Visus ginkluotus konfliktus tarptautinė humanitarinė teisė skirsto į tarptautinius, t.y. vykstančius tarp dviejų ar daugiau suverenių valstybių, ir netarptautinius, t.y. vykstančius vienos valstybės teritorijoje. Pabrėžtina, kad tarptautinės bendruomenės dėmesys šiems skirtingų rūšių ginkluotiems konfliktams yra skirtingas. Akivaizdu, jog absoliuti dauguma tarptautinės humanitarinės teisės normų buvo skirta tarptautiniams ginkluotiems konfliktams reguliuoti. Toks šių ginkluotų konfliktų teisinis reguliavimas neatitinka šių dienų tendencijų, kadangi būtent netarptautiniai ginkluoti konfliktai tampa pagrindine ginkluotų konfliktų rūšimi. Toks skirtingas tarptautinės bendruomenės dėmesys skirtingų rūšių ginkluotiems konfliktams, paaiškinamas tuo, kad bet koks tarptautinis dėmesys valstybės viduje vykstantiems procesams iš karto susidurdavo su stipriu valstybių pasipriešinimu, motyvuojant tuo, kad tarptautinis dėmesys ir siekiai sureguliuoti vidaus ginkluotus konfliktus pažeis kiekvienos iš jų suverenitetą, ir, kad vidaus reikalai yra pačių valstybių reikalas, kurie turi būti tvarkomi savarankiškai kiekvienos valstybės. Tik XX a. viduryje buvo imtasi pirmųjų teisinių priemonių netarptautiniams ginkluotiems konfliktams sureguliuoti. 1949 m. Ženevos konvencijų bendrasis 3 str. bei 1949 m. Ženevos konvencijų 1977 m. Papildomas protokolas dėl netarptautinių ginkluotų konfliktų aukų apsaugos yra laikomi pagrindiniais tarptautinės humanitarinės teisės aktais, skirtais... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The international humanitarian law divides all armed conflicts into international, i.e. taking place between two or more sovereign states, and non – international, i.e. taking place on the territory of one country. It should be emphasized that the international community's attention to these armed conflicts of different kind differs. It is obvious that the absoliute majority of standards of international humanitarian law were intended for regulation of international armed conflicts. Such legal regulation of armed conflicts is not compatible with today's tendencies as namely non – international armed conflicts become the main type of armed conflicts. Such varied attention of international community to armed conflicts of different kind can be explained by the fact that any international attention to internal processes of a country immediately collided with strong resistence of the country motivating that international attention and attemps to regulate internal armed conflicts would infringe its sovereignty and that the internal affairs were the matter of the countries themselves and they should be settled by each country independently. The first legal measures of non – international armed conflicts regulation were taken only in the middle of the 20th century. The Common Article 3 of Geneva Conventions 1949 and 1977 Protocol Additional to Geneva Conventions 1949 Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non – International Armed Conflicts are considered to be the... [to full text]

This thesis addresses the potential for third parties to apply or make use of International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law to protect civilians caught in the midst of civil war. A case study is presented of El Salvador, where conflict in the 1970s and 1980s took the lives of an estimated 75,000 people and caused immense human suffering. Of particular interest is how organizations under the aegis of the Salvadoran Catholic Church provided data on human rights violations, gathered with credible precision, to the international community. The Canadian public responded to the situation in El Salvador in a markedly different way than the Canadian government, whose pronouncements were at first ill-informed and uncritically pro-American. The question thus arises: do counter-consensus or public-pressure groups exert any influence over a state’s foreign policy and, if so, does this phenomenon contribute to conflict resolution? While there is disagreement over the actual success that public groups and interested parties have over government decision-making, this thesis demonstrates that, in fact, the counter-consensus in Canada did have a discernable impact on foreign policy during the Salvadoran conflict. These actions have potential contributions to make to conflict resolution and the search for a negotiated end to civil strife, which in the case of El Salvador was generated in the first place not by an alleged international communist conspiracy but by crippling geographies of inequality. / Thesis (Master, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2007-09-26 11:52:47.301

Les crimes de guerre constituent des violations graves du droit international pénal. Cependant, chaque nouveau conflit, qu'il ait un caractère international ou non, donne lieu à la perpétration de tels crimes. Pourquoi ? Y aurait-il des éléments prédisposant aux comportements de violence ? Le XXe siècle est le siècle de la justice internationale pénale caractérisée par la mise en place de tribunaux militaires internationaux après la découverte des atrocités de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, puis de tribunaux internationaux « ad hoc » pour se terminer par l'instauration d’une Cour internationale permanente en matière pénale. Les tribunaux ad hoc instaurés pour l’ex-Yougoslavie et pour le Rwanda ont permis que soient appliquées aux conflits armés non internationaux, les conventions internationales définissant les règles régissant les conflits armés internationaux. Quel a été l’impact de la jurisprudence de ces tribunaux sur la notion de crime de guerre ? Enfin, même si la mise en place de la Cour pénale internationale constitue un espoir dans la lutte contre l’impunité, son Statut souligne le difficile équilibre qu’elle opère entre la souveraineté des États et la volonté d’une justice universelle. Aux côtés de la justice institutionnelle est apparue la « justice transitionnelle », dont l’un des objectifs est de permettre la transition entre le temps de guerre et le temps de paix, dans les meilleures conditions possible, et ce, malgré les dilemmes auxquels elle doit faire face. Après tout, un retour rapide à une paix durable n’est-il pas préférable ? La justice transitionnelle nous emmène à nous poser la question suivante : faut-il juger ou pardonner les crimes de guerre ? / War crimes are serious violations of international criminal law. However, each new conflict, international or non-international, gives rise to the commission of war crimes. Why ? Does-it have factors that predispose to violent behaviours ? The 20th century is the century of international criminal law which is first characterized by the establishment of international military tribunals after the discovery of the atrocities of World War II, then international tribunals « ad hoc », eventually it ends by the introduction of an international criminal court. International Criminal Tribunals established for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda have permitted the application of International Conventions, defining armed conflict’s rules, to non-international armed conflicts. What was the impact of these tribunals’ case laws on war crime concept ? Eventually, even if the establishment of International Criminal Court gave hope to combat impunity, its status highlights the delicate balance between states’ sovereignty and the willingness of universal justice. Transitional justice was introduced to complete or to replace institutional justice in some cases. One of transitional justice’s objectives is to make a transition a transition between wartime and peacetime as smooth as possible even if many challenges remain. In fact, the fast restoration of lasting peace would it not be better ? The transitional justice leads us to wonder if we have to judge or forgive war crimes ?

'International humanitarian law' (IHL) has long differentiated between international and non-international armed conflicts, regulating the latter, at least at the level of treaty law, far less than the former. One of the starkest examples of this is in the case of administrative detention on security grounds or 'internment'. Thus, IHL applicable in international armed conflicts establishes a seemingly robust regime regarding internment. As such, it specifies the limited grounds on which an individual may be interned, the procedural safeguards that must be provided to internees, and the point at which the internee must be released. In the conventional IHL provisions applicable in non-international armed conflicts, on the other hand, no equivalent rules are made explicit. In addition, the application in such situations of international human rights law (IHRL), which also contains procedural rules applicable to detention, is considered by many to be very controversial. This has led to considerable confusion over the current state of the law governing detention in non-international armed conflict, and it is here that some of the most controversial practices and intractable debates within IHL of the last decade have developed. The present thesis seeks to clarify the law here and does so through a comprehensive examination of both IHL and IHRL. It begins with a discussion of the general context in which the thesis falls, i.e. the distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. This is considered from an historical perspective, considering the basis for the distinction as well as its appropriateness in contemporary international law. Having considered this general question, the thesis then moves on to an examination of the current lex lata with regard to internment in non-international armed conflicts, with a comprehensive examination of both IHL and IHRL. Regarding IHL, it is shown that, whilst there remains a dearth of conventional and customary rules here, one can discern a general prohibition of internment that is not necessary as a result of the conflict. The application of the IHRL rules on detention in non-international conflicts and their interaction with relevant rules of IHL are then explored, with substantial reference to the practice of both states and human rights treaty bodies. It is shown that, absent derogation, human rights treaty rules continue fully to regulate detentions by states in relation to non-international armed conflicts, alongside the minimal rules of IHL. However, it is also demonstrated that the current law remains inadequate in this area. First, there is significant disagreement between the human rights treaty bodies on the extent to which derogation from these rules is permitted. Second, persons detained in non-international conflicts by non-state armed groups or by states with no human rights treaty obligations are protected by the far more basic customary rules in this area. The thesis, therefore, concludes with a set of concrete proposals for developing the law here, in a manner that builds upon and clarifies the current obligations of all states and non-state armed groups.

The main purpose of this work is to investigate if the US ́s killing of Osama bin Laden on 2 May 2011 in Abbottabad in Pakistan was lawful. The background to the killing is what happened on 11 September 2001 when four US airplanes were hijacked and crashed into World Trade Center and Pentagon. Al Qaeda, a terrorist organisation led by Osama bin Laden, was immediately suspected for the attacks, which led to the starting point of the US ́s ‘global war on terror’. This work tries to give a short brief on ‘global war on terror’ and answer if there is a global war on terror and/or if a new category of war is needed. In order to get an answer to the main question of this work I had to investigate if US is in an international armed conflict or in a non-international armed conflict with Al Qaida. Another important question to investigate is if an armed conflict in one State can spill over to another State and still be consider as an armed conflict. Other important questions to answer are, if Osama bin Laden was a legitimate target under international humanitarian law, if he was a civilian or if he had a continuous combat function and what level of participation in hostilities he had? Not less important is also to investigate if human rights law is applicable when Osama bin Laden was killed, especially the fundamental right to life. Lastly I end my investigation with a quick review of the laws of jus ad bellum in order to get an answer if US had a right to resort to force in Pakistan. My conclusion is that the US was not involved in an armed conflict with al Qaeda in Pakistan where the killing took place. The conflict between the US and al Qaeda in Afghanistan is to be categorised as a non-international conflict. This conflict cannot be described as a conflict that has spilled over to Abbottabad where Osama bin Laden was killed. All people, including Osama bin Laden, has a right to life. Because of lack of information on what happened in Abbottabad when Osama bin Laden was killed it is impossible to give a clear legal answer if the US had the right to kill him. It could be lawful, but it could also be considered as a crime against international human rights law.

No description available.

Avec l’entrée en vigueur de la Convention des droits de l’enfant (CDE) en 1990, la communauté internationale a formellement matérialisé sa volonté de faire des droits de l’enfant, des droits à protéger en tout temps. La CDE vient compléter le dispositif juridique mis en place par le droit international humanitaire (DIH) pour protéger lesdits droits en période de conflit et inspirera la Charte africaine des droits et bien-être de l’enfant. Les Etats s’engagent ainsi à en faire une réalité, quelles que soient les circonstances. Mais l’engagement juridique est confronté aux conflits armés internes qui remettent en cause les droits fondamentaux clairement énoncés, notamment le droit à la santé et à l’éducation et qui favorisent la violation de ces droits. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous sommes interrogés sur les éventuelles causes qui peuvent expliquer que les engagements juridiques ne soient pas politiquement traduits en réalité concrète. Il s’agit de vérifier si le dispositif juridique de protection ne porte pas en lui-même les germes de cette violation. Une autre hypothèse serait que l’absence de reconnaissance formelle de la responsabilité des groupes armés non étatiques impliqués dans ces conflits, en ce qui concerne le respect des droits pourrait être un élément qui favorise les violations. Ainsi, dans la première partie, après avoir retracé l’évolution historique et juridique de la reconnaissance des droits de l’enfant, nous nous sommes inscrits dans le contexte du conflit en Côte d’Ivoire entre 2002 et 2011, pour montrer les impacts des conflits armés internes sur la jouissance des droits de l’enfant, notamment à la santé et à l’éducation. La deuxième partie nous permet de relever d’une part, les insuffisances du dispositif de protection, les lacunes relatives à la non prise en compte formelle des entités armées non étatiques, et de faire des réflexions en termes de perspectives pour une meilleure effectivité du respect des droits de l’enfant en période de conflit armé non international, d’autre part. / With the entry into force of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1990, the international community has formally materialized its commitment to make them, rights to be protected at all times. CRC completes the legal framework established by international humanitarian law (IHL) to protect these rights in conflict and inspire the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. States are thus required to make it a reality, whatever the circumstances. But the legal commitment is faced with internal conflicts that challenge the fundamental rights clearly stated, including the right to health and education and promote the child’s rights violations. In this thesis, we asked about the possible causes that can explain that the legal commitments are not translated into political reality. This is to verify whether the legal protection device does not in itself the seeds of these violations. Another hypothesis is that the lack of formal recognition of the responsibility of non-state armed groups involved in these conflicts, as regards the rights, could be an element that facilitates violations. Thus, in the first part, after tracing the history and legal development of the recognition of the rights of the child, we registered in the context of the conflict in Côte d'Ivoire between 2002 and 2011, to show the impact of internal armed on the enjoyment of children's rights to health and education conflicts. The second part allows us to meet the one hand, the shortcomings of the protection, the gaps in the non formal consideration of non-state armed entities, and make reflections in terms of prospects for improving effectiveness of compliance of the rights during non-international armed conflict, on the other hand.

La présente thèse étudie le lien entre la capacité à construire un monde de paix et la place accordée aux femmes dans la société. Elle étudie plus particulièrement les instances dont la charge principale de sauvegarder la paix leur a été confiée par la Communauté Internationale - les Nations Unies et le Comité International de la Croix-Rouge et du Croissant-Rouge - que ce soit au sein de leurs systèmes propres, qu’au sein des programmes et missions conduits par ces dernières à travers le monde. Cette thèse cherche à montrer en quoi la paix est un concept qui ne se caractérise pas uniquement par l’absence de conflit et de destruction entre des nations et des peuples, mais aussi par la construction et le développement de sociétés modernes, libérées, justes, ainsi plus sûres. Et en quoi les inégalités qui touchent les femmes dans l’ensemble des sociétés, le non-respect de leurs droits, ainsi que leur marginalisation dans les milieux de pouvoir, politique et militaire, sont en contrepartie de réels facteurs d’instabilité, d’insécurité et un risque pour la paix mondiale. / This thesis studies the link between peacebuilding throughout the world and women’s position in society. It studies more particularly the main institutions which were entrusted the responsibility of protecting peace by the International Community – the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red-Cross and the Red-Crescent – within their own system and within programs and missions worldwide. This thesis tries to demonstrate that peace is a concept which is not only characterized by the absence of conflict and destruction between nations and people, but also by the development of modern, freed, right, equal, then safer, societies. And in what, as the disparities between women and men and the disregard of women’s rights, as their marginalization in the political and military circles of powers, threaten world stability and security, and constitute a risk for international peace.

La justice transitionnelle est devenue une référence dans les pays qui tentent de faire face à un passé de violations massives et systématiques des droits de l’homme, en raison d’un régime autoritaire ou d’un conflit armé. La Colombie, ravagée par un conflit armé à caractère interne durant soixante ans, suit cette tendance. En 2005, une loi inspirée de la justice transitionnelle est adoptée. Pourtant, cette loi n’a pas été adoptée dans un contexte de sortie de conflit. Depuis son adoption, la justice transitionnelle est un sujet d’actualité dans la conjoncture colombienne. Que ce soit par le cadre normatif de 2005 ou par l’adoption de nouvelles dispositions, le système de transition colombien se développe peu à peu et fait l’objet de modifications importantes. L’analyse du système mène à établir une connexion avec les lois passées sur le conflit. L’étude globale de la législation colombienne sur le sujet offre une approche différente du modèle colombien. Dans cette perspective, l’utilisation de la justice transitionnelle est relativisée et le caractère du processus transitionnel est davantage favorisé. Il en résulte la construction d’un système d’une manière progressive dans lequel l’emploi de la justice de transition n’est pas encore épuisé. Le système transitionnel actuel en Colombie correspond à une législation de préparation pour le post-conflit. Cette perspective facilite le repérage des défaillances normatives et les obstacles à surmonter, pour mettre en oeuvre de façon efficace et efficiente un système transitionnel qui accompagnera les efforts afin de mettre fin au conflit armé et facilitera la phase post-conflictuelle / Transitional Justice has become a reference in the countries trying to deal with a past of massive and systematic violations of human rights, due to an authoritarian regime or armed conflict. Colombia, ravaged on internal armed conflict for sixty years, is following this trend. In 2005, inspired law on transitional justice was adopted. Nevertheless, this law has not been adopted in a country emerging from conflict. Since it was adopted, transitional justice is a current topic in the Colombian situation. Whether by the normative framework of 2005 or by the adoption of new provisions, the Colombian transitional justice system is developing gradually and has been exposed to significant changes. The analysis of the system leads to determine a link with the past national law over the conflict. The overall study of the legislation on the subject provides a different approach towards the Colombian model. In this perspective, the use of transitional justice is relativized and its character of transitional process is further promoted, the outcome is the progressive construction of the system where the use of transitional justice is not yet exhausted. The current Colombian transitional system matches with a preparatory system to the post-conflict phase. This perspective facilitates the identification of normative failures and the obstacles to overcome, in order to implement an effective and efficient transitional justice system, which will go along with the efforts to end the armed conflict and to ease the post-conflict period

This research uses the case study of Colombia and more specifically the peace negotiations between the government of Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP) to identify the influence that International Humanitarian Law (IHL) can have on a peacemaking process and what its humanitarian implications are.  By linking the humanitarian and peacemaking fields, the main objective of this research is to assess the extent to which IHL has influenced the peace negotiations with the FARC-EP. To conduct this study, desk research and interviews were conducted in order to find out all the subtle elements that were not documented in the literature.  The final aim of this research is to highlight how humanitarian obligations under IHL have become increasingly relevant in peacemaking processes and conflict resolution strategies, particularly in non-international armed conflicts. As found out through this case study on Colombia, IHL can help establishing trust through humanitarian confidence building measures reducing humanitarian crises caused by war. Finally, IHL can strengthen accountability and reparations during and after the peace process and provide a legal framework for consolidating peace agreements.