Skolverket har under 2010-talet genomfört reformer som har medfört en omfattande administrationsbörda för lärare. Administrationsbördan grundar sig i kontrollmekanismer där övervakning och kvalitetsbedömning sker genom ökad dokumentation som ska genomföras av lärarprofessionen. Vidare ändrades läroplanen år 2011, och blev då mer innehålls och resultatfokuserad, vilket har medfört tydligare ramar om vad lärare får och ska utföra i sin undervisning. Den teoretiska referensramen innehåller teorier om den byråkratiska idealmodellen, centralisering & formalisering, Mintzbergs byråkratistrukturer, William G. Ouchis teori om Marknader, Byråkratier och Klaner samt New Public Management. Dessa teorier används för att skapa en ökad förståelse om läraryrkets styre och för att vidare underlätta tolkningen av lärarnas arbetssituation. För att besvara studiens frågeställningar och syfte har semistrukturerade intervjuer genomförts med åtta lärarrespondenter från två olika skolor, en friskola och en kommunal. Studiens resultat visar att lärarnas autonomi har påverkats negativt genom ökade krav och påtryckningar olika aktörer, då de i dagsläget inte kan planera undervisningen fritt utan ska ske genom de standardiserade tillvägagångssätten. Denna studie syftar till skapa en ökad förståelse om lärares upplevelser angående deras arbetssituation, där både friskole- och kommunala respondenter studerades genom semistrukturerade intervjuer. Studien åskådliggör genom det empiriska resultatet att aktörernas krav har en negativ påverkan på lärarnas arbetssituation. Studiens slutsatser visar att de aktörer som påverkar lärarna är; Skolledningen(Academedia), kommunen, media, Skolverket(regeringen), föräldrar och EU. Studien visar att lärare ofta inte ser syftet till dokumentationen och ser den som alltför omfattande. Slutsatsen som dragits utifrån de ökade dokumentationskraven samt kunskapskraven är att lärare har fått en minskad makt samt autonomi i deras arbete och har förlorat kontrollen till andra aktörer. / The National Agency for Education (Skolverket) have during the 2010s implemented reforms that have led to an extensive administrative burden for teachers. The extensive documentation and administration demands arise from superiors need for control, were controlmecanisms such as surveillance and quality assessments are used to monitor the teachers profession. The new curriculum that was presented in 2011 was more content and result focused, which resulted in more distinct frames that contain what the teachers can and can not do while carrying out their teaching. The theoretical framework contain theories about the ideal-typical bureaucratic form, centralisation & formalisation, Mintzberg's bureaucracy theories, Ouchi’s theory about Markets, Bureaucracy & Clans and New Public Management. The theories are utilized to establish an increased understanding of how the teachers profession is govern and to further simplify the interpretation of the teachers work situation. In order to answer the purpose of this study semi-structured interviews was carried out with eight teachers from two schools, one independent school and one state founded school. The results of this study shows that teachers autonomy has been negatively affected as a result of the new curriculum and increased demands from different actors, as of now, they have to follow the standardized procedures when planning their lessons. This study aims to establish a greater understanding about teachers experiences regarding their work situation, where both private and state funded schools were studied through semi structured interviews. The study illustrates through the empirical results that the demands from different actors have a negative impact on the teachers work situation. This study’s conclusions show that the different actors that affect teachers are; the school management (Academedia), the Municipality, media, The National Agency for Education (Government), parents, and the EU. Furthermore, the conclusion shows that teachers often does not understand the purpose of documentation and view it as far too extensive. Lastly, the conclusion that has been drawn from the increased demands of documentation and education have inflicted the teachers autonomy, and they have now lost power and control of their work to different actors.

Vår uppsats beskriver hur de tre aktörerna Försvarsmakten, Trafikverket och Green Cargo AB har påverkats av totalförsvarets nedläggning under 90-talet fram till idag, samt det återtagande och nyskapande som dessa tre aktörer står inför.  Empirin bygger på data som har framkommit under intervjuer med de tre aktörernas respondenter, med detta som underlag har vi sökt i propositioner, motioner, regeringsbeslut och litteratur. Som avslutning i vår uppsats påvisar vi de olika kategorierna och deras likheter och motsatser, samt de frågeställningar som lever kvar utifrån denna uppsats till vidare arbete eller forskning.

Debatten om den kontroversiella signalspaningslagen är högst aktuell och det diskuteras öppet och intensivt om huruvida den är ett skydd mot hot utifrån eller om den hotar medborgarna i det svenska samhället. När uppsatsen avslutas har lagen trätt i kraft den 1 januari 2009, men kommer inte att träda i full kraft förrän i oktober 2009. Terrorism är ett fenomen som har fått en ny betydelse för människor i det globala samhället. Det har alltid funnits i samtid som det demokratiskt politiska samhället, men betydelsen av detta fenomen, detta begrepp har varierat. Den har skiftat under åren från att vara en terrorism där grupper som IRA och ETA figurerade för att frigöra territorium från de stora länderna till att handla om att påverka politiska beslut genom att skrämma civila. Cyberterrorism är ett nyare fenomen inom begreppet och har en annan verkan då den riktar sig mot det nya informationstekniska samhället som har blivit allt mer sårbart ju längre utvecklingen går. Syftet med uppsatsen har varit att undersöka vilket sorts inflytande som cyberterrorism har haft i utformandet av lagen, om lagen är ett hot mot Sverige eller ett skydd för Sverige samt huruvida signalspaning rättfärdigas av ändamålet, det vill säga att ge Sverige ett fungerande säkerhetsskydd. Slutsatsen av denna uppsats är att cyberterrorism har ett visst samband med hur lagen har utformats, men det är inte en avgörande eller ensam faktor. Huruvida lagen är ett hot mot Sverige eller ett skydd för och om ändamålet helgar medlen har det kommit fram till att den till viss del kan vara ett hot, men att ändamålet att politikerna vill  kunna ge Sverige ett fungerande säkerhetsskydd väger upp till en viss del vad lagen vill stå för. Det är fortfarande en hel del motsättningar mot lagen och det kommer det alltid att vara. / This thesis has its origins in the controversial debate about the signals intelligence law that has been a highly intensive debate since the law was passed on June 18 2008. The debate mainly is about whether or not the law is a protection against threat towards the Swedish nation-state or if the law is at threat against the citizen of the Swedish society. The law will have been put in to force on January 1 2009, but won't be in full force until October 2009. Terrorism is not a phenomena that is new, but it has gotten a new meaning to people in the global society. Though it has always existed with the democratic political society, it's meaning has been a target for change. The meaning has shifted from being about groups like IRA and ETA that fight for their own territories to be about influencing political decisions through scarring civilians. One of the more newer phenomena within terrorism is cyber terrorism and it has another effect because it directs itself towards the information technology of the modern society. The IT society has become more vulnerable because of the development and that is what cyber terrorism is attacking the vulnerability. The purpose of this thesis is to examine what kind of influence that cyber terrorism has had in the design of the law, if the law is a threat against Sweden or a protection for Sweden, that is what arguments surrounds this case, and do the aim, that is protecting the society, justify the means, that is signals intelligence in giving Sweden a functional security. The conclusion in this thesis is that cyber terrorism has had an indirect connection to how the law has been designed, but the threat of cyber terrorism has not been a deal breaking or alone factor. Whether the law is a threat or not depends on who you talk to, but it might be a threat to a certain extent if the lawmakers don't hear the critics and change the law to the extent that it involves a fully protection for the privacy of the citizens. In the end it is partly true that the aim does justify the means. / Presentation av uppsats har redan ägt rum.

The aim of this work is to understand the recruitment of candidates to the local representative assembly in the municipality of Täby. The method used is qualitative interviewing, of a total of eight local politicians in Täby. The theory in which this work rest upon is based on a new-institutionalist perspective. Of great importance is the thoughts of the politicians involved in the recrution process, what do they think were the reasons that controlled the order of priority in the party list among the pool of candidates? Were there any obstacles for minorities in the politics like for example foreigners, women or young people? The study is taking it’s departure from the politicians who candidated in the election of 2002-2006 and the ones which are candidating to the election this coming autumn. In conclusion the aim is to understand the reasons that gives some of the candidates electable places to the assembly, and what the actors themselves think are the conclusive qualities that matters the most. Both the Social democrats and the right party (Moderaterna) in Täby thought that the main qualities a candidate needed was to be active in the party activities, and that being active would lead to a broad network and support from the members of the party. The Social democratic party had a formal ambition to have representative lists and used affirmative action to bolster female representation in their lists. Moderaterna didn’t use the same system but in reality they had an informal method of assuring a good representation of people in their lists. In general the persons involved in this study didn't perceived any discrimination against any individual because of external attributes, and the main issue was to increase the representation within their parties.

The Swedish immigration policy is a subject constantly under scrutiny, especially in the media. The Dublin treaty, which came into effect in 2003, has meant stricter regulations for the handling of asylum seekers, which in turn increases the requirements of the officials at the Swedish Migration Board. Consequently, the staff at the Swedish Migration Board is daily facing difficulties when deciding who is to stay or not. Therefore, it is interesting to investigate how these criteria in the Dublin Treaty, are used in the daily work of the officials. Emphasizing these problematic aspects of the Dublin Treaty, this study aims to answer the following two questions: - How has the Dublin Treaty been implemented in Swedish legislation by the officials at the Swedish Migration Board? - How do these officials work to implement this treaty? This case study is based on interviews with a number of officials working at the Swedish Migration Board. To complement the interviews, a brief summary of the Dublin Treaty, is also included, in order to explain its contents. To analyze the material, a number of important aspects of the Dublin Treaty have been chosen. These aspects also constitute the analytical method. Conclusively, the officials working at the Swedish Migration Board have succeeded in the intention of implementing the Dublin Treaty. The treaty is well incorporated in the Swedish legislation, which is crucial in order for the immigration policy to function properly.

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{font-family:Garamond; panose-1:2 2 4 4 3 3 1 1 8 3; mso-font-charset:0; mso-generic-font-family:roman; mso-font-pitch:variable; mso-font-signature:647 0 0 0 159 0;} /* Style Definitions */ p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal {mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-qformat:yes; mso-style-parent:""; margin-top:0cm; margin-right:0cm; margin-bottom:9.0pt; margin-left:0cm; text-align:justify; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Garamond","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ansi-language:SV;} .MsoChpDefault {mso-style-type:export-only; mso-default-props:yes; font-size:10.0pt; mso-ansi-font-size:10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:10.0pt; mso-ascii-font-family:"Tms Rmn"; mso-hansi-font-family:"Tms Rmn";} @page Section1 {size:612.0pt 792.0pt; margin:72.0pt 72.0pt 72.0pt 72.0pt; mso-header-margin:36.0pt; mso-footer-margin:36.0pt; mso-paper-source:0;} div.Section1 {page:Section1;} --> <!--[if gte mso 10]> <mce:style><! /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Table Normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-qformat:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;} --> <!--[endif]--> In The Myth of the Rational Voter, Bryan Caplan concludes that irrational public opinion leads to bad policies, that are overall bad for the country and the citizens. By irrational public opinion, he essentially means that people have opinions that are plain wrong. By taking a stand against the government based on these faulty opinions, the government is forced to adopt bad policies, in order to stay in power. By looking at four different cases, I attempt to see if the situation can be deemed to be similar in Sweden, albeit with a different approach to what is rational, than the one used by Caplan. The question I ask is if irrational public opinion forces the government to adopt bad policies? I expand the view of rationality from the economic view to be more considerate of other factors and priorities that are very much part of everyday life. The emphazis is on the gathering of information, which is facilitated by widespread access to the Internet and relatively high levels of education. The aspect of leadership, or the possible lack thereof, is also considered. The examined issues are; The new law about communication surveillance (FRA-lagen), the lowered limit on health insurance, the changes in unemployment compensation and the vote to enter the European Monetary Union. While it can be seen that there were likely arguments antagonistic to the viewpoint of the government, they are unlikely to have had any major effect. Instead, the protests that were possibly of any consequence, were typically well-informed, from sources that we would expect to be familiar with the issue at heart. As for leadership, it is more often than not the case that the intentions are good, but the “sales-effort” is lacking. In some aspects, we might even claim that the government failed at its job. Ultimately, the conclusion we reach is more optimistic than the one Bryan Caplan reached. While it is true that this might be mainly because we use different definitions of rationality and different sources of evidence (and examine different countries), it does not serve to undermine the result. Despite the fact that the cases were chosen on the basis that they were likely to prove the existence of irrationality, they did not.

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Syftet med denna uppsats är att utreda begreppet folkmord och sedan analysera huruvida de våldshandlingar som drabbar Darfurs befolkning i Sudan kan klassificeras som folkmord eller inte. För att kunna göra detta ska vi först analysera begreppet folkmord enligt FNs stadga och sedan jämföra de kriterierna med andra kända akademikers syn på vad ett folkmord innebär. Vi använder oss av en kvantitativ metod och genomför vår undersökning med hjälp av ett analysschema utformat från FNs kriterier för folkmord samt tre andra forskares kompletteringar. Dessa tre forskare är Chalk, Jonassohn och Fein. De första två är statsvetare och den tredje är sociolog. Genom att operationalisera FN stadgan samt forskarnas kriterier skapar vi bedömningskriterier för att kunna analysera konflikten i Sudan. Vår studie visar att FNs kriterier anses vara för snävt av många. Det är svårt att kunna klassa en konflikt som folkmord enligt dessa kriterier då bilden av de drabbade är väldigt snävt definierad. Med kompletteringar till analysschemat ser vi starka antydningar på att det är ett folkmord som pågår i Darfur, men med brist på tillräckligt starka bevis kan vi inte säkert säga att så är fallet

The aim of this essay is to explore the lived citizenship and its ideal. First, the form and expression of citizenship practice and ideal is explored through a qualitative interwiev study of ten citizens in the southern suburbs of Stockholm. The perception and expectations of the nature of citizenship, presented by the informants, is then compared to their citizen ideal, as well as to the ideal presented and promoted by the Swedish government. The point of departure is theory of democracy. The essay calls attention to an observed lack of empirical studies in the field of deliberative theory of democracy as well as studies that more broadly bring the theory down to empirical earth. The method used here strives towards combining and interacting the theoretical and academic debate with empirical data of citizen experience. The result shows that the informants’ perceptions of their citizenship is largely liberal, though with participatory features. The citizenship ideal is closer to, but not in tune with, the more active and participatory democracy promoted by the Swedish government. The deliberative ideas, which have had a big influence on recent democracy projects in Sweden and generally, are not found to be supported by the informants.

Kristdemokratin är ett underutforskat område inom statsvetenskapen och har som politisk-religiös rörelse ofta avfärdats som utdöende på grund av sekulariseringens konsekvenser. Emellertid finns det forskning som uppmärksammat att kristdemokratiska partier förändrar sin ideologi för att strategiskt angripa problemet med sekulariseringen. Syftet med uppsat­sen är att beskriva hur Kristdemokraternas ideologi förändrats mellan 1964 och 2001. För att uppfylla syftet har en kvalitativ textanalys av ett urval av Kristdemokraternas partiprogram genomförts. Några av de slutsatser som dragits efter en jämförelse av programanalyserna, är att partiet har tunnat ut den från början tydligt kristna retoriken. Vidare har partiet gått från att framhålla betydelsen av kristen moral och normefterföljelse i samhället till att i stället betona vikten av en allmängiltig etik som värdegrund i samhällets alla institutioner. Partiideologin har sekulariserats även om partiet fortfarande positionerar sig som ett religiöst parti.