The ‘Volk en Vaderland’ (VoVa) weekly newspaper served as the principal propaganda tool which allowed the Dutch fascist organisation National Socialist Movement – Netherlands (NSB) to propagate a meticulous blend of antisemitic, anti-Marxist and anti-‘establishment’ conspiracy theories, operating in complementary capacity to the ill-defined palingenetic vision of Dutch national rebirth (‘palingenesis’). Later in the wartime collaboration years, the various components of Dutch fascism were concretised (‘finished’) not by the NSB but by the Berlin-directed civilian occupation regime. As will be presented, utilising mixed-methods content analysis, VoVa’s double scrutiny in both a quantitative and qualitative examination points to the conclusion that the collaboration period had a stout germanisation effect on the completion and even replacement of the various facets of the initial NSB ideology: With pan-Dutch nationalism becoming increasingly outphased by pan-Germanicism; anti-jewish measures being introduced in the Netherlands by Berlin supported by NSB propaganda; and, finally, the revitalisation of ‘abolitionist’ antisemitic and anti-Marxist rhetoric occurring in virtue of Hitler’s invasion of the USSR. Thus, skewing the expectations of the natural fascist development under a heuristic fascist studies theory model, with particular attention paid to the elements most relevant to Holocaust & genocide studies, the NSB case study alludes to various noteworthy effects of intra-fascist wartime collaboration, and how it completed or even altered the propagated visions for societal transformations and persecutions. Therein, the thesis finishes with the recommendation that other national fascist organisations across World War Two Europe may have suffered equal changes to their abolitionist and palingenetic agendas following intra-fascist wartime collaboration with Germany and Italy; requesting further research is engaged in on other such fascist organisations across Europe, and not only for the Dutch example now treated in this study.

The study deals with the life stories of six women and four men who were born in Germany and who now live in Sweden.  Its purpose is to examine the histories of those who grew up in Germany during and after the Nazi era, their descriptions of their lives and experiences during childhood and adolescence, and how they regard their encounters with Swedish people, and the ways in which these encounters have affected their ways of describing the growth of their attachment to this country. The main approach is a narrative analysis focussing on the interview interaction and the wider social and political contexts of their life stories. When speaking of their lives in the two countries they show varying degrees of attachment to the places involved. This is why I use the term “travellers” when describing how their feelings of “belonging” change. The theoretical concepts used are those of habitus and capitals derived from Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of practice, and Marianne Horsdal’s view that people often refer to the idea of a “good life” when relating their life stories. This concept can of course vary widely from one person to another. Nine of the group emigrated to Sweden voluntarily; the remaining one came here as a refugee after the end of the second World War.  The older ones - born between 1920 and 1940 - have memories of their early years in Nazi Germany and of the wartime period. The younger ones, born after 1950, have differing memories of childhood and adolescence spent in East and West Germany. Some of them lost close relatives during the war.  Those who came to Sweden during the late 1940s and the 1950s were met with very negative attitudes from some Swedes, while the later immigrants were treated with respect. / Tyskland i Sverige och Sverige i Tyskland

Jag har i min masteruppsats, utifrån ett begreppshistoriskt perspektiv med transnationell tillämpning, analyserat begreppsöverföringen och etableringen från begreppet Holocaust till det svenska ordet förintelsen med dess nya betydelse Förintelsen. Jag har även analyserat när, hur och vilka som befäste begreppet Förintelsen i svenskt språkbruk. Ordet och begreppet Holocaust Min analys visar att begreppet Holocaust överförs till Sverige och etableras i Sverige genom det svenska ordet och begreppet Förintelsen. Ordet och begreppet Förintelsen Mitt arbete presenterar ett resultat som kullkastar tidigare uppfattningar om etableringen av ordet och begreppet Förintelsen i svenskt språkbruk. Etableringen av ordet och begreppet Förintelsen genomfördes på följande sätt. Bonniers Förlag lanserade år 1978 en översättning av romanen Holocaust, i Sverige marknadsförd med titeln Förintelsen. År 1979 premiärvisade SVT den amerikanska tv-serien Holocaust, i Sverige marknadsförd med titeln Förintelsen. Tidningarna fylldes från år 1979 av artiklar om det nazistiska folkmordet på judar under andra världskriget med rubriken Förintelsen samtidigt som Skandinaviska Institutet för judisk utbildning och kultur producerade läromedel för Sveriges samtliga skolor och bibliotek under begreppet Förintelsen. År 1982 repriserades tv-serien Förintelsen, omgärdad av faktaprogram, allt under det samlande namnet Förintelsen. Ordet och begreppet Förintelsen hade slutligen, efter fyra års intensiv användning, slagit igenom i svenskt språkbruk. Mitt arbete visar att det fanns en samstämmighet, en gemensam vilja hos Bonniers Förlag, SVT, massmedia och judiska organisationer att benämna det nazistiska folkmordet på judar under andra världskriget under den gemensamma benämningen Förintelsen. Alla samverkade för att befästa ordet och begreppet Förintelsen. Jag har i mitt arbete visat att det inte enbart var titeln på en tv-serie som befäste begreppet Förintelsen i svenskt språkbruk. Det krävdes en omfattande samverkan för att etablera ordet och begreppet Förintelsen i Sverige såsom ett samlande begrepp för det nazistiska folkmordet på judar under andra världskriget. / In my master's thesis, from a conceptual historical perspective with transnational application, I have analyzed the concept transfer and the establishment from the concept of Holocaust to the Swedish word förintelsen with its new meaning Förintelsen. I have also analyzed when, how and who consolidated the concept of Förintelsen in Swedish language use. The word and the concept of the Holocaust My analysis shows that the concept of the Holocaust is transferred to Sweden and established in Sweden through the Swedish word and the concept of Förintelsen. The word and the concept of Förintelsen My work presents a result that overturns previous perceptions about the establishment of the word and the concept of Förintelsen in Swedish language. The establishment of the word and the concept of the Holocaust was carried out in the following way. Bonniers Förlag launched in 1978 a translation of the novel Holocaust, in Sweden marketed with the title Förintelsen.In 1979, SVT premiered the American television series Holocaust, in Sweden marketed with the title Förintelsen. From 1979, the newspapers were filled with articles about the Nazi genocide of Jews during World War II, entitled Förintelsen, while the Scandinavian Institute for Jewish Education and Culture produced teaching materials for all of Sweden's schools and libraries under the term Förintelsen. In 1982, the television series Förintelsen was repeated, surrounded by factual programs, all under the collective name Förintelsen. The word and the concept of Förintelsen had finally, after four years of intensive use, made its way into Swedish language. My work shows that there was a consensus, a common will at Bonniers Förlag, SVT, the media and Jewish organizations to name the Nazi genocide of Jews during World War II under the common name Förintelsen. Everyone worked together to consolidate the word and the concept of Förintelsen. In my work, I have shown that it was not only the title of a TV series that consolidated the concept of Förintelsen in Swedish language. Extensive collaboration was required to establish the word and concept of Förintelsen in Sweden as a unifying concept for the Nazi genocide of Jews during World War II.

The aim of the diploma thesis is the understanding of Nazi ideology in the context of the political science by second degree students of primary school. In the theoretical part is analyzed concept of political science curriculum in the curriculum of civics educational area of Human and society RVP ZV with focusing on the theme - Nazi ideology. There are explained basic concepts of this issue - curriculum, framework educational program, political education and ideology and their types. You will also find current communication research, which dealing with the evolution of the political thinking of second degree students of primary school. In the practical part of this work is working with selected group of students, so that can diagnose (based on own investigation) how these students understand the problems of ideology focusing on Nazism. The selected group consists of students of the ninth grade of primary school. In this section is described the preparation, realization, presentation and subsequent interpretation of qualitative research, which took the form of semi-structured interviews with students. The second important point in the practical part is the training center of Memorial Lidice. There is described and didactically analyzed the current educational program of the Memorial. This very...

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-02-08T12:52:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Bianka Adamatti_.pdf: 3632958 bytes, checksum: d7841a2a9752766a6c3115f7c060c296 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-08T12:52:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bianka Adamatti_.pdf: 3632958 bytes, checksum: d7841a2a9752766a6c3115f7c060c296 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-30 / CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O regime imposto pelo nacional-socialismo de 1933 a 1945 guarda semelhanças com as dominações coloniais exercidas durante a modernidade, por todo o discurso de inferiorização dos indivíduos produzido e técnicas semelhantes aos dos métodos colonizatórios empregados pela Europa Ocidental. Diante do exposto, o objetivo dessa dissertação consiste em verificar se na Lei de Proteção ao Sangue Alemão e à Honra Alemã e no Primeiro Decreto Suplementar de 14 de novembro de 1935 existem indicadores de discurso colonial, através da análise de conteúdo, com suporte do método histórico e levantamento bibliográfico. As referidas legislações são de cunho racista e segregaram, a partir da sua vigência, todos os judeus que estivessem em território alemão, incluindo o ocupado após o início da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Verifica-se que vários métodos discursivos na Alemanha nazista, tiveram sua gênese na modernidade, com a adoção dos termos sangue impuro e racialmente inferior, referindo-se a judeus e outros considerados racialmente inferiores. O nacional-socialismo também se espelhou no laboratório experimental realizado no Sudoeste Africano (atual Namíbia), que foi colônia alemã do final do século XIX até o ano de 1915. Os primeiros campos de concentração, a modernização de tecnologia de estudos sobre hierarquia racial e as legislações restritivas de casamento entre nativos e germânicos foram exemplos de práticas que foram aperfeiçoadas anos depois, com a ascensão de Hitler. Tal e qual como no continente africano, o leste europeu foi o palco dos campos de extermínio nazistas e utilizado para estudos (pseudo)científicos com cobaias humanas. Para atingir este desiderato, a metodologia que sustenta o desenvolvimento dessa dissertação foi o de análise de conteúdo, com a finalidade de captar os discursos ocultos no conteúdo do texto das leis discriminatórias, com o apoio do método histórico para contextualizar o surgimento dos referidos diplomas legais. Ao final do trabalho, observa-se que existem indicadores de discurso colonial nas legislações analisadas, demonstrando que as relações de poder modernas podem ser manipuladas através do domínio do Direito. / The imposed regime by National Socialism from 1933 to 1945 has some similarities to the colonial dominations deployed during modernity due to the individuals infeiorization discourse and techniques similar to the colonizing methods employed by Western Europe. Therefore the purpose of this dissertation is to verify whether there are indicators of colonial discourse in the Law for the Protection of German Blood and the German Honor and in the First Supplementary Decree of November 14th 1935, by the content analysis tool, with the support of the Historical and bibliographical survey methods. These laws are racist and have segregated all Jews on German territory, including the region occupied after the start of World War II. Thus various discursive methods in Nazi Germany, had their genesis in the modernity, by adopting terms like “impure blood” and “racially inferior”, referring to Jews and others considered racially inferior. The nazism was also based on the experimental laboratory conducted in South-West Africa (present-day Namibia), which was a German colony from the late nineteenth century until the year 1915. The first concentration camps, the modernization of technology of studies on racial hierarchy and the law about marriage prohibition between natives and Germans, were examples of practices that were enhanced years later with the rise of Hitler. Just asin the African continent, Eastern Europe was witness of Nazi death camps and used for (pseudo) scientific studies with human guinea pigs. In order to achieve this goal, the methodology that supports the development of this dissertation was the content analysis, with the purpose of capturing the hidden discourses in the text of the discriminatory laws, with the support of the historical method to contextualize the rise ofmentioned legal diplomas. At the end of the paper, it is observed that there are indicators of colonial discourse in the analyzed legislations, demonstrating that modern power relations can be manipulated through the rule of law.

Nous proposons, dans le cadre de cette thèse, de définir une poétique du récit de soi en résistance face à l’expérience de répression nazie, dans un contexte historique élargi. Notre étude couvre une période qui s’étend des premières manifestations antifascistes en France, dès les années trente, avec, en particulier, la création en 1934 du Comité de Vigilance des Intellectuels Antifascistes jusqu’à la fin des années cinquante, marquées par la sortie du film Nuit et Brouillard d’Alain Resnais, en 1956. Afin d’appréhender la notion de récit de soi, nous partons des conclusions que Michel Foucault propose dans son cours au Collège de France en 1982, sur « L’Herméneutique du sujet », et nous considérons donc le récit de soi dans la perspective d’un renouvellement des pratiques du souci de soi. C’est à partir d’une sélection de douze textes, choisis dans un corpus de récits de soi français ou francophones, que nous analysons l’écriture personnelle de la résistance. Notre sélection rassemble des récits de soi choisis pour leur diversité générique - journal, témoignage, poésie, correspondance, livre de raison, essai – ainsi que pour les différentes situations de résistance qu’ils présentent. Il s’agit donc de revisiter l’idée de résistance personnelle perçue comme une attitude de « refusance » telle que Philippe Breton l’a décrite, et de définir, dans le cadre de l’écriture du récit de soi, comment le sujet entre en résistance et dans quelle mesure cette résistance personnelle peut être assimilée à un acte : d’une position foucaldienne de résistance en puissance, émanant de la pratique du souci de soi, le récit de soi devient un acte de résistance face à l’expérience nazie. / Our study analyses the issue of resisting against Nazism through a self-narrative corpus, in a historical context expanding beyond the limitations of the Second World War. It spreads across a period that begins with the creation of the “Comité de Vigilance des Intellectuels Antifascistes » (Committee of Antifascist Intellectual Vigilance) in 1934, until the end of the fifties with the release of the movie Nuit et Brouillard (Night and Fog) directed by Alain Resnais, in 1956. The fundamental idea of self-narrative is to be understood trough Michel Foucault lecture, at the College de France, in 1982, about “L’Herméneutique du Sujet” (The Hermeneutics of the subject). From this point of view, we can establish a parallel between the resisting self-narrative and the self-care practices that he studied from texts written in the Greek and Latin Antiquity. With a selection of twelve texts chosen among a corpus of french or french-speaking self-narratives, we propose to have a new spin on the personal writing of resistance and to define a poetics of these resistant self-narratives. This group of texts gathers different types: diaries, testimonies, poetry, letters and essays. We think that the idea of personal resistance is to be set out with the attitude of “refusance” from Philippe Breton. Thus, we will try to conjure up a notion of how the subject gets on to resistance through writing, and why this personal resisting can be considered as a deed: from a potential resistance drawn by the self-narrative, as Foucault showed it, the self-narrative turns out, in our historical context, to be a resisting act against Nazi experience.

The focus of this thesis is on the process of myth-making (mythopoeia) in the Dutch National Socialist Movement (NSB) and the Swedish National Socialist Workers' Party (NSAP), using a cultural pragmatic approach to analyse the practicalities and implementation of mythopoeia comparatively. A variety of fascist performances, scripted and unscripted, are considered as having mythopoeic potential, and understood as performative in character, i.e. constituting the thing they claimed to represent. Multiple parts of this mythopoeic process are analysed: the resources, organisation, and technologies required to implement it, and the nature of the process, the events, performances, in other words the actual implementation, and reception by audiences. Secondly, it uses respectability as a means of seeing how in a national context this process was limited, inhibited, or otherwise defined by the standards of the public and media, to which fascists ultimately tried to appeal, thus providing an external perspective on fascist activities to contextualise them. The thesis is divided into four chapters, which deal with the party apparatus, leader myth, political uniforms, and the role of aesthetics and spectacle respectively. Together these chapters explore the relationship between mythopoeia and respectability as refracted through party organisation and administration, as embodied by the 'charismatic' fascist Leader, in the day-to-day behaviour and appearance of the rank-and-file, and ultimately the holistic experience of fascist aesthetics, i.e. the fully scripted and organised spectacles of party congresses. Ultimately it is shown that the fascist movements of Sweden and the Netherlands were highly innovative organisations. Mythopoeia had a powerful mobilising capacity, which could make up for the diminutive financial power and low membership figures of fascist parties. Finally it appears that the relationship between myth and respectability was not a straightforward dialectical one, but multivalent, and highly dynamic.

A la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, la France contribue largement à transformer l’ancienne Autriche-Hongrie, et doit assumer une responsabilité quant à la survie et au devenir de la nouvelle Autriche, à travers différents engagements internationaux, même si aucun traité ne lie formellement les deux Etats. On définit généralement la position française vis-à-vis de l'Autriche par cette alternative : ni Habsbourg, ni Anschluss. A partir de 1930, l'héritier du trône, Otto de Habsbourg, accède à la majorité : se pose alors concrètement la question d'une éventuelle restauration. Les années 1930 voient par ailleurs le développement d'une multitude de projets de réorganisation de l'Europe centrale, alternative à ce retour des Habsbourg. L'arrivée d'Hitler au pouvoir en Allemagne doit pousser la France à des prises de position claires : son dessein est la réunion de l'Autriche au Reich, et le gouvernement français doit déterminer quelle attitude adopter envers le gouvernement autrichien qui choisit la voie de l'autoritarisme contre la poussée nazie. Si une part de l'opinion française a des sympathies pour la cause de l'indépendance autrichienne, le gouvernement n'impose jamais de choix clairs en ce sens, en raison notamment de facteurs idéologiques. Il est aussi prisonnier d'une conception trop économique de l'organisation de l'Europe centrale, qui lui fait sous-estimer les problèmes identitaires existant entre l'Autriche et l'Allemagne. L'absence d'une réflexion sur les spécificités de la nation autrichienne en construction conduit à faire le jeu de l'Allemagne, à travers l'idée d'un « germanisme » commun aux deux Etats. L'Anschluss, sans réaction française, vient couronner plus d'une décennie de contradictions et prépare la défaite symbolique de Munich. / At the end of World War I, France is a major actor of the transformation of old Austria-Hungary and becomes one of the main protectors of Austria through several international commitments; yet no treaty ever connects the two countries. The French policy on Austria is generally admitted to be : neither Habsburg, nor Anschluss. In 1930 Otto von Habsburg, the son of the last emperor, attains the age of majority ; so the issue of restauration appears again to be a major problem in Europe. At the same time, many plans and projects are discussed to reorganize Central Europe, as a possible alternative to the come back of the Habsburg family. With Hitler's appointment as Chancellor in Germany in 1933, France has to make up clear decisions, since Hitler's goal is to achieve the unification of Austria with Germany. The French government has to decide whether to support or not the Austrian government, getting authoritative in order to fight against nazi propaganda and terrorism. Many people in France are quite in favour of the cause of the independence of Austria. Yet the French government doesn't make any decisive choices to defend it, in particular because of ideological reasons. The French policy is also confined to an all-economic conception of international relations in Central Europe, and under-estimates the problems of national identity existing between Austria and Germany. The lack of a reflection on the specificities of an Austrian nation to be built tends to be of a great advantage for Germany, which praises for the idea of a common « germanism » for both countries. The Anschluss is made without any real French reaction, as a consequence of more than ten years of political contradictions ; thus it prepares the symbolical defeat of Munich.

<p>I min uppsats försöker jag ta reda på om man kan säga att Adolf Hitler uppfattade sig som en religiös ledare, sänd av Gud. Situationen i Tyskland, under sekelskiftet och framåt, var mycket svår för många grupper. Deras tidigare liv hade raserats efter första världskrigets nederlag och för många människor fanns inte längre någon tydlig ledare. Ledarna som fanns innan Hitler tog makten var svaga och folket behövde en stark ledare, ansågs det. Då inträder Hitler på den politiska arenan och ser sig själv som den starke, självklare ledaren och folket, det lättleda och svaga, trodde sig behöva honom som ledare. År 1921 blir han <em>Führer</em>,<strong><em> </em></strong>för NSDAP (Nationalsocialistiska tyska arbetarpartiet) med ambition att skapa det Tredje riket. Till folket säger han att de och han har fått ett uppdrag av Gud. Det folket måste inse är att judarna är deras största fiende enligt Hitler. Han hade studerat katolska kyrkan och imponerades både över makten och också den sammanhållande förmåga som kyrkan hade över människorna. Han beundrade även prakten. Här fann han underlag för sina egna idéer och många av kyrkans symboler gjordes till nazismens symboler. Att vara mot Hitler och nazismen var det samma som att vara mot Tyskland, sitt eget land påstods det. Många följde därför Adolf Hitler och därför kommer jag även att presentera hur han uppfattades av personer i hans närmaste omgivning.</p>

I min uppsats försöker jag ta reda på om man kan säga att Adolf Hitler uppfattade sig som en religiös ledare, sänd av Gud. Situationen i Tyskland, under sekelskiftet och framåt, var mycket svår för många grupper. Deras tidigare liv hade raserats efter första världskrigets nederlag och för många människor fanns inte längre någon tydlig ledare. Ledarna som fanns innan Hitler tog makten var svaga och folket behövde en stark ledare, ansågs det. Då inträder Hitler på den politiska arenan och ser sig själv som den starke, självklare ledaren och folket, det lättleda och svaga, trodde sig behöva honom som ledare. År 1921 blir han Führer, för NSDAP (Nationalsocialistiska tyska arbetarpartiet) med ambition att skapa det Tredje riket. Till folket säger han att de och han har fått ett uppdrag av Gud. Det folket måste inse är att judarna är deras största fiende enligt Hitler. Han hade studerat katolska kyrkan och imponerades både över makten och också den sammanhållande förmåga som kyrkan hade över människorna. Han beundrade även prakten. Här fann han underlag för sina egna idéer och många av kyrkans symboler gjordes till nazismens symboler. Att vara mot Hitler och nazismen var det samma som att vara mot Tyskland, sitt eget land påstods det. Många följde därför Adolf Hitler och därför kommer jag även att presentera hur han uppfattades av personer i hans närmaste omgivning.