Les partis politiques macédoniens ont été relativement peu étudiés. Les problèmes de la construction du nouvel Etat, à la fois dans un environnement difficile et quant à l’intégration de l’importante minorité albanaise, ont éclipsé ceux du nouveau système politique. L’attention portée à l’ingénierie constitutionnelle y a contribué. Pourtant, les partis sont au cœur de la démocratie pluraliste.En dehors de la problématique commune de la formation des partis politiques dans les transitions post-communistes, le cas macédonien présente des originalités par le rôle des racines historiques pour les partis relevants et l’importance des partis ethniques, qui ont évolué entre la contestation de l’Etat et du nouveau système et l’intégration politique par la participation grandissante au jeu démocratique, y compris au niveau gouvernemental. / Macedonian political parties have been relatively little studied. In Macedonia, political system transformation has been mainly dominated by state building issues, problems related to Albanian minority integration and the process of designing a new constitutional arrangement. Nevertheless, political parties are considered to be key actors in pluralist democracy. Macedonian parties have their own particularities when compared to general models of post-communist party development. The originality of the Macedonian parties thus lies in the importance accorded to historical legacies in party formation, as well as in the role played by ethnic actors in the process of democratization.

Fondée sur les ordres de Jules César peu de temps avant les Ides de Mars, la colonie de Dion (Piérie, Macédoine) fait partie d’un vaste programme de colonisation qui a touché tout l’empire à l’époque césaro-augustéenne. Les données épigraphiques, rassemblées en un corpus des inscriptions latines et grecques de Dion et de son territoire, permettent d’analyser, dans le temps et dans l’espace, les évolutions d’une société mixte, constituée des colons romains, de leurs descendants et des anciens habitants grecs. Dans cette société qui s’hellénise peu à peu, se met en place un panthéon original qui mêle les divinités romaines aux divinités grecques et orientales. Les éléments de romanité, dominant au début de la période, s’atténuent progressivement, alors que les institutions perdurent jusqu’à une date avancée du Bas-Empire. / Founded on Julius Cesar's orders, shortly before the Ides of March, the Dion colony (Pieria, Macedonia) was part of a large colonization program that involved the whole empire at the Caesar and Augustan time period. The epigraphic data, in the form of a corpus collecting the Latin and Greek inscriptions from Dion and its territory, make it possible to analyse, in time and space, the evolution of a mixed society constituted of Roman settlers and their descendants, as well as native Greeks. In this progressively hellenising society, a distinctive pantheon arises, mixing Roman gods to Greek and Oriental ones. The roman elements, while dominating in the early era, will progressively fade although, the institutions will remain much later during the Late Empire.

Cette recherche porte sur la dimension interprétative de l'intégration européenne et sur son rôle dans la démocratisation au sein des pays postcommunistes. Je focalise mon attention sur la signification pour les gens desdits pays que revêtent la participation politique, la compétence politique, et l’action collective. Cette signification prend forme selon des circonstances spécifiques, agencées par les relations de pouvoir asymétriques avec l’Union européenne (UE). J’examine la littérature sur le rôle de l'intégration européenne dans la démocratisation des pays postcommunistes et je distingue deux paradigmes théoriques principaux : un premier qui met l'accent sur le processus institutionnel, l’autre sur le processus instrumental stratégique. Au sein de ces deux approches, je présente différents auteurs qui voient l'UE soit comme un facteur pro-démocratique, soit comme un facteur antidémocratique dans le contexte postcommuniste de transition politique. Cette recherche ne suit pas théoriquement et méthodologiquement les études contenues dans la revue de la littérature. Plutôt, elle s’appuie sur un modèle théorique inspiré des recherches de McFalls sur la réunification culturelle allemande après 1989. Ce modèle, sans négliger les approches institutionnelles et stratégiques, met l’accent sur d'autres écoles théoriques, interprétatives et constructivistes. Mes conclusions se basent sur les résultats de séjours d'étude dans deux pays postcommunistes : la Bulgarie, membre de l'UE depuis 2007, et la Macédoine, pays-candidat. J’ai recours à des méthodes qualitatives et à des techniques ethnographiques qui triangulent des résultats puisés à des sources multiples et variées pour exposer des trajectoires dynamiques de changement culturel influencées par l'intégration européenne. Les conclusions montrent sous quelles conditions les idéaux-types de changement politique conventionnels, soit institutionnel ou stratégique, représentent des modèles utiles. Je présente aussi leurs limitations. Ma conclusion principale est que l'intégration européenne représente un phénomène complexe dans le monde des significations. C’est un facteur qui est simultanément un amplificateur et un inhibiteur de la culture politique démocratique. Les gens créent des sous-cultures différentes où des interprétations multiples du processus d'intégration européenne mènent à des effets dissemblables sur la participation politique, la compétence et l’action collective. La conversation discursive entre les gens qui composent de telles sous-cultures distinctes peut produire des effets divergents au niveau national. Cette recherche n’est pas une analyse de l’UE comme mécanisme institutionnel ; elle ne pose ainsi pas l’UE comme une institution qui détermine directement le processus de démocratisation postcommuniste. Plutôt, elle s’intéresse au processus d’intégration européenne en tant qu’interaction qui affecte la culture politique au sein des pays postcommunistes, et à la manière dont cette dernière peut agir sur le processus de démocratisation. Mon point d’intérêt central n’est donc pas l’européanisation ou le processus de devenir « comme l’Europe », à moins que l’européanisation ne devienne une composante de la culture politique avec des conséquences sur le comportement politique des acteurs. / This research focuses on the interpretative dimension of EU integration and on its role in post-communist democratization. It offers an understanding of the significance of taking part in political life, becoming politically competent and taking part in collective actions. This significance takes shape under specific circumstances, which are part of the asymmetrical power relation with the European Union (EU). I discuss the existing literature on the role of EU integration in post-communist democratization and discern two main theoretical paradigms, which put emphasis either on institutionalist learning or on the strategic instrumental process. Within these two approaches I present authors who see the EU either as a pro-democratic or anti-democratic factor in the context of post-communist political transition. This research does not follow exactly, theoretically or methodologically, in the footsteps of the studies presented in the literature review. It starts from a theoretical model, inspired by McFalls’ research on German cultural reunification after 1989. This model, without neglecting institutional and strategic approaches, emphasizes the importance of other theoretical schools, interpretative and constructivist. My findings are based on field trips in two post-communist countries that are situated at different stages of the EU integration process: Bulgaria, which became a EU member in 2007, and Macedonia, which is a candidate country. Methodologically, I use qualitative methods and ethnographic techniques that triangulate findings from different sources into converging dynamic trajectories of cultural change under the influence of EU integration. These findings show the specific conditions under which the conventional ideal-types of political change, institutionalist and strategic, represent useful theoretical models. I also display their limitations that call for an alternative approach. I conclude that EU integration, as a complex phenomenon within the world of meaning, acts simultaneously as a booster and an inhibitor of democratic political culture. People create different subcultures where different interpretations of the EU integration process lead to dissimilar effects on their political participation, competence and collective action. Discursive conversations between people representing these different subcultures may also produce dissimilar effects on the national level. This research is not an analysis of the EU as an institutional mechanism and therefore, it is not research that takes the EU as an institution affecting post-communist democratization. This research focuses on the way the process of EU integration as an interaction affects political culture in post-communist societies, and via this influence, how it affects the process of democratization. It is not about Europeanization, understood as becoming more European-like, unless this Europeanization becomes part of political culture, which affects political behavior.

This dissertation analyzes how the concept of the ideal citizen is shaped linguistically and visually in Macedonian textbooks and how this concept changes over time and in concert with changes in society. It is focused particularly on the role of primary education in the transmission of language, identity, and culture as part of the nation-building process. It is concerned with how schools construct linguistic norms in association with the construction of citizenship. The linguistic practices represented in textbooks depict “good language” and thus index also “good citizen.” Textbooks function as part of the broader sets of resources and practices with which education sets out to make citizens and thus they have an important role in shaping young people’s knowledge and feelings about the nation and nation-state, as well as language ideologies and practices. By analyzing the “ideal” citizen represented in a textbook we can begin to discern the goals of the government and society. To this end, I conduct a diachronic analysis of the Macedonian language used in elementary readers at several points from 1945 to 2000 using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. I catalogue and chart the frequency of certain linguistic forms and changes in their usage over time and contextualize these choices and changes within the greater changes of the narratives in the books. I conduct a similar analysis of the visual depictions of identity in these textbooks and the content of the textbooks with respect to notions of identity, nationalism, and other cultural factors.

This dissertation analyzes how the concept of the ideal citizen is shaped linguistically and visually in Macedonian textbooks and how this concept changes over time and in concert with changes in society. It is focused particularly on the role of primary education in the transmission of language, identity, and culture as part of the nation-building process. It is concerned with how schools construct linguistic norms in association with the construction of citizenship. The linguistic practices represented in textbooks depict “good language” and thus index also “good citizen.” Textbooks function as part of the broader sets of resources and practices with which education sets out to make citizens and thus they have an important role in shaping young people’s knowledge and feelings about the nation and nation-state, as well as language ideologies and practices. By analyzing the “ideal” citizen represented in a textbook we can begin to discern the goals of the government and society. To this end, I conduct a diachronic analysis of the Macedonian language used in elementary readers at several points from 1945 to 2000 using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. I catalogue and chart the frequency of certain linguistic forms and changes in their usage over time and contextualize these choices and changes within the greater changes of the narratives in the books. I conduct a similar analysis of the visual depictions of identity in these textbooks and the content of the textbooks with respect to notions of identity, nationalism, and other cultural factors.

The linguistic analysis of The Apostle of Skopje Štefan Pilát The Apostle of Skopje (Skop) is a Macedonian Church Slavonic manuscript, which contains a short Praxapostle. The scribal inscription on the last page places its compilation to the city of Skopje in the year 1313 thus allowing for its inclusion among the north-Macedonian texts. The goal of the present thesis was to evaluate its paleographic, orthographic and phonological characteristics and its morphological and syntactic peculiarities. The established facts were then compared with other north-Macedonian manuscripts and writing traditions of the Ochrid, Preslav, Tarnovo and Raška schools. Another aim was to evaluate how much could the reception of individual scribal norms be impacted by the north-Macedonian dialect and identify the dialect elements of Skop. On this account, I conclude that Skop, while belonging to the circle of north-Macedonian manuscripts and reflecting rather evident influence of the local dialect, remains conservative, especially from the perspective of paleography, orthography and phonology, a feature typical of the older tradition of the Ochrid School. In the Apostle pericopes, Skop however rather consequently receives the standardized use of the full scope of the iotified vowels, which is the norm most probably taken...

In this essay the aim was to investigate how the EU is trying to function as a democracy promoter in three particular countries, the so called candidate-countries Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey. The aim was also to analyze if there exist any differences in how the EU functions in these countries as a democracy promoter with a focus on how acts of democracy promotion is taken place. In order to fulfil the purpose of the essay two questions were addressed, how does the EU perform in promoting democracy in the three candidate-countries Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey? And also, is it possible to identify any differences in how the EU functions as a democracy promoter in those three countries? The method used to fulfil purpose and answering research-questions was qualitative text-analysis.  The results of the study were that the EU does perform in a number of ways to promote democracy in the three countries. The main differences are that the EU is using primarily political tools in Croatia and Macedonia which are channelized top-down and economic tools in Turkey channelized mainly top-down to promote democracy. The extent between the tools used differs.

L'objet de l'étude est l'évolution de la composition et de la répartition géographique de la population de la Macédoine grecque de l'année 1913 (fixation de frontières actuelles) à nos jours. Les principales populations étudiées sont les populations grecque, musulmane, bulgare, population macédonienne orthodoxe de langue slave, juive, valaque, albanaise (selon les acceptions courantes qui seront définies). Cette évolution sur un siècle se décompose en cinq périodes, chacune étant liée à un ou plusieurs événements qui ont provoqué des migrations. Les causes, la modification de la composition des populations, les problèmes en découlant ainsi que des cartes et des statistiques sont présentées. Une synthèse permet de tirer des conclusions sur l'évolution de la population de la Macédoine et les problèmes associés à l'intégration des différentes minorités. / The object of my research is the evolution and repartition of the composition of the population of the Greek Macedonia of the year 1913 (fixing of the today’s borders) to our days. The main populations studied are: Greek, Muslim, Bulgarian, Orthodox Macedonian population of Slavic language, Jewish, Vlachs, Albanians (according to definitions that will be explained). This evolution over a century is divided into five periods, each relating to one or more events provocating migrations. The causes, the modification of the composition of the populations, the problems while resulting as well as mappings (cartographies) and statistics are presented. A synthesis allows us to draw from conclusions on the evolution of the population of Macedonia and the problems associated with the integration of various minorities.

The thesis describes the process of enlargement of EU, with emphasis on circumstances, which influences the enlargement process, with current candidate countries (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Iceland, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey) and the new member state Croatia as example. The thesis is divided into three chapters; first chapter presents basic information about phases of the process. Second chapter deals with previous enlargements of European Community, or EU. Third chapter analyzes current candidate states, presents their political and economical characteristics and current stage of the process. A part of the third chapter predicts future development and possible date of the entry of each candidate state.

Le sujet central de cette thèse concerne les évolutions de la règle électorale dans les régimespost-communistes et traite de la contribution de ces évolutions à la démocratisation dessystèmes politiques de l’Europe du Sud-Est, à partir d’un échantillon d’Etats (Albanie,Bulgarie, Macédoine, Roumanie et Serbie-Monténégro). La transition démocratique et lechangement de régime impliquent la construction d’une nouvelle légitimité politique. Cettelégitimité passe par les élections qui sont au coeur de la démocratie. Ce travail cherche àcomprendre comment sont choisies les règles régissant ces élections. Le choix du systèmeélectoral est, dans une grande mesure, la conséquence de plusieurs processus. L’accent mis surles facteurs déterminants de l’adoption et de la réforme électorale permet de comprendre lesmotivations et les objectifs des évolutions de la règle électorale en Europe post-communiste.L’étude de la législation réformée et l’analyse du comportement des acteurs électorauxpermettent de constater que les leaders politiques ont très souvent contourné le sensdémocratique de la norme électorale. Dans cet échantillon d’Etats, les évolutions de la règleélectorale ont eu des conséquences relatives sur le nombre des partis politiques représentés auParlement. Le changement de régime a favorisé l’alternance des majorités électorales etparlementaires. Cette alternance démontre que les principes démocratiques des électionscontribuent à la stabilisation démocratique, même si le contexte et les enjeux politiques propresà cette région favorisent une relative instabilité des majorités parlementaires etgouvernementales. / The central subject of this thesis concerns the developments of the electoral rule in postcommunistregimes and discusses the contribution of these changes to the democratization ofpolitical systems of Southeast Europe, from a sample of states (Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia,Romania and Serbia-Montenegro). Democratic transition and regime change involves theconstruction of a new political legitimacy. This legitimacy is through elections that are at theheart of democracy. This work seeks to understand how the rules are chosen these elections.The choice of electoral system is, to a large extent, the result of several processes. The focus onthe determinants of adoption and electoral reform to understanding the motivations and goalsof the developments of the electoral rule in post-communist Europe. The study of the reformedlegislation and behavior analysis of electoral allow players to see that the political leaders haveoften bypassed the democratic sense of the electoral standard. In this sample of countries,changes in the electoral rule had consequences on the number of political parties represented inParliament. Regime change has favored the alternation of parliamentary and electoralmajorities. This alternation shows that the democratic principles of elections contribute to thedemocratic stabilization, even if the context and the political stakes in this region favor a relativeinstability of parliamentary and government majority.