La présente thèse propose une analyse et une systématisation de l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux en période électorale tant au niveau national que local. Ainsi seront étudiées les techniques numériques utilisées, les formes et les méthodes de communication politique « en ligne » au cours des campagnes présidentielles de 2012 en France et en Russie et les campagnes municipales à Bordeaux et à Moscou en 2014 et 2013. Seront donc comparés les ressorts utilisés dans deux pays différents et qui ont permis de transformer les grands réseaux sociaux tels que Facebook, Twitter, Instagram et VKontakte en outils de rassemblement politique attirant de nombreux jeunes à participer activement au processus de campagne.Des entretiens réalisés avec des responsables des mouvements politiques français de Gironde tels ceux des Jeunes socialistes, des Jeunes Populaires et ceux du Front National, il ressort que l’activité numérique en France relève d’un caractère constructif. Ils servent à attirer et mobiliser la jeunesse de moins de 30 ans autours des candidats et de leurs partis grâce à un support en ligne mais s’accompagnent d’un militantisme de terrain, dans la vie réelle.En revanche, il apparaît qu’en Russie, le niveau élevé et l’influence de ces jeunes sur Internet fournit un soutien pour les nouvelles institutions de la société civile. Le succès de la mobilisation des jeunes appartenant à la classe moyenne urbaine relève d’une combinaison de « citoyenneté » et de « massification » de la protestation sur le réseau.En 2013, la volonté et mobilisation active des jeunes dans le projet politique à permis l’émergence de l’opposant Alekseï Navalny, qui a réuni 27% des suffrages et atteint la seconde place aux élections municipales de Moscou. La quasi intégralité de sa campagne a été effectuée sur les réseaux sociaux. Si le fait est courant pour nombre de ses homologues occidentaux, il convient de relever que ce n’est pas habituel pour les politiciens russes. Cette campagne « révolutionnaire » d’A. Navalny a été rendue possible par le fort soutien des jeunes Moscovites qu’il a pu mobiliser sur le plus grand réseau russe : VKontakte. L’organisation de la campagne s’est presque entièrement fondée sur l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux, tant pour la distribution de tracts dans les rues, que la sensibilisation et les collectes de dons. / This thesis will focus on the analysis and systematization of the use of social networks in the presidential campaigns, both in France and in Russia in 2012, as well as in the municipal campaigns in Bordeaux and Moscow, in 2014 and 2013 respectively. The development of this thesis will also include the basic use of technologies, as well as the forms and methods of political online communication at the actual stage of their development.In this thesis, the examination of the political mechanisms used in France and Russia will be carried out in order to assess how social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and VKontakte have developed into a powerful tool, with their main aim being to attract more and more young people to actively participate in the election campaigns as well as the voting process in general.Through the conduction of interviews with the chiefs of French Youth Movements, such as the Young Socialists (Gironde), the People’s Young (Gironde), and the Young of National Front (Gironde), we have found that these movements tend to have an overall peaceful nature in France. They aim to attract and mobilize young people (of up to 30 years old) to provide support both online and in the real world, for candidates of the major French political parties, namely the UMP, the Socialist Party and the National Front.In comparison, in Russia, the high level presence and influence of Youth Movements on the Internet provides support for new institutions forming in civil society. The success of the youth mobilization from the urban middle class can be explained by the combination of “civic consciousness” and “massive involvement”.In 2013, young Russians mobilized for active participation in the political life of Alexei Navalny, one of the leaders of the Russian opposition, who managed to obtain 27% of the votes in the municipal elections of Moscow, the equivalent to second place. His «revolutionary” electoral campaign was predominantly transmitted through social networks, notably through the use of VKontakte (the largest social network in Russia), in order to gain a large amount of support from young Moscovites. This action is deemed to be very uncommon among Russian politicians, and is more likely to be seen among Western homologues. Consequently, this led to the distribution of leaflets in the streets, in the subway, going door-to-door, as well as organizing the collection of donations for the campaign across networks.

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The thesis explores in depth the negotiations to create the United Nations Organization through which Stalin sought to enhance the USSRs power and prestige via traditional, military-oriented means. Although the Kremlin was relatively successful at maximizing Soviet power within the structure of the UNO, its inflexibility on issues such as Poland, Latin American membership, and other issues antagonized its wartime allies, the USA and Britain. This developing fracture seriously undermined cooperation among the victorious great powers both within the new organization and more broadly. As a result, the process of founding the UNO proved to be both a significant cause and reflection of the degeneration of the wartime Grand Alliance into the Cold War. / History

The following is a historical analysis on the Moscow Art Theatre’s (MAT) tours to the United States in 1923 and 1924, and the developments and changes that occurred in Russian and American theatre cultures as a result of those visits. Konstantin Stanislavsky, the MAT’s co-founder and director, developed the System as a new tool used to help train actors—it provided techniques employed to develop their craft and get into character. This would drastically change modern acting in Russia, the United States and throughout the world. The MAT’s first (January 2, 1923 – June 7, 1923) and second (November 23, 1923 – May 24, 1924) tours provided a vehicle for the transmission of the System. In addition, the tour itself impacted the culture of the countries involved. Thus far, the implications of the 1923 and 1924 tours have been ignored by the historians, and have mostly been briefly discussed by the theatre professionals. This thesis fills the gap in historical knowledge.

This master thesis is focused on problematics of biblical themes in works of the Jewish artists on the territory of The Russian Empire at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries. The introduction of the work deals with socio-political and cultural conditions of the Jewish community, which lived in the pre-revolutionary Imperial Russia. The following part, on the basis of archive materials, remained daily press, periodic press and memoirs, presents two important cultural centres: Jewish Societies for the Encouragement of Arts in Saint-Petersburg and in Moscow, notably their significant support for development of the Jewish arts in Russian culture of that time. The main, third part of the research presents the creative activity of the most prominent representatives of the Jewish art scene and analysis key trends in choosing biblical themes for their art production. Keywords Jews, Jewish culture, Jewish art, Jewish Societies for the Encouragement of Arts, The Russian Empire, Bible, biblical themes, St. Petersburg, Moscow, Vitebsk

Joseph F. Merrill served as Church Commissioner of Education from 1928 to 1933, an era critical in the development of Latter-day Saint Education. During his tenure as commissioner several key developments occurred in Church education, among them the closing of most of the remaining Church academies, transfer of nearly all of Church junior colleges to State control, rapid expansion of the Church seminary system, and establishment of the first LDS Institutes of Religion. Merrill also initiated new efforts to encourage LDS educators to seek graduate-level education outside of Utah, and to bring religious scholarship to the teachers of the Church. In addition, during this time attempts were made by forces outside the Church to seriously curtail the continuation of the seminary program, if not to eliminate it entirely. Merrill's efforts were crucial in ensuring the survival and ultimate acceptance of this form of religious education. This study is intended to answer the following research questions: 1. What were the contributions of Joseph F. Merrill as Church Commissioner of Education? 2. How can the lessons from Merrill's administration be applied to the challenges facing Church education today? The first chapter of this thesis is intended to provide the necessary historical back to understand the events which took place during the Merrill tenure. Particular attention is paid to the work of Merrill's predecessor, Adam S. Bennion. Chapter two provides the historical background to understand Merrill's background before he was called as commissioner. The “Beginning of Institute" chapter explores the creation of the Latter-day Saint Institutes of religion. Next, the “Continuing the Transformation of Church Education" explores the decision to close or attempt to transfer to state control the junior colleges owned by the Church during this time. With the transfer of most of the Church colleges underway by the early 1930s, Church education found itself dependent on the work of seminaries and institutes. “The Released Time Seminary Crisis of 1930-31" chapter details the effects made by the report of the state high school inspector, I. L. Williamson, on seminary and Merrill's work to defend the legality of the seminary system. Next, “Joseph F. Merrill and Religious Educators" will document Merrill's dealings with the teachers who served under him as commissioner. Attention is devoted here to the effects of the Depression on Church education, as well as an account of the LDS educational venture with the University of Chicago Divinity school in the 1930s. Finally, the “Conclusions" chapter explains Merrill's departure from the office to serve as president of the European Mission. This chapter will also offer summary answers to the major research questions, and suggestions for future study The overall intent of this study is to shed light on the contributions of Joseph F. Merrill to Latter-day Saint education. It is not intended as a full biographical work, but simply focuses on his service as commissioner, with occasional ventures into other periods as necessary. It is hoped the reader will emerge with a greater understanding of this important era in Church history, as well as an improved vision of the divine hand guiding the fate of the Church.

The following thesis is a study of the founding years of the Mormon supplementary religious education between 1890 and 1930. It examines Mormonism's shift away from private denominational education towards a system of supplementary religious education programs at the elementary, high school, and college levels. Further, this study examines the role that supplementary religious education played in the changes between the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. During the 1870s and 1880s, Utah's territorial schools became an important part of the battles over polygamy and the control of Utah. As the Federal Government began to wrest control of the schools from the Mormon community, the Church established a system of private academies. Economic problems during the 1880s and 1890s, however, made it difficult for the Church to maintain many of these schools, necessitating the Mormon patronage of the public schools. As a result, in 1890 the Church established its first supplementary religious education program, known as the Religion Class program. The Religion Class program suffered from a variety of problems and was criticized by both Mormon and non-Mormon officials. Despite the failings of the Religion Class program, the need for supplementary religious education became increasingly important during the first two decades of the twentieth century. In 1912, the Granite Stake established the Church's first high school seminary. Within ten years, the seminary program replaced the majority of the academies and became the Church's preeminent educational program. During the 1920s, the Church began extending supplementary religious education to its students in colleges and universities through the establishment of the institute program and the near-complete abandonment of its private colleges and schools. The successive establishment of these three programs demonstrates a shift in Mormon educational priorities and attitudes throughout this period. Whereas the academies and the Religion Class program emphasized a general fear of Americanization, the seminary and institute programs accepted the public schools and much of the Americanization that accompanied them, while at the same time providing means for the continued inculcation of Mormon values into the lives of Latter-day Saint youth.

Die Dissertation vergleicht die Konzeptkunst in New York und den Moskauer Konzeptualismus am Beispiel zwei ihrer zentralen Vertreter: Joseph Kosuth und Ilya Kabakov. Beide haben unter dem Titel "The Corridor of Two Banalities" 1994 gemeinsam eine Installation realisiert. In Kosuth und Kabakov fanden die Zeitgenossen und Nachfolger sowohl ihr Vorbild als auch Gegenbild. In komparatistischer Perspektive werden Probleme diskutiert (z. B. das der (Selbst-)Referentialität), die die Diskussion über konzeptuelle Kunst begleiten, und konzeptuelle Kunst als Scharnier zwischen Moderne und Postmoderne erscheinen lassen. Konzeptkünstler betrachten kunsttheoretische und -historische Überlegungen in demselben Maße als selbstverständlichen Teil ihrer künstlerischen Arbeit, wie Kunst als universelle Kategorie für sie ihre Selbstverständlichkeit verloren hat. Sie setzen sich mit deren Rahmenbedingungen auseinander, die diktieren, was zu einer bestimmten Zeit und an einem bestimmten Ort als Kunst wahrgenommen wird. Die Dissertation konzentriert sich daher auf die Frage, wie Kosuth und Kabakov die (Konzept-)Kunst diesseits und jenseits des Eisernen Vorhangs selbst konzeptualisieren. Unter Einbeziehung der Rezeptionsgeschichte wird untersucht, welche Vorstellung von Autor- und Leserschaft Kosuth und Kabakov entwerfen, vom welchem Werkbegriff sie ausgehen und auf welche sprachphilosophischen Modelle sie sich dabei beziehen. / The thesis compares the Conceptual Art in New York with the Moscow Conceptualism while using the example of two of their greatest representatives: Joseph Kosuth and Ilya Kabakov. Together, they have created an installation entitled "The Corridor of Two Banalities" (1994). For their contemporaries and successors, Kosuth and Kabakov served as models or just the opposite. In a comparatistical perspective the thesis discusses problems (e.g. the (self-)referentiality) which go along with the debate about conceptual art and which let the conceptual art appear as a link between modernism and postmodernism. For conceptual artists, theoretical and historical considerations of art form an evident part of their artistic work to the same degree as art as a universal category has lost its self-evidence for them. They examine its frame conditions which dictate what is being considered as art at a specific time and in a specific place. Hence the thesis focusses on the question about the ways Kosuth and Kabakov conceptualise the (Conceptual) Art on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Taking into account the reception history it examines which concept of author- and readership Kosuth and Kabakov formulate, which definition of artwork they have assumed and which models of philosophy of language they refer to.

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[pt] O principal objetivo da dissertação é explicar a assinatura do Tratado sobre Reduções Ofensivas Estratégicas - o Tratado de Moscou – pelo presidente George W. Bush e a aprovação unânime, pelos senadores norte-americanos, da resolução de conselho e consentimento para a ratificação do tratado. Tais decisões são vistas como resultados de um jogo de negociação no qual se observam a interação e a influência recíproca entre os níveis internacional e doméstico. As hipóteses indicam que membros do Executivo e grande parte do Senado norte-americanos mostraram-se interessados no tratado – que estipula uma redução substancial do número agregado de ogivas nucleares estratégicas dos EUA e da Rússia, de modo a não exceder 1.700-2.200 para cada parte no fim de 2012 –, pois ele garante a autonomia para definir como a redução será implementada e para determinar a estrutura das forças ofensivas estratégicas em face das novas ameaças aos EUA e aos seus aliados. / [en] The main purpose of the dissertation is to explain the signature of the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty - known as the Treaty of Moscow - by president George W. Bush and the unanimous approval of the resolution of advice and consent to ratification of the treaty by the U.S. Senate. These decisions are seen as the results of a bargaining game in which the national and the international levels interact and influence each other. The hypotheses indicate that the members of the U.S. executive and a huge number of the U.S. senators were interested in the treaty - which stipulates that each party shall reduce substantially the aggregate number of U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear warheads, so that it does not exceed 1,700-2,200 for each side by the end of 2012 - because it preserves the ability to define how the reductions will be implemented and to determine for themselves the structure of their strategic offensive forces, in order to respond to the new threats to their country and its allies.