This dissertation deals with the topic of development of Czechoslovak press law during the First Republic, primarily through the legislative process of press law or of legislation related to press law, adopted by the National Assembly of the First Republic, and also by the impact that adopted legislation, and in particular the Act on Protection of the Republic in 1923 and amendments of press law in 1924, had on the rulings of the Supreme Court during the First Republic. It takes a comprehensive look at the development of press law during the First Republic based on the one hand on legislation carried over from Austro-Hungarian and later amended, and on the other hand on new legislation adopted during the First Republic. The study also analyses the common features of the legislative process of individual press regulations and at least in part the role of the Supreme Court in the interpreting of valid law.

由於政經環境之變遷、公司治理的缺漏和外部監理機制之失調，常導致重大金融犯罪之發生，與其惡害卻由全民負擔之不公現象。於是除嚴刑峻罰外，奠基於任何人均不得從犯罪中獲利之犯罪所得剝奪理念與制度設計，遂於二ＯＯ四年金融七法修法時被廣泛納入。惟歷經一段期間之適用後，其法實效性如何？有無源於其他刑事法制無從配合，或囿於司法實務判解之困頓，所導致的扞格？部分國際公約與其他國家之相關法制設計及運作理念，有無值得比較、參研之處，均殊值探研。 　　本文嘗試先掌握金融犯罪之特性，與近來金融犯罪防制法規之演變。其次，再就我國犯罪所得剝奪法制沿革、犯罪所得之界定、計算為研析，並探索犯罪所得剝奪法制在預防、打擊與抗制金融犯罪等之必要性，以及其應通過之憲法基權保障檢驗。再者，則希能透過偵審案例，探究研現階段我國金融犯罪防制法規，在犯罪所得之暫時保全與終局剝奪上所面臨之實務困境及問題；並瞭解部分重要之國際公約與美、英、日等國家有關法制之設計。最後，則期能歸結相關問題與爭議，並融合法制建構、實務運作、外國法制借鏡等數個層面，提出可能之解決途徑或修法建議。 / Political and economic changes, incomplete of corporate governance, and imbalance of external supervision mechanism are all reasons for occurrence of major financial fraud. The losses and costs of major financial fraud, in general, are always enormous. Unfortunately, most people, instead of offenders, need to bear the huge losses. As a result, except the strategy of severe punishment, the idea and regulations on deprivation proceeds of crime were introduced to combat these problems in 2004. However, after a period of practicing, how about the application and practice of regulations on deprivation proceeds of crime is. Therefore, we are concerned about: are there any problems or difficulties resulting from criminal legal system and the practice of precedent itself? What we can learn from international conventions and other countries’ similar legal system? The thesis, first of all, attempts to figure out the feature of major financial fraud and the changes of financial regulations. Secondly, we try to explore the history of regulations on deprivation proceeds of crime, the definition and the calculation of proceeds of crime, and whether the regulations on deprivation proceeds of crime are essential for preventing and against major financial fraud or not. Meanwhile, in order to guarantee and protect the fundamental rights of people, we also hope to exam the regulations on deprivation proceeds of crime by the concepts of constitution. In additions, according to the case study, the thesis also longs for exploring what are the practical problems and dilemmas for current regulations on temporary seizure and final forfeiture procedures. At the same time, comparing with the international conventions and other countries’ similar legal system on laundering, search, freeze, seizure and confiscation of the proceeds from crime is also important and useful for this study. Finally, after concluding the relative problems and debates about this topic, of course, the paper hopes to propose a possible approach or legal amendment by integrating legal system modification, legal practice, and foreign legal system.

An der Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig läuft seit September 2009 ein von dem Haushalt des Beauftragten der Bundesregierung für Kultur und Medien gefördertes Projekt zur Ermittlung von NS-Raubgut in den Beständen der UB Leipzig. Es beinhaltet die Ermittlung der ehemaligen Besitzer der Bücher, sofern dies über individuelle Merkmale möglich ist. Es wird von einer Gesamtzahl von ca. 6.000 Titeln ausgegangen, die in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus unrechtmäßig erworben wurden. Nach Abschluss des Projektes sollen die Ergebnisse in einer Ausstellung der Öffentlichkeit bekannt gemacht werden.

The occupation of Moutoa Gardens in 1995 highlighted efforts by Whanganui iwi to draw attention to the non-settlement of long-standing land grievances arising out of land confiscations by the Crown in New Zealand in the 1860s. Maori attitudes to land have not been well understood by successive New Zealand governments since that time, nor by many Pakeha New Zealanders. In an effort to overcome that lack of understanding, this thesis studies a particular genre of Maori composition; namely, waiata tangi or songs of lament, which contain a strong indigenous sense of place component. The waiata used in this study derive from my tribal area of Taranaki, which is linked historically and through whakapapa with Whanganui iwi. These waiata were recorded in manuscript form in the 1890s by my great-grandfather Te Kahui Kararehe, and are a good source from which to draw conclusions about the traditional nature of Maori feelings for place. Two strands run throughout this thesis. The first examines the nature of Maori feelings for place and land, which have endured through primary socialisation to the present day. By focusing upon a form of expression that reveals the attachment of Maori towards their ancestral homelands, it is hoped that the largely monocultural Pakeha majority in New Zealand will be made aware of that attachment. It is also hoped that Pakeha may be suitably informed of the consequences of colonialist intervention in the affairs of the Maori people since 1840, which have resulted in cultural deprivation and material disadvantage at the present day. In the current climate of government moves to address the problems bequeathed them by their predecessors, it is important that the settlement of land claims and waterways under the Treaty of Waitangi should proceed unhindered by misapprehension and misinformation on the part of the public at large. The second strand of my thesis concerns the waiata texts themselves, which I wish to bring to the attention of the descendants of the composers of those waiata, who may or may not know of their existence. Since so much of value has been lost to the Maori world it is important that the culturally precious items that remain should be restored as soon as possible to those to whom they rightfully belong. Key themes examined in this thesis are the nature of Maori "feelings" for place and a "sense" of place; Maori research methodologies and considerations, including Maori cosmology and genealogical lines of descent; ethical concerns and intellectual property rights; ethnographic writings from the nineteenth century which tried to make sense of Maori imagery and habits of thought; the Kahui Papers from which the waiata were drawn; and the content and imagery of the waiata themselves. I also discuss the use of hermeneutics as a methodological device for unlocking the meanings of words and references in the waiata, and present the results both from a western sense of place perspective and a Maori viewpoint based on cultural concepts and understandings.

The occupation of Moutoa Gardens in 1995 highlighted efforts by Whanganui iwi to draw attention to the non-settlement of long-standing land grievances arising out of land confiscations by the Crown in New Zealand in the 1860s. Maori attitudes to land have not been well understood by successive New Zealand governments since that time, nor by many Pakeha New Zealanders. In an effort to overcome that lack of understanding, this thesis studies a particular genre of Maori composition; namely, waiata tangi or songs of lament, which contain a strong indigenous sense of place component. The waiata used in this study derive from my tribal area of Taranaki, which is linked historically and through whakapapa with Whanganui iwi. These waiata were recorded in manuscript form in the 1890s by my great-grandfather Te Kahui Kararehe, and are a good source from which to draw conclusions about the traditional nature of Maori feelings for place. Two strands run throughout this thesis. The first examines the nature of Maori feelings for place and land, which have endured through primary socialisation to the present day. By focusing upon a form of expression that reveals the attachment of Maori towards their ancestral homelands, it is hoped that the largely monocultural Pakeha majority in New Zealand will be made aware of that attachment. It is also hoped that Pakeha may be suitably informed of the consequences of colonialist intervention in the affairs of the Maori people since 1840, which have resulted in cultural deprivation and material disadvantage at the present day. In the current climate of government moves to address the problems bequeathed them by their predecessors, it is important that the settlement of land claims and waterways under the Treaty of Waitangi should proceed unhindered by misapprehension and misinformation on the part of the public at large. The second strand of my thesis concerns the waiata texts themselves, which I wish to bring to the attention of the descendants of the composers of those waiata, who may or may not know of their existence. Since so much of value has been lost to the Maori world it is important that the culturally precious items that remain should be restored as soon as possible to those to whom they rightfully belong. Key themes examined in this thesis are the nature of Maori "feelings" for place and a "sense" of place; Maori research methodologies and considerations, including Maori cosmology and genealogical lines of descent; ethical concerns and intellectual property rights; ethnographic writings from the nineteenth century which tried to make sense of Maori imagery and habits of thought; the Kahui Papers from which the waiata were drawn; and the content and imagery of the waiata themselves. I also discuss the use of hermeneutics as a methodological device for unlocking the meanings of words and references in the waiata, and present the results both from a western sense of place perspective and a Maori viewpoint based on cultural concepts and understandings.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mylene Comploier.pdf: 6040902 bytes, checksum: ccbd2535803c7b949ceaf639f55b5f92 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-03 / This study aims to make a critical analysis of the Brazilian management and disposal of apprehended goods seized, impounded, locked and specific foregone by the criminal justice system. Globalization has brought with it the international nature of crime. To face that issue, a new criminal policy has become part from the international agenda, settled on the tripod criminalizing money laundering, international legal cooperation and confiscation. A criminal law reaction is moved to a economic realm, since the application of imprisonment is considered too low to quell this new type of crime, especially in so-called 'white-collar offenses'. With this paradigm shift, several relevant international conventions and treaties ratified by Brazil, recommend the objective of placing the offender in the net assets it had before the perpetration of the crime, which gave body to the issue, although tibia way, some pieces of legislation that deal with the asset from crime aspect. Hereinafter new problems emerge notably practical applicability on the issue of asset recovery, including the absence or ineffectiveness of heritage inquiries, need to Changeover the mentality of of law operators and the pressing request for creating bodies or agencies that devolve management of seized goods, including its preservation provisional use, selling or leasing prior. On the legislative side, as well is approaching-acute the approval from a bill that comes to domain putting out civil action order to make it possible the enlarged lost, by taking into consideration the new global criminal policy adopted regarding the economic criminality was ratified by several international conventions and treaties. / O presente trabalho pretende efetuar uma análise crítica do modelo em curso no Brasil para gestão e destinação de bens apreendidos, sequestrados, arrestados, bloqueados e determinados perdidos pelo sistema de Justiça Penal. A globalização trouxe consigo o caráter transnacional do crime. Para fazer frente a essa problemática, uma nova política criminal passou a fazer parte da agenda internacional, assentada no tripé criminalização da lavagem de dinheiro, cooperação jurídica internacional e confisco de bens. A reação penal é deslocada para o âmbito econômico, uma vez que a aplicação da pena de prisão é considerada insuficiente para reprimir essa nova forma de criminalidade, notadamente nos denominados white-collar crimes . Com essa mudança de paradigma, diversas convenções e tratados internacionais ratificados pelo Brasil preconizam o objetivo de colocar o criminoso na situação patrimonial que possuía antes do cometimento do crime, o que deu corpo à edição, ainda que de maneira tíbia, de alguns diplomas legislativos que tratam do aspecto patrimonial do crime. Doravante, surgem novos problemas notadamente de aplicabilidade prática na questão da recuperação de ativos, tais como a ausência ou ineficiência de investigações patrimoniais, a necessidade de mudança de mentalidade dos operadores do direito e a urgente demanda para a criação de órgãos ou agências que se incumbam da gestão de bens apreendidos, incluindo a sua conservação, uso provisório, venda antecipada ou locação. No plano legislativo, avizinha-se também premente a aprovação de projeto de lei que trata da ação civil de extinção de domínio, a fim de tornar possível a perda alargada, levando-se em consideração a nova política criminal mundial adotada em relação à criminalidade econômica, ratificada por diversos tratados e convenções internacionais.

Depuis plusieurs années déjà, un phénomène particulièrement dangereux se répand et s’étend désormais partout, suscitant des inquiétudes au sein de la société : la criminalité organisée. Pour l’endiguer et pour garantir la protection des personnes, on a essayé d’employer une politique de prévention des crimes. A cette fin, de nombreux procédés législatifs ont été adoptés au niveau national et international. La communauté européenne et internationale est intervenue plusieurs fois dans la lutte contre la criminalité organisée, à partir du Traité de Maastricht, d’Amsterdam, du Conseil de Tampere jusqu’au récent Traité de Lisbonne. Ces traités ont permis l’adoption d’importantes mesures pour lutter contre la criminalité organisée. Il est également possible de relever que la Convention des Nations Unies contre la criminalité transnationale organisée et la Convention du 29 mai 2000 ont eu un apport non négligeable. Des accords bilatéraux ont été adoptés par la France et l’Italie pour combattre plus efficacement ce péril et cette plaie qui infecte des points vitaux de la société (par exemple l’Administration Publique et les banques, dont le contrôle est nécessaire pour le blanchiment). La France, avec l’adoption de la loi Perben II du 9 mars 2004 portant adaptation de la justice aux évolutions de la criminalité et l’Italie avec les « paquets sécurité » de 2009 et 2010, ont employé beaucoup de moyens pour réduire et limiter le champ d’action de ces criminels. Un rôle fondamental a été celui des collaborateurs de justice que avec leurs aveux, en échange de réductions de peine, ont dévoilé la structure et la hiérarchie des associations criminelles permettant aux autorités compétentes de mieux les comprendre, de repérer les associés, et en nombreux cas de les détruire. Il faut souligner qu’une mesure efficace a été la confiscation des biens cumulés par les malfaiteurs (bien meubles et immeubles, c’est-à dire des dépôts bancaires, investissements financiers, propriétés, terrains, maisons) et leur utilisation de la part de l’administration publique à des fins sociales à l’avantage de toute la communauté (écoles, édifices publics et hôpitaux). La confiscation du bien, en fait, empêche la criminalité organisée d’en disposer et d’en tirer des revenus, mine sa structure et son pouvoir. Parallèlement, elle donne confiance aux populations souvent tourmentées et effrayées (pensons par exemple au racket imposé aux commerçants et aux entreprises de constructions, d’exploitation agricole), et alimente l’espoir d’une possible libération. La lutte contre les organisations criminelles est longue et difficile, mais si elle est mené avec détermination sur plusieurs fronts, avec la collaboration et la coordination des moyens répressifs des États et de leurs gouvernements, les succès ne pourront pas manquer / For quite a few years now, a particularly dangerous and unsettling phenomenon has been spreading and extending in various degrees throughout all the regions, and that phenomenon is organized crime. In order to check (limit) its spread and guarantee the protection of the population, a crime prevention policy has been imposed. To such an end, numerous legislative provisions have been adopted on both the national and international level. The European and international community have repeatedly intervened in the last years to fight against organized crime, beginning with the Treaty of Maastricht, the Council of Tampere, up to the recent Essay in Lisbon. These treaties have allowed for the adoption of important measures to fight against organized crime, and one should not overlook the Convention of the United Nations and the Convention of May 29, 2000 (in doing the same). Bilateral accords have been stipulated from both France and Italy to more effectively oppose this danger and social evil that threatens with infecting, if it has not already done so, the organs of modern societies (for example; Public Administration, banks (the control of which is necessary in order to recycle dirty money). France, with the approval of the Perben II Law of March 9, 2004 intended to bring up to date the tools of justice in order to make them more incisive in relationship to the evolution of criminality. Italy has done the same thing with the “safety packets” of 2009 and 2010. Furthermore, these two countries have employed many resources in order to try to reduce and limit criminality’s field of action. A fundamental role was carried out by those who collaborated with the judicial system who, by their confessions in exchange for reduced punishment, have disclosed the structure and the hierarchy of criminal associations allowing the authorities involved to better understand, individualize their affiliates (i.e. members) and, in numerous cases, to dismantle them. By contrast, a very effective measure has been and still is the confiscation of goods accumulated by (those) in organized crime (real and financial goods, that is, banking deposits, financial investments, property, land, houses) and their re-use by Public Administration for the social well-being and to the advantage of the entire community (schools, public buildings, hospitals). The forfeiture of such goods, in fact, deprives the criminal underworld the lifeblood and profits that it draws from them; it mines the structure its power, contemporaneously providing safety to the people who are often oppressed and intimidated (one needs only to think about the extortions imposed on shopkeepers, construction and agricultural enterprises) and heightens their hope of a possible liberation from the above. The struggles against criminal organizations is long and difficult, but if it is conducted with determination on more fronts, with the collaboration and the coordination of the repressive apparatuses of nations and their governments, success cannot fail

An der Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig läuft seit September 2009 ein von dem Haushalt des Beauftragten der Bundesregierung für Kultur und Medien gefördertes Projekt zur Ermittlung von NS-Raubgut in den Beständen der UB Leipzig. Es beinhaltet die Ermittlung der ehemaligen Besitzer der Bücher, sofern dies über individuelle Merkmale möglich ist. Es wird von einer Gesamtzahl von ca. 6.000 Titeln ausgegangen, die in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus unrechtmäßig erworben wurden. Nach Abschluss des Projektes sollen die Ergebnisse in einer Ausstellung der Öffentlichkeit bekannt gemacht werden.

Les termes du traité de paix entre Charles VI et Henri V qui est ratifié par les deux souverains à Troyes en mai 1420 sont plutôt clairs et paraissent aisément applicables : l’unique héritier de Charles VI, le dauphin Charles, est déshérité; Henri V, par le mariage qui l’unit à la fille du roi de France, Catherine, devient le nouveau successeur légitime de Charles VI et, lorsque celui-ci mourra, règnera sur le France et l’Angleterre sans toutefois unir les deux royaumes; le traité scelle aussi l’alliance entre la Bourgogne, l’Angleterre et la moitié nord de la France dans la guerre contre le parti armagnac que dirigie le dauphin Charles et qui contrôle la moitie sud, le royaume de Bourges. Toutefois, lorsque la cérémonie de la cathédrale Saint-Pierre-et-Saint-Paul de Troyes se termine, la théorie du document se heurte à une réalité bien différente. Alors que le traité prévoit une adhésion totale de la moitié nord de la France à la paix et la disparition politique du parti armagnac du dauphin Charles, c’est tout le contraire qui se produit : des mouvements d’opposition ou de résistance au traité et à l’autorité qu’il confère à Henri V comme héritier et régent de France surgissent de toute part et le parti du dauphin, bien loin de disparaître, tient tête à la « coalition » anglo-franco-bourguignonne. À tout cela vient s’ajouter le décès prématuré, en août 1422, d’Henri V qui, lorsque Charles VI le suit dans la tombe en octobre de la même année, laisse les royaumes de France et d’Angleterre entre les mains d’un roi qui n’a pas encore un an. Tous ces faits semblent bien signifier l’échec de la paix et les responsables chargés de l’appliquer en sont tout à fait conscients. Il n’en demeure pas moins que la décennie qui suit la ratification du traité, malgré tout ce qui s’y oppose, est le théâtre d’une véritable tentative d’application de la paix de Troyes ou, du moins, des articles et des éléments de celui-ci que l’ont peut réellement mettre en pratique. / The terms of the peace ratified by Charles VI and Henry V in Troyes in May 1420 are pretty clear and seem easy to apply : the dauphin Charles, sole heir of king Charles VI, is disinheritaded; Henry V, by wedding the daughter of the king of France, Catherine, becomes the new legitimate heir of Charles VI and, when the latter is to die, will reign over France and England without, however, unifying the two kingdoms; the treaty of Troyes also seals the alliance between Burgundy, England and the northern half of France in the war against the armagnac party of the dauphin Charles which controls the southern part of France, the kingdom of Bourges. Yet, when the peace ceremony of the cathedral of Saint Peter and Saint Paul of Troyes is over, the theory of the treaty comes up against a completely different reality. While the treaty plans a total adherence to the peace from the northern half of France and the politic death of the armagnac party and of the dauphin Charles, what occurs is quite the opposite : aresistance movements to the treaty itself and to the authority that it gives to Henry V as heir and regent of France arise from everywhere and the dauphin’s party, far from disapearing, holds fast against the « coalition » formed by England, France and Burgundy. Last but not least comes the untimely death of Henry V in August 1422 wich, once Charles VI follows him in death in the following October, leaves the kingdoms of Fance and England in the hands of a less than one year hold baby-king. All those facts seem to imply a quick failure of the peace and the people in charge of applying it know it too well. Nevertheless, the ten years following the ratification of the treaty and despite every difficulties against it are the withnesses to a genuine attempt to properly apply the peace of Troyes or, at least, of some of its clauses and elements that really can be putted into practice.

1 Abstract - Administrative penalties and protection measures Description of all administrative penalties and protection measures is the primary goal of this thesis. Due to wide extent of chosen subject, this work aims to individual categories of administrative penalties and protection measures, examines every single condition for its imposition a notices possible contradiction within legislation. The thesis does not include the criteria for imposing penalties, noticed set from section 37 till section 44 Contraventions Act which serve as instruments for determination and length of penalties. Concurrence of contraventions is also not included. In the opening chapter the definition and description of an administrative liability is described as well as basic issues of administrative penalization, considered to be a part of administrative authority's activity. The resemblance of principles of criminal and contravention law is described, that leads to using the same principles either in criminal and contravention law. There's explored what basic sources of administrative penalization are. Each of following chapters describes one of the penalties set in section 35 Contravention Act. Every chapter begins with general description of the penalty and then depicts its main purpose for which it is imposed. Then...