1 CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Mexico and climate change in the international context according to political agendas Master's Thesis Author: Marjhory Melissa Iturbe Perez Study Programme: International Economics and Political Studies (IEPS) Supervisor: Mgr. Lukáš Perutka, Ph.D. Academic Year: 2019-2021 2 Declaration of Authorship 1. The author hereby declares that he compiled this thesis independently, using only the listed resources and literature 2. The author hereby declares that all the sources and literature used have been properly cited. 3. They author hereby declares that the thesis has not been used to obtain a different or the same degree. Prague … 27 July 2021 Marjhory Melissa Iturbe Perez 3 Acknowledgements I Thank my mom for being my driving force in every step of my life. I would like to thank Dr. Lukáš Perutka for his supervision and direction as well as Dr. Vilém Semerák for his clarity support and guidance in this analysis I thank my family for their encouragement and support throughout my master's degree. 4 Bibliographic Annotation Iturbe Perez Marjhory Melissa, Mexico and climate change in the international context according to political agendas. Prague 2021: Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences. Department of North American Studies. Supervisor Mgr....

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This study examines variations in the lending strategies of the four main agencies of the World Bank. Countries with similar basic development and demographic attributes often receive very different amounts of financial support from the different agencies of the World Bank. Utilizing regression analysis of panel-data covering the years between 1990 through 2011, the study finds that variation in the allocation of development aid both within and between the different World Bank agencies (IBRD, IDA, IFC, and MIGA) do not generally reflect patterns in objective indicators of economic need or institutional quality among recipients. Rather, statistical analysis shows that World Bank aid is positively correlated with several measures of donor influence. Utilizing a multi-donor model of political influence, the study finds evidence that the Bank’s top donors, countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, and Japan disproportionately influence the Bank to lend in ways that support their foreign policy interests. Countries with close economic, political, and geostrategic ties to powerful donors tend to receive more aid on average than their less well-connected peers. The data show that the Bank often lends in ways that contradict its own lending criteria. Despite the Bank’s explicit emphasis on economic need and institutional quality, the agencies of the World Bank often provide greater amounts of assistance to those with less need and poor quality governance. The study has implications for the study of international organizations, institutional design, and how donor influence at the World Bank is mediated by variations in internal agency structures. / Political Science

The start of the trade war between the United States and China in 2018 has changed the stage of international relations. Growing tariffs by both the American and Chinese governments has threatened the stability of international trade and multilateral cooperation. Governments have framed trade deficits between United States and China as cause of this trade war. Could growing trade deficits be the only explanation for rising tensions in trade between the United States and China? This study aims to research the causes of the trade war between the United States and China on other grounds than just growing trade deficits. As two major world economies, the trade war between the United States and China has vast complications for the global economy. Growing geopolitical tensions between the United States and China could spark another cold war for the world as this forces other countries to choose between two spheres of global economic power. Tensions such as trade wars are prone to escalation if the future trade outlook between the United States and China becomes dark. This study gives a deeper insight into the bilateral trade relations between the United States and China and the implications of this relationship for the global economy.

Clear changes occurred in the field of conventional arms control in the last two decades. States adopted a multitude of norms on especially small arms control in various multilateral control instruments. In addition, non-governmental advocacy actors often established themselves as active participants in control debates with governments. The changes are surprising because they took place in the security sphere and therewith in an area traditionally understood to be the exclusive domain of governments. This research project investigates the significance of the changes for the traditional understanding of security governance. Specifically, it investigates the emergence of control norms and the role and policy impact of non-governmental actors in the promotion of the norms. It asks whether the normative changes and significance of nongovernmental actors therein challenge the understanding of security governance that underpins many established approaches to international relations theory.

This thesis conducts an analysis of the Intersessional Process (ISP) of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) between 2001 and 2006. Specifically, it aims to assess the extent to which the ISP has resulted in progress towards strengthening the BTWC. The fulfilment of the research aim is derived from three discrete approaches: firstly, an assessment of problems and weaknesses faced by the Convention; secondly, an assessment of common or converging understandings around measures to respond to such problems and weaknesses; and thirdly, an assessment of what effective action has been achieved between 2001 and 2006. To achieve this, this thesis uses a framework that structures the assessment around four dimensions of the BTWC and their evolution within a changing geostrategic and scientific context. The four dimensions identified are compliance, development, institutional and research. The conclusions drawn from this thesis suggest that although the compliance dimension has made some considerable progress in the area of national legislation and biosafety and biosecurity, it remains clear that other areas of the compliance dimension remain underdeveloped and deeply divisive. The development dimension has also made progress over the course of the ISP and, significantly, achieved much greater convergence in its focus around disease surveillance and detection. However, changing dynamics in security and science have negatively affected other areas of the development dimension. In terms of the institutional dimension, there has been a modest progress with regard to the BTWC's institutional and procedural evolution; however, legitimate concerns remain in relation to quantity and quality of membership of the BTWC relative to other agreements. Finally, there has been some motion towards the emergence of a more coherent dimension of research; although certain advances in science research remain neglected in the BTWC forum, and the issue of biodefence has been conspicuously absent from discussion during the ISP. Based on the analysis conducted, this thesis argues that the BTWC has made cautious progress over the course of the ISP, and there is evidence of a convergence in responses and effective action in some areas. However, there is insufficient evidence to suggest there has been 'major progress towards strengthening the Convention' and many issues require much greater attention.

<p>Foreign Direct investment (FDI) has been recognized as a vital source of development for African countries, which are mainly capital importing countries. This has led to a quest for effective regulation of the activities of foreign investors in a country while considering the profit making goals of the investors as well. As there is a need to strike a balance between the need to regulate entry and activities of investors and reaping the immense benefits of FDI such as growth and development. The regulation of FDI thus becomes important. However, there is no universal multilateral agreement on Investment (MAI) that binds most states oft the world. What we have is attempts at regional levels to regulate Investment uniformly. This quest has led to debates with many developing countries (Africa Inclusive) resisting attempts to formulate a MAI. This paper will start with an introduction of the importance of FDI as well as the various attempts that have been made to regulate FID on a multilateral level. Then the paper will go on to examine two Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) Botswana-China BIT on Promotion and Protection of Investments 2000,Czech-Tunisia BIT for the Promotion and Reciprocal Protection of Investment 1997, and two Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) - Chapter 11 of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), 1990 and the investment provisions of the U.S &ndash / Morocco Free Trade Agreement 2004, to identify those trends that are common to these agreements that have been entered into by African countries. It will examine these provisions in line with the rights and obligations they create for the investors as well as the host countries.</p>

Il existe actuellement des différends frontaliers entre les États circumpolaires-Nord qui entravent la bonne gouvernance de la région. Afin d'identifier des pistes de solution pour améliorer la gouvernance en Arctique et faciliter la coopération, nous analysons le processus qui a mené, à l'autre pôle, à la création du Traité sur l’Antarctique de 1959. Nous utilisons une approche néolibérale institutionnelle comme cadre théorique ainsi qu’une méthodologie basée sur le traçage de processus. Nous avons identifié quatre variables (les intérêts des États, le contexte politique, le leadership, et l’Année géophysique internationale [AGI]) que nous avons étudiés au cours de trois périodes historiques et dont l’évolution a contribué à la formation du régime antarctique. Les étapes menant à l'élaboration d'un régime identifié dans la théorie institutionnaliste dynamique de Frischmann s'appliquent aux différentes périodes que nous avons déterminées. La première période historique correspond à l'identification du problème d'interdépendance. Les États ont d’abord tenté d’assouvir leurs intérêts particuliers envers le continent antarctique par l’intermédiaire de stratégies individuelles. Le statut imprécis du continent antarctique caractérisé par des revendications territoriales conflictuelles, la volonté des superpuissances d’effectuer d’éventuelles revendications territoriales et le leadership exercé par les États-Unis ont toutefois permis de faire évoluer les États vers des stratégies coopératives. La deuxième période historique correspond à l'étape de la négociation de l’entente. Le leadership d’un groupe de scientifiques et des États-Unis ainsi que le contexte politique de la Guerre froide ont favorisé la cohésion des États intéressés par les affaires antarctiques et leur investissement dans une coopération multilatérale souple dans le cadre d’un événement ponctuel, l’AGI. La troisième période correspond à la mise en oeuvre de l’entente, soit l’AGI. Lors de cet événement, une entente tacite, un engagement d’honneur, qui suspendait les considérations territoriales en Antarctique, a été respectée par les parties. La coopération dans le cadre de l’AGI s’est avérée un succès. Les États se sont montrés satisfaits des gains que comportait la coopération scientifique dans un environnement pacifique. L’AGI a permis aux États d’expérimenter la coopération multilatérale et d’observer le comportement des autres participants au sein de l’institution. En raison de la satisfaction des États vis-à-vis la coopération dans le cadre de l'entente souple, l'élaboration du traité de 1959 a été facilitée. Notre étude nous a permis d’identifier des éléments clefs qui ont favorisé la formation du régime antarctique et qui pourraient servir d’inspiration pour l'élaboration de futurs régimes. La présence d’un leadership tout au long du processus a permis de promouvoir les avantages de la coopération sous différentes formes et de renforcer les relations entre les États présents dans les affaires antarctiques. La réalisation d'une entente souple dans le cadre de l'AGI, centrée autour des intérêts communs aux parties, comprenant un engagement d’honneur, permettant de mettre de côté les points de discorde, ont aussi été des points centraux dans la réussite et la poursuite de la coopération au-delà de l’AGI. Cette approche graduelle allant du droit souple vers le droit contraignant est sans aucun doute l’élément le plus important ayant facilité le rapprochement des différentes parties et éventuellement la création du Traité sur l’Antarctique. / There are currently border disputes between North circumpolar states that impede the good governance of the region. In order to identify possible solutions for improving the governance in the Arctic and to facilitate cooperation, we analyze the process that, at the other pole, led to the creation of the 1959 Antarctic Treaty. We use a neoliberal institutional approach as a theoretical framework and a methodology based on the process tracing. We identified four variables (states' interests, the political context, leadership, and the International Geophysical Year [IGY]) that we studied through three historical periods and whose evolution has contributed to elaborating the Antarctic regime. The steps leading to the development of a regime, identified in Frischmann’s dynamic institutionalism theory, apply to the three periods that we have identified. The first historical period corresponds to identifying an interdependency problem. States first tried to satisfy their particular interests pertaining to the Antarctic continent through individual strategies. The unclear status of the Antarctic continent characterized by conflicting claims, the will of the superpowers to potentially make territorial claims, and the leadership of the United States, however, facilitate the states to move to more cooperative strategies. The second historical period corresponds to negotiating the agreement. The leadership of a group of scientists and the United States in addition to the political context of the Cold War facilitated the cohesion of states interested in Antarctic affairs and their investment in a soft multilateral cooperation, the IGY. The third period corresponds to implementing the agreement, that is IGY. During this event, the parties have respected a tacit agreement, a gentlemen’s agreement, which suspended territorial considerations in Antarctica. The cooperation during the IGY proved to be a success. States were satisfied with their gains from the scientific cooperation in a peaceful environment. The IGY has allowed states to experiment multilateral cooperation and to observe the behavior of other participants within the institution. Due to the satisfaction of the states vis-à-vis the cooperation, the development of the 1959 Treaty was facilitated. Through our study, we identified key elements that led to the creation of the Antarctic regime and could serve as an inspiration for the development of future regime. The continuous of leadership throughout the process helped to promote the benefits of cooperation and to strengthen relations between the states involved in Antarctic affairs. The accomplishment of a soft agreement, during the IGY, centered around the parties common interests, and of a gentlemen’s agreement, which put aside divisive issues were also central points in the success and the extension of the coopération after the IGY. This gradual approach from soft law to hard law is undoubtedly the most important element that facilitated the cohesion of parties and the creation of the Antarctic Treaty.

Aujourd’hui, en Amérique latine, il existe une véritable multiplication de l’activité multilatérale par la création de différents types d’espace de coopération : l’Union des Nations Sud-américaine (UNASUR), l’Alliance Bolivarienne Pour les Peuples de Notre Amérique (ALBA), l’Alliance du Pacifique et la Communauté des Etats Latino-américains et des Caraïbes (CELAC). Actuellement, pour définir ces nouvelles organisations multilatérales, les politiciens, les académiciens, les scientifiques et les juristes ont utilisé divers notions : processus d’intégration, intégration maximaliste, intégration politique, intégration énergétique, régionalisme post-néolibéral, nouveau régionalisme, nouveau processus d’intégration, convergence, coopération sociale, culturelle et économique, et instance de concertation du dialogue et de la politique. Pourtant l’intégration latino-américaine est une intégration discursive. Et parfois, elle est utilisée pour les processus de coopération.Cette nouvelle dynamique multilatérale latino-américaine entraine une problématique sur l’avenir et l’ampleur de la participation de l’Amérique latine, en tant que regroupement d’Etats, dans la nouvelle configuration de la gouvernance internationale. Ainsi, pour comprendre ces nouvelles formes de relations interétatiques, la construction et la consolidation de leurs niveaux d’institutionnalisation permettent d’obtenir des résultats sur le modèle de l’intégration et des relations multilatérales dans la région. / Today in Latin America, there is a real increase of multilateral activity through the creation of different types of cooperation areas, such as: the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of the Americas (ALBA), the Pacific Alliance and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC).Currently, to define these new multilateral organizations, politicians, academia, scientists and lawyers, have used various definitions: the integration process, maximalist integration, political integration, energy integration, post-neoliberal regionalism, new regionalism, new process integration, convergence, social cooperation, cultural and economic and consultative body for dialogue and politics, among others. However, the integration of Latin America is a discursive interaction; and sometimes it is used for cooperation processes.This new Latin American multilateral dynamic leads to a problem for the future, to the extent of the participation of Latin America, as a grouping of states in the new configuration of international governance. Thus, in understanding the new forms of interstate relations, its construction and consolidation of its institutionalization stages, allowing for the model of the results of integration and multilateral relations in the region.

Att göra en rättvis prissättning av aktier vid en börsintroduktion kan vara svårt och det är i företagens, emissionsinstitutens och investerarnas intresse att detta sker. Rådande informationsasymmetri leder ofta till att aktier underprissätts för att locka investerare att delta vid en börsintroduktion. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka skillnader i aktiekursens utveckling den första handelsdagen på de officiella och de inofficiella börslistorna för att se om varierande krav på informationsutgivning och marknadsvärde har en påverkande faktor. De officiella börslistorna som undersöks är Nasdaq Small, Mid och Large Cap, medan de inofficiella börslistorna är First North och Spotlight. Undersökningens resultat visar att företagens marknadsvärde inte har en betydande påverkan på aktiekursutvecklingen den första handelsdagen då samtliga börslistor på Nasdaq hade en liknande utveckling samt andel underprissatta aktier. Detta trots att kravet på marknadsvärde för att noteras på dessa börslistor skiljer sig markant. De olika börslistornas krav gällande informationsutgivning har visat sig ha en betydande påverkan på aktiekursutvecklingen. Resultatet visar även att inofficiella börslistor har en större spridning av aktiekursutvecklingar där det förekom mycket höga under- och överprissättningar. Detta innebär att investerare som deltar vid en börsintroduktion på First North och Spotlight tar högre risk samt har möjlighet till högre avkastning. / Pricing shares for an upcoming IPO can be difficult and it is in the companies’, theInvestment Bank’s and investor’s interest that the shares are fairly priced. The current information asymmetry often results in companies underpricing their shares to attract investors to participate in an upcoming IPO. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the difference in share performance on the first trading day between different stock lists on the Swedish IPO market. This is done in order to see if the different listing requirements, such as information publishing and market capitalization, are important factors for the underpricing of shares. The different stock lists that have been analyzed are Small, Mid and Large Capfrom Nasdaq OMX Stockholm which are all official stock lists, as well as the Multilateral Trading Facilities (MTF) First North and Spotlight. The result of this study shows that market capitalization doesn’t affect the pricing of shares for upcoming IPOs. This because there was minor differences between the different official stock lists Small, Mid and Large Cap, eventhough the required market capitalization to get listed are very different. The different requirements regarding information publishing however, have shown leads to more inaccurately priced shares. The result shows that MTFs’ such as First North and Spotlight experience a wider range of pricing where the average under- and overpricing är very high.This means a higher risk for the investor, but also the potential for higher returns.