This thesis examines the interaction of Georgian painting and national politics in the first two decades of Soviet power in Georgia, 1921-1939, focussing in particular on the period following the consolidation of Stalin's power at the helm of the Communist Party in 1926-7. In the Stalin era, Georgians enjoyed special status among Soviet nations thanks to Georgia's prestige as the place of Stalin's birth. However, Georgians' advanced sense of their national sovereignty and initial hostility towards Bolshevik control following Georgia's Sovietisation in 1921 also resulted in Georgia's uniquely fraught relationship with Soviet power in Moscow in the decades that followed. In light of these circumstances, this thesis explores how and why the experience and activities of Georgian painters between 1926 and 1939 differed from those of other Soviet artists. One of its central arguments is that the experiences of Georgian artists and critics in this period not only differed significantly from those of artists and critics of other republics, but that the uniqueness of their experience was precipitated by a complex network of factors resulting from the interaction of various political imperatives and practical circumstances, including those relating to Soviet national politics. Chapter one of this thesis introduces the key institutions and individuals involved in producing, evaluating and setting the direction of Georgian painting in the 1920s and early 1930s. Chapters two and three show that artists and critics in Georgia as well as commentators in Moscow in the 1920s and 30s were actively engaged in efforts to interpret the Party's demand for 'national form' in Soviet culture and to suggest what that form might entail as regards Georgian painting. However, contradictions inherent in Soviet nationalities policy, which both demanded the active cultivation of cultural difference between Soviet nationalities and eagerly anticipated a time when national distinctions in all spheres would naturally disappear, made it impossible for an appropriate interpretation of 'national form' to be identified. Chapter three, moreover, demonstrates how frequent shifts in Soviet cultural and nationalities policies presented Moscow institutions with a range of practical challenges which ultimately prevented them from reflecting in their exhibitions and publications the contemporary artistic activity taking place in the republics of the Caucasus and Central Asia. A key finding of chapters four and five concerns the uniquely significant role that Lavrenty Beria, Stalin's ruthless deputy and the head of the Georgian and Transcaucasian Party organisations, played in differentiating Georgian painters' experiences from those of Soviet artists of other nationalities. Beginning in 1934, Beria employed Georgian painters to produce an exhibition of monumental paintings, opening at the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow in 1937, depicting episodes from his own falsified history of Stalin's role in the revolutionary movement in Transcaucasia. As this thesis shows, the production of the exhibition introduced an unprecedented degree of direct Party supervision over Georgian painting as Beria personally critiqued works by Georgian painters produced on prescribed narrative subjects in a centralised collective studio. As well as representing a major contribution to Stalin's personality cult, the exhibition, which conferred on Georgian painters special responsibility for representing Stalin and his activities, was also a public statement of the special status that the Georgians were now to enjoy, second only to that of the Russians. However, this special status involved both special privileges and special responsibilities. Georgians would enjoy special access to opportunities in Moscow and a special degree of autonomy in local governance, but in return they were required to lead the way in declaring allegiance to the Stalin regime. Chapter six returns to the debate about 'national form' in Georgian painting by examining how the pre-Revolutionary self-taught Georgian painter, Niko Pirosmani, was discussed by cultural commentators in Georgia and Moscow in the 1920s and 30s as a source informing a Soviet or Soviet Georgian canon of painting. It shows that, in addition to presenting views on the suitability of Pirosmani's painting either in terms of its formal or class content, commentators perpetuated and developed a cult of Pirosmani steeped in stereotypes of a Georgian 'national character.' Further, the establishment of this cult during the late 1920s and early 1930s seems to have been a primary reason for the painter's subsequent canonisation in the second half of the 1930s as a 'Great Tradition' of Soviet Georgian culture. It helped to articulate a version of Georgian national identity that was at once familiar and gratifying for Georgians and useful for the Soviet regime. The combined impression of cultural sovereignty embodied in this and other 'Great Traditions' of Soviet Georgian culture and the special status articulated through the 1937 exhibition allowed Georgian nationalism to be aligned, for a time, with support for Stalin and the Soviet regime.

張羣(1889-1990),是蔣中正幕僚群中的關鍵人物,歷任上海市市長、湖 北省主席、外交部長、四川省主席及行政院長等職。但涉及張羣的相關歷史研究 並不多。 本文聚焦張羣任上海市市長時期(1929 年 4 月至 1932 年 1 月)。對於張羣 的著述、蔣中正相關資料、檔案、當時的報刊等史料,加以分析比對並分類歸納。 通過厘清張羣任上海市市長期間相關行事,筆者認為張羣本欲在市政上有所作為, 也初步解決了市政上面臨的困難。但蔣中正對上海的政治期望並非市政建設,而 是上海的治安問題;當國家有難,蔣中正需要張羣運用他善於遊說地方勢力的縱 橫捭闔的政治手腕為他掃清屏障。張羣被要求頻繁奔波在非市政的領域,最終導 致了他在上海市市長任內的市政建設成果慘澹。 筆者試圖以此為基礎,探討張羣之政治才幹、張羣與蔣中正之關係、市長 張羣和中央執行委員張羣雙重身份下的張力等議題,以期能對理解張羣其人及訓 政初期的國民政府政治生態有所貢獻。 / Chang Chun(1889-1990) was one of the most important lieutenants of Chiang Kai-shek. He followed Chiang’s political path and took the position as Shanghai Mayor, the Chairman of Hupei Province, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Chairman of Sichuan Province and the Premier of the country. Even though he played an important role in modern China, the study of Chang Chun is not sufficient today. This dissertation will focus on Chang’s Shanghai Mayor period (From April 1929 to January 1932). By collecting Chang’s works, the archive of Chiang Kai-shek and newspapers at that time, a most comprehensive viewing of what Chang did in and outside his mayor duty could be made. This dissertation makes clear that Chang wanted to do something on municipal administration on his position as Shanghai Mayor, and he preliminarily succeed to conquer the problems met. However, Chiang paid more attention on public order than municipal construction, which Chang focused on, in Shanghai. When the nation were in trouble,Chiang needed Chang to use his powerful social ability on lobbying the local power. As Chang was always forced to do some tasks outside Shanghai, his municipal construction was always not on the plan. On the basis of these arguments, I want to discuss Chang’s intelligence in politics, the relationship of Chang and Chiang and the roles of Chang as mayor and central executive committee at the same time, in order to learn more about Chang Chun, as well as the political circumstance of early national government.

Este trabalho consiste num ensaio sobre democracia cuja interface principal é construída em torno do tema do governar em saúde. Parte-se de uma formulação que configura duas vertentes de modos de ação distintas no contexto das lutas do setor saúde, diferença fundada nas respectivas concepções de democracia. A atuação do movimento sanitário em espaços de governos é abordada criticamente e o próprio conceito de movimento sanitário é ressignificado a partir de uma compreensão multitudinária. Nesse sentido, o referencial teórico sobre democracia trabalhado por Michal Hardt embasa uma diferenciação que procura delinear duas maneiras de operar a gestão do Estado. Por um lado, uma vertente de modos de ação administrativos, cujo referencial de democracia se foca na construção de um aparato técnicoinstitucional privilegiando uma política da técnica. Por outro, uma vertente de modos de ação multitudinários, cuja compreensão de democracia reconhece os diversos sujeitos (usuários, trabalhadores, gestores, movimentos sociais, etc.) como construtores do SUS e os convida a produzir as ações de saúde de maneira compartilhada, privilegiando uma política democrática. O trabalho argumentativo realizado se apoia em dois elementos principais: o primeiro, um trabalho de pesquisa e estudo teórico-conceitual que procurou abordar a temática da gestão, da democracia e da construção do SUS tanto no campo da saúde quanto no campo da teoria política. O segundo elemento se situa em torno da reflexão sobre a Política Nacional de Educação Permanente em Saúde. Esta política propunha uma mudança na maneira de produzir as ações de educação em saúde, a partir do conceito de educação permanente, o qual foi significado na política como expressando uma mudança nas práticas educativas, por um lado e, por outro, como dispositivo de democratização da própria gestão, na medida em que implicava uma ampliação da participação política de novos atores. Realizou-se uma pesquisa empírica com entrevistas, análise de documentos e do posicionamento de atores envolvidos contemplando duas dimensões: de um lado, foram abordados aspectos da experiência em âmbito nacional e, de outro, foi estudada a construção de um pólo de educação permanente, o qual constituía a principal proposta de dispositivo democratizador da gestão da referida política. A argumentação realizada a partir do material coletado aponta que a proposta da política se inscreve no contexto de um profundo desejo de democratização de um grupo que esteve no Ministério da Saúde entre janeiro de 2003 e julho de 2005, investindo, ao menos discursivamente, a segunda vertente de modos de atuação presente no movimento sanitário. Esse desejo, entretanto, foi atravessado pelo peso da maneira como se constroem historicamente as práticas cotidianas, as relações políticas. Problema este que não diz respeito nem à proposta, nem tampouco aos indivíduos que pessoalmente se envolveram e se implicaram com a política, mas aos próprios desafios que estão na ordem do dia no sentido de produzir um mundo mais democrático. Por fim, são propostos novos debates a partir do referencial da micropolítica e da democracia como modo de vida, no sentido de assumir a ingovernabilidade da vida (e, portanto, da gestão em saúde), colocando a democracia no cerne da produção da saúde e abandonando a estratégia e a hegemonia como elementos essenciais das lutas por saúde / This thesis is an essay on democracy, whose main interface is built around the theme of health management, or rather, the rule in health. It starts with a formulation that sets up two strands of different modes of action in the context of the struggles of the health sector, whose main difference is founded in their ways to realize the concepts of democracy. The performance of the sanitary movement in government spaces is critically discussed and the concept of health movement is reinterpreted from a multitudinous comprehension. In this sense, the theoretical framework on democracy by Michal Hardt (from Thomas Jefferson and other authors of the left revolutionary tradition) that underlies a differentiation seeks to outline two ways to operate the State management. On the one hand, a strand of modes of administrative action, whose democracy framework focuses on the construction of a technical and institutional device emphasizing a technique politics. On the other, a focus on modes of multitudinous action, whose understanding of democracy recognizes the different subjects (users, workers, managers, social movements, etc.) as builders of the SUS and invites them to produce health actions in a joint manner, focusing on democratic politics. The argumentative work rests on two main elements: first, a research work and theoretical and conceptual study that sought to address the issue of management, democracy and the construction of SUS both in health and in the field of political theory. The second element is around the reflection on the National Politics on Continuing Health Education. This politics proposed a change in the way of producing health education actions from the concept of continuing education, which in politics expressed a shift in educational practices, on the one hand and, secondly, as a device for democratization of management, in that it implied a broadening of political participation of new actors. We carried out an empirical research including interviews, analysis of documents and of actors positions comprising two dimensions: on one hand, we approached the nationwide experience and the other, we studied the construction of a center for permanent education, which was the main proposal for a democratizing device for that policy management. The argument made from the material collected shows that the policy proposal fits the context of a deep desire for democratization of a group that stayed in the Health Ministry between January 2003 and July 2005, investing, at least discursively, the second strand of modes of action in this health movement. This desire, however, was all the time crossed by the weight of how to build daily practices, political relations historically. This problem does not relate to the proposal, nor to individuals who personally engaged and got involved with that politics, but to the very challenges that are on the agenda in order to produce a more democratic world. Finally, further discussions are proposed from the micropolitics and democracy benchmark as a way of life, to take the ungovernability of life (and thus of health management), placing democracy at the heart of health production and abandoning the strategy and hegemony as essential elements of the struggle for health

Este trabalho consiste num ensaio sobre democracia cuja interface principal é construída em torno do tema do governar em saúde. Parte-se de uma formulação que configura duas vertentes de modos de ação distintas no contexto das lutas do setor saúde, diferença fundada nas respectivas concepções de democracia. A atuação do movimento sanitário em espaços de governos é abordada criticamente e o próprio conceito de movimento sanitário é ressignificado a partir de uma compreensão multitudinária. Nesse sentido, o referencial teórico sobre democracia trabalhado por Michal Hardt embasa uma diferenciação que procura delinear duas maneiras de operar a gestão do Estado. Por um lado, uma vertente de modos de ação administrativos, cujo referencial de democracia se foca na construção de um aparato técnicoinstitucional privilegiando uma política da técnica. Por outro, uma vertente de modos de ação multitudinários, cuja compreensão de democracia reconhece os diversos sujeitos (usuários, trabalhadores, gestores, movimentos sociais, etc.) como construtores do SUS e os convida a produzir as ações de saúde de maneira compartilhada, privilegiando uma política democrática. O trabalho argumentativo realizado se apoia em dois elementos principais: o primeiro, um trabalho de pesquisa e estudo teórico-conceitual que procurou abordar a temática da gestão, da democracia e da construção do SUS tanto no campo da saúde quanto no campo da teoria política. O segundo elemento se situa em torno da reflexão sobre a Política Nacional de Educação Permanente em Saúde. Esta política propunha uma mudança na maneira de produzir as ações de educação em saúde, a partir do conceito de educação permanente, o qual foi significado na política como expressando uma mudança nas práticas educativas, por um lado e, por outro, como dispositivo de democratização da própria gestão, na medida em que implicava uma ampliação da participação política de novos atores. Realizou-se uma pesquisa empírica com entrevistas, análise de documentos e do posicionamento de atores envolvidos contemplando duas dimensões: de um lado, foram abordados aspectos da experiência em âmbito nacional e, de outro, foi estudada a construção de um pólo de educação permanente, o qual constituía a principal proposta de dispositivo democratizador da gestão da referida política. A argumentação realizada a partir do material coletado aponta que a proposta da política se inscreve no contexto de um profundo desejo de democratização de um grupo que esteve no Ministério da Saúde entre janeiro de 2003 e julho de 2005, investindo, ao menos discursivamente, a segunda vertente de modos de atuação presente no movimento sanitário. Esse desejo, entretanto, foi atravessado pelo peso da maneira como se constroem historicamente as práticas cotidianas, as relações políticas. Problema este que não diz respeito nem à proposta, nem tampouco aos indivíduos que pessoalmente se envolveram e se implicaram com a política, mas aos próprios desafios que estão na ordem do dia no sentido de produzir um mundo mais democrático. Por fim, são propostos novos debates a partir do referencial da micropolítica e da democracia como modo de vida, no sentido de assumir a ingovernabilidade da vida (e, portanto, da gestão em saúde), colocando a democracia no cerne da produção da saúde e abandonando a estratégia e a hegemonia como elementos essenciais das lutas por saúde / This thesis is an essay on democracy, whose main interface is built around the theme of health management, or rather, the rule in health. It starts with a formulation that sets up two strands of different modes of action in the context of the struggles of the health sector, whose main difference is founded in their ways to realize the concepts of democracy. The performance of the sanitary movement in government spaces is critically discussed and the concept of health movement is reinterpreted from a multitudinous comprehension. In this sense, the theoretical framework on democracy by Michal Hardt (from Thomas Jefferson and other authors of the left revolutionary tradition) that underlies a differentiation seeks to outline two ways to operate the State management. On the one hand, a strand of modes of administrative action, whose democracy framework focuses on the construction of a technical and institutional device emphasizing a technique politics. On the other, a focus on modes of multitudinous action, whose understanding of democracy recognizes the different subjects (users, workers, managers, social movements, etc.) as builders of the SUS and invites them to produce health actions in a joint manner, focusing on democratic politics. The argumentative work rests on two main elements: first, a research work and theoretical and conceptual study that sought to address the issue of management, democracy and the construction of SUS both in health and in the field of political theory. The second element is around the reflection on the National Politics on Continuing Health Education. This politics proposed a change in the way of producing health education actions from the concept of continuing education, which in politics expressed a shift in educational practices, on the one hand and, secondly, as a device for democratization of management, in that it implied a broadening of political participation of new actors. We carried out an empirical research including interviews, analysis of documents and of actors positions comprising two dimensions: on one hand, we approached the nationwide experience and the other, we studied the construction of a center for permanent education, which was the main proposal for a democratizing device for that policy management. The argument made from the material collected shows that the policy proposal fits the context of a deep desire for democratization of a group that stayed in the Health Ministry between January 2003 and July 2005, investing, at least discursively, the second strand of modes of action in this health movement. This desire, however, was all the time crossed by the weight of how to build daily practices, political relations historically. This problem does not relate to the proposal, nor to individuals who personally engaged and got involved with that politics, but to the very challenges that are on the agenda in order to produce a more democratic world. Finally, further discussions are proposed from the micropolitics and democracy benchmark as a way of life, to take the ungovernability of life (and thus of health management), placing democracy at the heart of health production and abandoning the strategy and hegemony as essential elements of the struggle for health

The multifunctional approach of the agriculture articulates genuinely with the premises institutionalized by the current National Politics of Water Resources, which both result of a logic that looks for to assist to the forts social appeals for the environmental protection and for practices returned to the maintainable development. Before these events, this dissertation approaches as the segment of irrigate rice producers, one of the main users of water resources, they notices the new social demands on the rural, more specifically the environmental. Also it approaches the potential that the adoptions of an economical instrument in the administration of the water tend to influence the users to seek maintainable forms of use of this resource, promoting changes attitudinal in their agricultural practices. The investigation universe was composed by twenty rice producer with farms located in the municipality of Cacequi/RS, which it bases the larger part of its financial income based in the production of irrigated rice. As methodological contribution was used the qualitative approach tends as tools of collection of data through the use of questionnaires and the accomplishment of semi-structured interviews. The study showed that the majority of the rice producers consider the environmental function of the farmer as merely legal obligation. Also it is noticed that, case did not have a rigid legislation and, mainly, if it not intimately harnessed to the monetary logic, it had little change there would be in the posture of these people front to their professional practices that they interfere negatively in the ambient. Although the majority of the irritant rice producers agree that the subject of the water deserves cares, in general, they disagree with the new juridical ordainment that it regulates the use of such a natural resource. The interviewees rice producers evaluate the charge for the reception and use of the water as an instrument merely ornament and without practical efficacy. The great difficulty of this segment of to perceive the agriculture for a logic multifunctional, that it goes besides the production of foods capable to contemplate other functions for the farmer and the agriculture in the contemporary world. The logic that is guiding these rice producers is still of the agriculture as mere cutting of the sectoral economy. / A abordagem multifuncional da agricultura articula-se genuinamente com as premissas institucionalizadas pela atual Política Nacional de Recursos Hídricos, sendo ambas resultado de uma lógica que busca atender aos fortes apelos sociais pela proteção ambiental e por práticas voltadas ao desenvolvimento sustentável. Frente a esta conjuntura, a presente dissertação aborda como o segmento de orizicultores irrigantes, um dos principais usuários de recursos hídricos, percebe as novas demandas sociais sobre o rural, mais especificamente a ambiental. Também busca analisar empiricamente o potencial que a adoção de um instrumento econômico na gestão das águas tem de influenciar os usuários a buscarem formas mais sustentáveis de uso deste recurso, promovendo mudanças atitudinais em suas práticas agrícolas. O universo de investigação foi composto por vinte orizicultores com lavouras situadas no município de Cacequi/RS, o qual baseia grande parte de sua receita financeira pautada na produção de arroz irrigado. Como aporte metodológico utilizou-se a abordagem qualitativa tendo como ferramentas de coleta de dados o uso de questionários e a realização de entrevistas semi-estruturadas. O estudo mostrou que a maior parte dos orizicultores trata a função ambiental do agricultor meramente como uma obrigatoriedade legal. Também se pôde perceber que, caso não houvesse uma rígida legislação e, principalmente, se esta não estivesse intimamente atrelada à lógica monetária, haveria pouca mudança na postura destes sujeitos frente às suas práticas profissionais que interferem negativamente no ambiente. Embora a maior parte dos orizicultores concorde que a questão da água merece cuidados, de modo geral, mostram-se inconformados com o novo ordenamento jurídico que regula o uso de tal recurso natural. Os orizicultores entrevistados avaliam a cobrança pela captação e uso da água como um instrumento meramente arrecadatório e sem eficácia prática. Transparece a grande dificuldade deste segmento de vislumbrar a agricultura por uma lógica multifuncional, que vá além da produção de alimentos, capaz de contemplar outros papéis para o agricultor e a agricultura no mundo contemporâneo. A lógica que está orientando estes orizicultores ainda é a da agricultura como mero recorte setorial da economia.

The master thesis called "Antisemitism in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia" is describing, based on historical events, progress of solution of the Jewish question in the occupied Czech lands during the Second world war. In the first chapter the author describes the main events of the Jewish minority life in the protectorate. Jews had lost all their personal rights and discrimination in this regard was almost unbearable. German Nazism developed and at the same time realized "final solution" of the Jewish question. This term signified euphemistic name for the physical extermination of the Jewish nation. The second chapter devotes to the analysis of the press. The most important part of the whole thesis introduces three collaborationist periodicals from protectorate, which were chosen by author. They are called: Zteč (Assault), Árijský boj (Arya fight) and Národní politika (National politics). Construction of the Terezin concentration camp and subsequent life in it describes the last and the third chapter. This ghetto meant an important part of the whole Jewish question and its solution. Although the transports to eastern areas took place here, some Jews arranged better life through cultural activities and illegal educational activities. One of the specifics of Terezín was also the role that the camp played in the Nazi propaganda.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MariadoPerpetuoSRSS.pdf: 518522 bytes, checksum: e45fcc7edf8ea9b7139be14be00249ce (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-06-15 / This work was developed in the extent of the Post Graduation Program in Social Service of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte. It talks about the process of inclusion of the disabled people in the Job market in Mossor?-RN, bringing for the academic debate relevant thematic for the Brazilian society, for the profession of Social Service and similar areas and for the people with deficiency. It has the objective to apprehend the determiners that make possible the process of the disabled people's inclusion in the Job market in Mossor?, having as parameter the National Politics for the Integration of People Bearers of Deficiency. The critical theoretical perspective is backed in Marx's ideas for the understanding concerning the work, as well as in Pochamann, concerning the job market, regarding the exclusion/inclusion category is based in Martins, Yasbek and Sposati and on deficiency in the National Politics for the Integration of the Disabled People. The research is of qualitative nature and it took as subjects 26 (twenty-six) people, being 09 (nine) people with deficiency, inserted in the formal job and regulated market, and 17 (seventeen) managers of private companies and public institutions of the city of Mossor?-RN. For the collection of data we used techniques of nonsystemic observation, semi-structured interview and documental analysis. The results of the research mark that any modality of the human workforce used in the current context, they are functional to the capitalism and they move forward towards exploration, alienation and subordination of the work to the capital; the National Politics for the Integration of the People with Deficiency expresses and reproduces the contradictory dynamics of the class society, it reflects the neo liberal shades through the selectivity and of the articulation among the federated beings and organizations of the civil society for its operational system; there is a misproportion between the percentages of the quotas and the amount of people with deficiency inserted in the job market, just corresponding to a tiny numeric magnitude; the developed activities are of low social status and it is expressive the amount of workers that receives between one and two minimum wages. These data drive us to infer that the mentioned politics make possible, partly, the inclusion of the disabled people in the job market, though, such inclusion is executed in the selective or focused dimensions, marginal, precarious and unstable / Este trabalho foi desenvolvido no ?mbito do Programa de P?s-Gradua??o em Servi?o Social da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. Trata do processo de inclus?o de pessoas com defici?ncia no Mercado de Trabalho em Mossor?-RN, trazendo para o debate acad?mico tem?tica relevante para a sociedade brasileira, para a profiss?o de Servi?o Social e ?reas afins e para as pessoa com defici?ncia. Objetiva apreender os determinantes que viabilizam o processo de inclus?o das pessoas com defici?ncia no Mercado de Trabalho em Mossor?, tendo como par?metro a Pol?tica Nacional para a Integra??o de Pessoas Portadoras de Defici?ncia. A perspectiva te?rica cr?tica que perpassa este trabalho respalda-se nas id?ias de Marx para a compreens?o acerca do trabalho, bem como em Pochmann, Antunes acerca do mercado de trabalho, a respeito da categoria exclus?o/inclus?o fundamenta-se em Martins, Yasbek e Sposati e sobre defici?ncia na Pol?tica Nacional para a Integra??o das Pessoas Portadoras de Defici?ncia. A pesquisa ? de natureza qualitativa e tomou como sujeitos investigativos 26 (vinte e seis) pessoas, sendo 09 (nove) pessoas com defici?ncia, inseridas no mercado de trabalho formal e regulamentado, e 17 (dezessete) gestores de empresas privadas e institui??es p?blicas da cidade de Mossor?-RN. Para a coleta de dados utilizamos t?cnicas de observa??o assistem?tica, entrevista semi-estruturada e an?lise documental. Os resultados da pesquisa assinalam que sejam quais forem as modalidades de utiliza??o da for?a de trabalho humano no atual contexto, elas s?o preponderantemente funcionais ao capitalismo e avan?am em dire??o a explora??o, aliena??o e subordina??o do trabalho ao capital; a Pol?tica Nacional para a Integra??o das Pessoas com Defici?ncia expressa e reproduz a din?mica contradit?ria da sociedade de classe, reflete os matizes neoliberais atrav?s da seletividade e da articula??o entre os entes federados e organiza??es da sociedade civil para a sua operacionaliza??o; h? uma desproporcionalidade entre os percentuais das cotas e a quantidade de pessoas com defici?ncia inseridas no mercado de trabalho, correspondendo apenas a uma ?nfima magnitude num?rica; as atividades desenvolvidas s?o de baixo status social e ? expressiva a quantidade de trabalhadores que recebe entre um a dois sal?rios m?nimos. Estes dados conduzem-nos a inferir que a citada pol?tica viabiliza, em parte, a inclus?o das pessoas com defici?ncia no mercado de trabalho, uma vez que, tal inclus?o efetiva-se nas dimens?es seletiva ou focalizada, marginal, prec?ria e inst?vel

Esta dissertação foca o processo de reorganização das ações e serviços de saúde bucal no estado do Rio de Janeiro. Este processo, em tese, deve ser orientado pelas diretrizes da Política Nacional de Saúde Bucal (PNSB) que priorizam a atenção básica em saúde bucal através da Estratégia Saúde da Família e ampliam a atenção em saúde bucal na média e alta complexidades. O Ministério da Saúde lança mão de incentivos financeiros para induzir, sob condições específicas, a adesão às diretrizes formuladas pela Política Nacional de Saúde Bucal (PNSB) e assim promover um processo de reorganização da atenção à saúde bucal nas esferas subnacionais. O núcleo deste trabalho tem por base uma pesquisa que analisa um amplo espectro de dados sobre os serviços e as ações de saúde bucal realizadas pelo conjunto dos municípios do estado do Rio de Janeiro no período de janeiro de 1998 a dezembro de 2007. As principais conclusões da pesquisa apontam para o caráter inconcluso do processo de reorganização da atenção em saúde bucal na grande maioria dos municípios estudados e para a necessidade de uma ação conjunta entre as autoridades sanitárias das esferas federal, estadual e municipal orientada para promover uma efetiva melhoria das condições de saúde da população tal como é a proposta da PNSB. / This thesis focuses the process of reorganization of the oral care services in Rio de Janeiro State, Brazil. This process is supposed to follow the so called Política Nacional de Saúde Bucal [Brazilian Oral Health National Politics], whose main proposals are to prioritize primary care as part of the Family Health Strategy and to improve secondary care in oral health services in all levels of complexity. The Health Ministry uses financial incentives to stimulate local governments to adopt, under specific conditions, the guidelines to re-organize oral care services. The core of the present thesis is a research on the re-organization of oral care services carried out by the 92 local governments which form Rio de Janeiro State, from January 1998 to December 2007. It analyzes oral health services in all these municipalities. The main conclusions are that re-organization of oral care services following this politics principles and guidelines is an endless process for most of the municipalities being studied. The research also presents, as secondary conclusion, that federal health authorities must act together with other federal, state and local health authorities to improve the populations oral health conditions, as proposed by the Brazilian Oral Health National Politics.

Esta dissertação foca o processo de reorganização das ações e serviços de saúde bucal no estado do Rio de Janeiro. Este processo, em tese, deve ser orientado pelas diretrizes da Política Nacional de Saúde Bucal (PNSB) que priorizam a atenção básica em saúde bucal através da Estratégia Saúde da Família e ampliam a atenção em saúde bucal na média e alta complexidades. O Ministério da Saúde lança mão de incentivos financeiros para induzir, sob condições específicas, a adesão às diretrizes formuladas pela Política Nacional de Saúde Bucal (PNSB) e assim promover um processo de reorganização da atenção à saúde bucal nas esferas subnacionais. O núcleo deste trabalho tem por base uma pesquisa que analisa um amplo espectro de dados sobre os serviços e as ações de saúde bucal realizadas pelo conjunto dos municípios do estado do Rio de Janeiro no período de janeiro de 1998 a dezembro de 2007. As principais conclusões da pesquisa apontam para o caráter inconcluso do processo de reorganização da atenção em saúde bucal na grande maioria dos municípios estudados e para a necessidade de uma ação conjunta entre as autoridades sanitárias das esferas federal, estadual e municipal orientada para promover uma efetiva melhoria das condições de saúde da população tal como é a proposta da PNSB. / This thesis focuses the process of reorganization of the oral care services in Rio de Janeiro State, Brazil. This process is supposed to follow the so called Política Nacional de Saúde Bucal [Brazilian Oral Health National Politics], whose main proposals are to prioritize primary care as part of the Family Health Strategy and to improve secondary care in oral health services in all levels of complexity. The Health Ministry uses financial incentives to stimulate local governments to adopt, under specific conditions, the guidelines to re-organize oral care services. The core of the present thesis is a research on the re-organization of oral care services carried out by the 92 local governments which form Rio de Janeiro State, from January 1998 to December 2007. It analyzes oral health services in all these municipalities. The main conclusions are that re-organization of oral care services following this politics principles and guidelines is an endless process for most of the municipalities being studied. The research also presents, as secondary conclusion, that federal health authorities must act together with other federal, state and local health authorities to improve the populations oral health conditions, as proposed by the Brazilian Oral Health National Politics.

This research contributes a detailed personal account of a FEMEN activist. It presents an autophenomenographic analysis of cultural artefacts, including a Retrospective Diary, resulting from the activity of Yelena Myshko in FEMEN between 2012 and 2014. Previously FEMEN has been used as raw material for external analysis by press and academics to fit their individual agendas. To counteract this, Myshko’s research proposes an insider perspective on FEMEN activism. She writes herself in response to academics and FEMEN leader Inna Shevchenko who ignore the contribution of FEMEN Netherlands. Myshko merges author/researcher/researched and uses evocative storytelling to provide an introspective account of sextremism, connecting it to relevant embodiment concepts that illustrate its technology of empowerment and unintended side effects.   Through an autophenomenographic analysis of her personal experience, Myshko suggests how FEMEN employs sextremism to create soldiers of feminism. Her research proposes that sextremism is an attitude, a way of life and technology of resistance. For Myshko, sextremism embodies feminist polemic that turns against patriarchy through topless protest. Through personal accounts she illustrates how she internalized this aggressive femininity during physical and mental training. Myshko argues that in protest FEMEN activists communicate to the public and mobilize new activists through feminist snap. In addition, Myshko observes that sextremism produces visual activism that internalizes feminist polemic and transforms it into figurative storytelling. Myshko explains how she reproduced sextremism through body image that made her assertive and empowered her in action.   In turn Myshko demonstrates how personal accounts of sextremist embodiment and problems encountered as a woman in the world reproduce FEMEN’s fight in the media. Myshko analysis interviews with the press where she pinpoints topical feminist issues, making FEMEN real and relevant in Western society. Myshko observes that the media appropriated the spectacle created by FEMEN Netherlands but often distorted it and bend the news to fit its own agenda. In addition, the media criticized FEMEN Netherlands for cross-passing national values and power symbols. For Myshko, sextremism is empowering but also destructive. It promotes an unapologetic self-critical attitude that accumulates collateral damage in battle. The sporadic and restrained relationships between activists does not allow intimacy. Because of the eye of the media, tenderness is perceived as weakness and is not aloud. The combination of criticism, media scrutiny and police persecution hurt Myshko’s feelings. These unresolved feelings of hurt led to resentment and disengagement from FEMEN.