This thesis investigates the nature of the relationship between cities and king in the late Classical and Hellenistic Macedonian kingdom. It will consider the cities from two main perspectives: the city as a community, and the city as a settlement. Section 1 re-examines the evidence most commonly used to argue for the Macedonian cities gaining substantial autonomy in this period. It will be argued that this evidence has less to tell us about the political autonomy of the Macedonian cities than their 'social relations' with other Greek communities: Macedonian cities engaged in international exchanges which did not represent any challenge to the authority of the monarch, but which could also be used to represent the relationship between king and city as cooperative. Such latitude was balanced, however, by forceful expressions of royal dominance in other arenas. Section 2 considers the position of the cities within the royal economy, and examines how, as a result of the king's monopolisation of Macedonia's resources, and the fact that the Macedonian elite was more interested in advancing their position at court than acting as civic benefactors, the cities were left economically subordinated to the king. Section 3 uses the increasingly abundant archaeological evidence to consider how royal building programmes served to project royal ideology into the localities. Royal palaces, large-scale urban development, and fortifications created an experience of urban space in Macedonia which emphasised the roles of the monarch as guardian, benefactor, and unifying figure. The picture that emerges is of a kingdom of civic communities which were engaged in meaningful exchanges with their peers outside Macedonia, but which were living in large and impressive urban settlements which stood as monuments to the extent and ubiquity of royal authority. Late-Classical and Hellenistic Macedonia was a kingdom of poleis, but that kingdom was first and foremost a royal space.

La politique d’élargissement de l’Union européenne vis-à-vis des pays de l’Europe de l’Est suscite l’intérêt des pays membres envers ces nouveaux adhérents potentiels. Le rôle des médias est particulièrement important dans le processus de transition de ces sociétés. La nécessité d’une démocratisation de l’information et des politiques de communication dans ce nouveau contexte est une des questions les plus étudiées, car la liberté des médias montre le degré de démocratie. Alors qu’autrefois, l’analyse des effets des médias était privilégiée, on scrute aujourd’hui les fondements d’une communication démocratique en s’interrogeant sur la nouvelle configuration du jeu politique sous l’emprise des médias ; sur l’élargissement de l’espace public du fait de l’essor de l’information et de la communication ; sur le statut culturel des médias ; sur l’usage des TIC. La diversité des approches et le foisonnement des angles d’étude peuvent donner l’impression d’un savoir en mosaïque qui souligne la complexité des relations entre les producteurs et les récepteurs de l’information. Ce travail complexe, qui touche à tous les éléments de l’information macédonienne, propose aux lecteurs francophones l’accès à un sujet méconnu. Les principaux objectifs de la présente étude consistent d'une part en la présentation du cadre complet de la sphère médiatique macédonienne et d'autre part en l’analyse des principales questions en lien avec les enjeux politiques et sociaux. L’une des questions centrales de cette étude est ainsi de mettre en lumière les relations complexes qui s’effectuent à travers les médias entre les politiques et les différentes communautés. Toutes ces questions forment le rayonnement médiatique d’un pays, pilier de son existence culturelle, élément essentiel de sa puissance politique et nationale. / The enlargement policy of the European Union concerning the countries of Eastern Europe has triggered considerable interest from the member states for these potential new adherents. The role of media is particularly important in the transition process of these countries. The need for democratization of information and communication policies in this new context is one of the most analyzed issues since media freedom shows the degree of democracy. Despite the fact that in the past it was proven that the analysis of the media effect was privileged, today the foundations of the democratic communication are studied by questioning the new configuration of the political set under the influence of the media, as well as the expansion of the public space in terms of the development of information and communication. In addition, the cultural status of the media is also being inspected along with the use of ICT. The diversity of approaches and the proliferation of angles of study can give the impression of a mosaic knowledge that emphasizes the complexity of the relations between producers and receivers of information. This complex task, which involves all elements of the Macedonian information, proposes to French speaking readers a lesser known subject. The main objectives of this study consist in the presentation of a complete framework of the Macedonian media and also in the analysis of the main problems related to the political and social issues. One of the central points of this study is to highlight the complex relations between politics and communities that are realized through the media. All these subjects create the media influence in one country, which is a pillar of its cultural life, an essential element of its political power and a fundamental factor of its national greatness.

La recherche est consacrée à l’analyse du régime juridique d’adhésion appliqué par l’UE dans le cas de la Macédoine. L’étude est divisée en deux volets – la stabilisation et l’association –, conformément aux objectifs de la politique du PSA de l’UE envers les États des Balkans occidentaux. En ce qui concerne la politique de stabilisation, sont abordées les modifications constitutionnelles et législatives provenant de l'accord-cadre d'Ohrid – l’élément central du cadre de la conditionnalité d’adhésion à l’UE posé à la Macédoine – ensuite, est recherchée l’application du principe de bon voisinage dans le cas de la Macédoine, notamment en ce qui concerne les divergences avec deux États voisins – le Grèce et la Bulgarie. Le volet association de la thèse est consacré à l’analyse du rapprochement du droit de la Macédoine de l’acquis communautaire en ce qui concerne le droit économique, ainsi que le droit non économique. La thèse vise à combler une lacune dans la littérature existante concernant les relations entre la Macédoine et l'Union européenne. / The research is dedicated to the analysis of the application of the legal regime regulating the enlargement of the European Union toward Macedonia. The work is divided in two parts – the stabilisation and the association –, in accordance to the objectives of the policy of SAP of the UE towards the states of the Western Balkans. The research of the policy of stabilization concerns the constitutional and legislative modifications introduced by the Ohrid Framework Agreement – the central element of the enlargement conditionnality framework imposed on Macedonia –, as well as the application, in the case of Macedonia, of the principle of good neighborliness, in particular the bilateral disputes with its two neighbors – Greece and Bulgaria. The part of the thesis dedicated to the policy of association analyses the rapprochement of the national law of Macedonia to the acquis communautaire in the fields of economic law, as well as the non-economic law. The thesis therefore fills a certain gap in the literature concerning the relations between Macedonia and the European Union.

This thesis deals with cooperation between France, Germany and the United Kingdom within the area of foreign and security policy. Two case studies are presented, one of them concerning cooperation between the three states within and outside institutions in 1980 following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the other dealing with cooperation concerning the crisis in Macedonia in 2001. In accordance with the approach of neoliberal institutionalism the primary hypothesis is that cooperation is primarily determined by the interests of states but it is also limited by norms and affected by the institutions of which the three states are members. The study describes the large variety of forms of cooperation that exist between France, Germany and the United Kingdom, in which the United States also plays an important part, and which also includes their cooperation within a number of international institutions. The study also points to the new forms of interaction between states and institutions that have come about since the Cold War ended, and which give a stronger role to institutions and the cooperation between them. Still, however, states retain a decisive role in cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy.

<p><strong> </strong></p><p>In this essay the aim was to investigate how the EU is trying to function as a democracy promoter in three particular countries, the so called candidate-countries Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey. The aim was also to analyze if there exist any differences in how the EU functions in these countries as a democracy promoter with a focus on how acts of democracy promotion is taken place. In order to fulfil the purpose of the essay two questions were addressed, how does the EU perform in promoting democracy in the three candidate-countries Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey? And also, is it possible to identify any differences in how the EU functions as a democracy promoter in those three countries?</p><p>The method used to fulfil purpose and answering research-questions was qualitative text-analysis.  The results of the study were that the EU does perform in a number of ways to promote democracy in the three countries. The main differences are that the EU is using primarily political tools in Croatia and Macedonia which are channelized top-down and economic tools in Turkey channelized mainly top-down to promote democracy. The extent between the tools used differs.</p><p> </p><p><strong> </strong></p>

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This thesis examines the South East European policy of the European Union, which promoted the prospect of a &lsquo / United Europe&rsquo / . After the end of the bipolar world system, the ultimate aim of the East European countries has been the integration into the European Union. The transition and integration process, that they initiated in accordance with this aim, made up the basis of their relations with the Union. Nevertheless, the South East European countries, which became a sub-region within East Europe, joined to the process much later, due to the wars and instability, caused by ethnic conflicts within the region. The initiatives, established by the European Union for the region, did not come with the desired outcomes. However, after the Kosovo War, the Union established a deeper framework, with the mechanisms of the Stability Pact and the Stabilization and Association Process. On the other hand, the September-11 events, which led to the gradual withdrawal of the United States from the region, handed the responsibility to the Union. As a result of this, the Union accelerated the Stabilization and Association Process, thus torpedoed the Stability Pact. Within this context, the Republic of Macedonia became a significant component of this accelerated process. Especially, with the Stabilization and Association Agreement, came into force in April 2004, and the Mission Concordia, which is the first-ever military operation the Union, the European Union aroused its interest to the country. Consequently, within the regional framework, the Republic of Macedonia made up the essence of the Union&rsquo / s strategy in the region.

Sebbene Filippo V sia uno dei monarchi antichi meglio attestati nella tradizione letteraria ed epigrafica, la complessità della sua regalità sfugge ancora alla ricerca storica moderna, che finora ha preferito concentrarsi sulla coeva espansione romana nel Mediterraneo. Dopo la vecchia monografia di Walbank (1940; 19602), la tesi costituisce dunque la prima analisi politica della basileia di Filippo V e della sua relazione con le leghe greche alla fine del III secolo a.C. La ricerca collega all'orizzonte politico e istituzionale ellenistico i primi 12 anni di governo di Filippo V (229-217 a.C.) ripercorrendo le fasi dell’azione politica del re: una prima fase riguarda principalmente il ruolo di Filippo durante la reggenza e il regno di Antigono Dosone; una seconda fase esplora tra il 222 e il 220 l'inizio della guerra con gli Etoli; una terza sezione è dedicata all'apertura di un fronte navale nel 219 e al successo della campagna etolica. La quarta parte indaga sull'impegno del 218 in Peloponneso di Filippo, mentre l'ultima sezione approfondisce l’azione diplomatica e militare di Filippo nel 217 e gli accordi di pace a Naupatto. Anche grazie alla buona documentazione epigrafica e letteraria, Filippo V è un paradigma unico per ridefinire il significato della regalità ellenistica. Considerando i suoi legami dinastici, la politica giudiziaria, le innovazioni militari, le relazioni diplomatiche e le riforme amministrative prima dell'intervento romano in Oriente, la ricerca tenta di fornire una prima descrizione e un'analisi della monarchia macedone matura e della sua relazione con il mondo greco; cerca inoltre di stabilire le caratteristiche della regalità ellenistica macedone nel momento dell’incontro con la potenza romana, nel tentativo di distinguere le sue peculiarità nel III secolo rispetto a quelle dell'età di Alessandro, a prescindere dalle deformazioni della propaganda di parte romana. / Although Philip V is one of the best epigraphically and literarily attested ancient monarchs, the structure, performance, and the rationale of his kingship still elude modern scholarship, which has hitherto preferred to focus on the coeval Roman expansion in the Mediterranean. The following is the first political analysis of the ancient Macedonian basileia and its relation with the Greek Leagues at the end of the 3rd century BC. The research connects the first 12 years of rule of Philip V (229-217 BC.) to the Hellenistic political and institutional horizon, and distinguishes five chronological stages of Philip’s reign according to the political agency of the king: an early stage between Demetrios II’s death in 229 and 222, mainly concerned with Philip’s role during Antigonos Doson’s rule and the ascension to the throne; a second phase between 222 and 220 exploring the beginning of the war with the Aitolians; a third section devoted to the opening of a naval front in 219 and the successful Aitolian campaign. Part four investigates Philip’s 218 Peloponnesian engagement, while the last section expands on Philip’s 217 diplomatic and military agency and the peace agreements in Naupactos. Considering his dynastic ties, court politics, military innovations, diplomatic relations and administrative reforms before the Roman intervention in the East, the work attempts to provide a source-based first description and analysis of the mature Macedonian monarchy and its relation with the Greek world. It tries to establish the features of the Mediterranean kingship encountered by the Roman expansion, in the attempt to distinguish those attested in 3rd century Macedonia from those inferred from Alexander’s age evidence, and from the Roman biased propaganda.

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Tomáš Hach - The Politics of EU Enlargement: Montenegro, Macedonia, Serbia Abstract The diploma thesis deals with the topic of the politics of EU enlargement and perspectives of future developments in this area. Its main objectives are to define the politics in theory, to introduce it in the context of the Western Balkans and apply it to the three selected cases - Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The work considers the historical development since 1990's as an important factor with a huge influence on current negotiation, and therefore the thesis pays high attention to that. Besides the historical excursion, the thesis deals with topics of political development, introduces the status of current negotiations and the relationship between the European Union and certain countries since the establishment of the first official contact. Through the comparative case study, despite differing positions of states within the framework of negotiations, it is highlighted that all countries share common problems. The method of compliance and non-compliance generates common problems as well as underlines the particular specifics. An important contribution is also the comparison of individual countries based on fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria in the context of current affairs.