This thesis addresses the epistolary work by Novo-Hispanic writer Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz to place it in the literary and discursive context of the end of the 17th Century. I will take as theoretical background the concepts of dialogism and the carnivalesque by Mikhail Bakhtin, as well as Michel De Certeau’s reflections on what he calls the practice of everyday life. Other aspects of my theoretical approach will be drawn from Michel Foucault’s concepts in The Archaeology of Knowledge; his ideas about power, knowledge and social control, which will be useful for contextually addressing Sor Juana’s work and that of her intellectual contemporaries. Particularly, I will analyse the circumstances in which these Novo-Hispanic discourses were produced. This contextualization will allow me to incorporate not only the cultural (everyday life) practices that surround the production of these texts, but also other less notable or unpublished documents written by some of Sor Juana’s contemporaries. My aim is to widen the discursive spectrum of authors and critics of the prose of this author, and to this end I make use of documents from the 17th Century as primary source. This thesis is divided into three chapters. In the first, I will place into context the Novo-Hispanic discourse and the generic forms of the time: sermon, satire, libel, letter and inquisitorial censure, and the function of ideological control exerted by the Novo-Hispanic Holy Office. In the second chapter I will make a textual and contextual revision of three epistolary documents by Sor Juana: Carta al Padre Nuñez (Letter to Father Nuñez, 1682), Carta Atenagórica (Letter Worthy of Athena, 1690) and Respuesta a Sor Filotea de la Cruz (Reply to Sor Filotea of the Cross, 1690); as well as the antecedents, development and the result of the critical-theological conflict caused by these private letters, their replies and other collateral documents, namely, Carta de Serafina de Cristo, and Carta de Filotea de la Cruz (1690). Both drafts of these letters, found in Puebla in 2010, will also be refered in this revision. In addition to this I will study Defensa del Sermón del Mandato (1691) and Discurso Apologético contra la Fe de Erratas de un Soldado Castellano (1691), documents found in Lima in 2002 and published in Mexico in 2004. The third chapter consists of the study of three contemporary preachers of Sor Juana: Francisco Xavier Palavicino Villarrasa, Pedro Muñoz de Castro and Pedro de Avendaño Suárez de Sousa, whose theological and literary activities were denounced by the Holy Office. My aim is to show the reach of inquisitorial control and its consequence on the writing and literary activities of the contemporary intellectuals of Sor Juana, to contextualize Sor Juana’s epistolary work and confront the possible isolation and singularization that may place her life and work apart from the kernel of the intellectual scene in the New Spain at the close of the 17th Century.

Throughout the colonial period, the Spanish attempted to Hispanicize the Indians along the northern frontier of New Spain. The conquistador, the missionary, the civilian settler, and the presidial soldier all took part in this effort. At La Junta de los Rios, a fertile area inhabited by both sedentary and semi-sedentary Indians, each of these institutions played a part in fundamentally changing the region and its occupants. This research, relying primarily on published Spanish source documents, sets the effort to Hispanicize La Junta in the broader sphere of Spain's frontier policy.

In my dissertation, I inquire into the phenomenon of monastic architecture and its plastic decoration in 16th century New Spain. The aim of this work is to present Mexican monasteries and their artistic significance. In my analysis, I build on the interpretation of monastic architecture from the perspective of early colonial society, I also reflect on the individual level, assessing its impact on the conquest and colonization of America. The methodology of this research project combines analysis of historical (e.g. study of historical sources) and art historical processes (iconological analysis of E. Panofsky) with analysis of anthropological concepts (e.g. rituals of transition of A. van Gennep, thick description of Cl. Geertz, concepts of liminality, structure and communitas of V. Turner). During my PhD studies, I conducted a field trip in Central Mexico (2013), supported by a grant from the Government of Mexico. I visited and documented one hundred and sixteen monasteries and the photographic documentation is the main empirical source of my analysis which further draws from the study of historical sources and academic literature. My research primarily focuses on three aspects: 1. the monastic architecture and art; 2. the role of the monastery in the process of European conquest and colonization...

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

L’étude de l’ordre urbain au XVIIIe siècle à Mexico, capitale de la Nouvelle-Espagne, contribue à comprendre comment la police, en tant que technique de gouvernement des hommes et des choses, contribue à améliorer la sécurité, l’approvisionnement et les commodités des habitants. Dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle, le bon ordre de la ville repose sur une différenciation socio-ethnique qui se lit aussi bien dans les règlements urbains que dans la séparation de deux Républiques : celle des Espagnols et celle des Indiens. Plusieurs corps, dotés de privilèges et de leurs propres gardes, jouent également tous à des degrés divers un rôle dans la construction de la paix urbaine. A partir des années 1760, sous l’impulsion de la Couronne et de savoirs policiers venus d’Europe, de nouvelles conceptions de l’ordre se font jour, portées par le vice-roi, le corregidor et les magistrats de l’Audience royale qui cherchent à réformer l’ordre corporatif traditionnel. A ce titre, la réforme de 1782 qui divise Mexico en cuarteles et barrios fait écho à la réforme madrilène de 1768. Elle débouche sur la création de nouveaux agents territorialisés, les alcaldes de barrio, figures de l’ordre qui s’imposent dans l’ensemble des grandes villes des Indes à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Le mandat du vice-roi Revillagigedo (1789-1794) constitue assurément une nouvelle étape dans ces transformations des conceptions et des pratiques de l’ordre. En s’appuyant sur la troupe, qui s’implante durablement dans la capitale à partir de 1765, et sur un personnel policier nouveau, Revillagigedo fait de l’espace urbain un banc d’essai pour mettre en pratique des mesures novatrices, à l’image du système de l’éclairage public. Au terme d’un siècle de mutations qui ne sont ni linéaires, ni univoques, le paysage de l’ordre n’est plus exactement le même qu’un siècle auparavant. Les distinctions socio-ethniques se sont progressivement effacées, la séparation entre les deux Républiques a été gommée par le nouveau quadrillage policier et de nouvelles forces de l’ordre ainsi que de nouveaux auxiliaires de police concourent à faire appliquer une législation urbaine alors florissante. / The study of the urban order in the 18th century in Mexico, the capital of New Spain, helps to understand how the police, used as a technique of government for the people and for things, contribute to improve the inhabitants’ security, means of supply and facilities of life. In the first half of the 18th century, the right order of the town is based on a socio-ethnic differentiation found in both the city rules and the two separated Republics: the Spanish Republic and the Indian Republic. Several jurisdictions, using their privileges and own guards, all take a part, in different ways and degrees, to the peace process of the town. From 1760, thanks to the Crown impetus and the influence of new know-how police techniques imported from Europe, new concepts about order appear encouraged by the viceroy, the corregidor and the judges of the Real Audiencia, all wanting a reform of the traditional corporations. Hence, the 1782 reform dividing Mexico into cuarteles and barrios, is a copy of the 1765 reform in Madrid. Then, a new urban police are created, the alcaldes de barrio, who embody this new order. They can be found in most big towns in India at the end of the 18th century. The viceroy Revillagigedo’s mandate (1789-1794) is most certainly a new step in the evolution of the new order concept and practice. Thanks to the army support established in town since 1765, and to a new police, Revillagigedo used the city as a laboratory to test new changes such as the street-lighting. At the end of a century of urban changes, neither regular nor unequivocal, the townscape order is not exactly the same as a century before. The socio-ethnic differences have regularly faded, the separation between the two Republics has been eliminated by the new police coverage, and the creation of new order forces as well as new guards participate to enforce the new, then prosperous urban laws. / Un estudio del orden urbano durante el siglo XVIII en México, capital de la Nueva España nos permite entender mejor la manera en que la policía, entendida como técnica de gobierno de los hombres y de las cosas, contribuye a mejorar la seguridad, el abasto y las comodidades de los habitantes. Durante la primera mitad del siglo, el buen orden de la ciudad se apoya en diferenciaciones socio-étnicas que se pueden observar tanto en los reglamentos como en la separación entre dos Repúblicas: la de los españoles y la de los indios. Varios cuerpos, con privilegios, jurisdicción y guardas propios desempeñan un papel en la construcción de una paz urbana. A partir de los años 1760, bajo el impulso de la Corona y bajo la influencia de conocimientos policiales importados de Europa, nuevas concepciones del orden se vislumbran, llevadas por el virrey, el corregidor y los jueces de la Real Audiencia que buscan reformar el viejo orden corporativo. En este sentido, la reforma de 1782 que dividió la ciudad de México en cuarteles y barrios suena como a eco de la reforma madrileña de 1768. Desemboca en la creación de nuevos agentes de la policía urbana, los alcaldes de barrio, figuras del orden que se establecen en la mayoría de las ciudades de las Indias al final del siglo XVIII. El mandato del virrey secundo conde de Revillagigedo constituye sin duda una nueva etapa en el proceso de transformación de las concepciones y las practicas del orden. Con el apoyo de la tropa que se implanta de manera duradera en la capital a partir de 1765 y con el respaldo de un nuevo personal policial, Revillagigedo usa del espacio urbano como si fuera un laboratorio para poner en práctica medidas innovadoras como el sistema de alumbrado público. Tras un siglo de mutaciones que no son lineales tampoco unívocas, el paisaje del orden no es el mismo que un siglo por atrás. Las distinciones socio-étnicas se borraron paulinamente, la separación entre las dos Repúblicas desaparece a favor de una nueva red administrativa y nuevas fuerzas del orden como nuevos agentes participan a cumplir con una legislación urbana cada vez más abundante.

Durante el siglo XVI, las oligarquías de las repúblicas de Murcia (en el sureste de la Península Ibérica) y Tlaxcala (en el Valle Central de México), a pesar de sus particularidades, convergieron en las estrategias para demostrar y certificar su calidad como miembros del cuerpo político-territorial de la Monarquía Católica. En ambos casos, el reconocimiento de su preeminencia social se basó en sus servicios en defensa de los intereses de la Corona española, asegurando el buen gobierno y protegiendo y/o agrandando las fronteras de la Monarquía. De este modo, los 'señores Murcia' y los 'señores Tlaxcala' se consolidaron como líderes naturales de sus repúblicas, a la vez que se insertaron en las dinámicas globalizadoras de la Monarquía Hispánica. El análisis comparado de los discursos textuales y visuales sobre su identidad de estas oligarquías permite establecer los ritmos y distinguir los instrumentos que hicieron posible la relación de la Corona con sus territorios y su reforzamiento como entidad política planetaria. / During the XVI century, the oligarchies of the republics of Murcia (in the Southeast of the Iberian Peninsule) and Tlaxcala (in the Central Valley of Mexico) , in spite of their special features, used the same strategies to prove and certify their quality as member of the policial and territorial body of the Catholic Monarchy. The recognition of their social pre-eminence was based in their defense of the interests of the Spanish Crown, guaranteing the good government and protecting or enlangering the frontiers of the Monarchy. In this manner, the 'señores Murcia' and the 'señores Tlaxcala' were consolidated as natural leaders in their republics and, at the same time, they managed to be part of the globalizer dinamics of the Hispanic Monarchy. The comparative study of this oligarchies' textual and visual discourses about their identities in the long time enables to establish the speeds and recognize the instruments which maked possible the relationship between the Crown and its territories and its consolidation as a planetary politic entity.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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