, which modify the modes of belonging to a religion declared by many in palliative care. We will analyse the close links between Catholicism and its modes of territorial integration (rural/urban) from our dioceses of reference. We will present the recompositions of the forms of militancy in the diocese of Rennes, a breeding ground for Catholic Action that is increasingly sterile and leaving room for very urban familyist militancy.The second part of this thesis will address the issues of ecclesial governance in our three dioceses of study. We will study, in the short time, the evolution of the « munus regendi » of bishops and priests with the crossing of generations; with the principle of co-responsibility and the differentiated development according to the dioceses of the permanent diaconate and of the laity in ecclesial mission. We will particularly develop the Toulon case for which few in-depth studies have been carried out.Finally, the third part will focus on the problem of the growing development of a polarized Catholic witness in search of visibility. We will analyze the genesis of the Renewal and its trajectory in the diocese of Rennes. We will look particularly at the Emmanuel community, its promotion of the new evangelization and the fundamentalism of its pastoral modes. Then, with a certain priestly fruitfulness and a chaotic dialogue with Rome (Motu proprio in 1988 and 2007), the very heterogeneous traditionalist galaxy remains the framework of contemporary mutations that we will study in the dioceses of Rennes and Autun. Finally, we will change scale by focusing on the city-sanctuary of Paray-le-Monial, militant pole and laboratory incubator of a « new Catholicism », on the articulation between the various territories (city, sanctuary, parish) and the actors in place. / La modernidad desafía "parroquia civilización". Los cambios en espacial e institucional llevada a cabo por la Iglesia católica, entre ellos diócesis, son simples adaptaciones renovadas o por el contrario, inauguran un proceso de desarrollo en el centro de nuevas áreas de distribución, en particular con el creciente impacto de los nuevos jugadores? Las iglesias se vacían todas partes en Francia, pero las comunidades y diócesis han recuperado algunos lugares para hacer los pilares de las nuevas formas de práctica religiosa, si es posible, la supervivencia no sólo de la institución, sino también la transmisión de la fe. ¿Cuál es el proceso? ¿Es sostenible en el tiempo? ¿Con qué herramientas?