This paper explores femicide and social movements impact on politics, a phenomenon where national, international and transnational politics overlap. The Mexican anti-femicide movement belongs to the global justice movement and struggle for women’s right to life. This study highlights the differences the movement faces even within a state, on the subnational level, through a comparative and theory developing case study. The variables of mobilization structure and political opportunity are examined in the three cases of the Mexican states Chihuahua, Yucatán and the Federal District. The study indicates the movement’s alliances and its connection between the local and international level in the post-2007 context. The hypothesis which connects the anti-femicide movement as part of the political opportunity on subnational level and varying rates of femicide is explored. The study concludes that the aspects of repression, threats of violence and impunity, aspect most prominent in Chihuahua, impact the anti-femicide movement and consequently femicide rates to some extent.

As the need for action to tackle climate change grows, it has been stated that the corona pandemic mightconstitute a political opportunity for social movement organisations to advocate societal transformation. Thisthesis investigates the issue by answering if and how the young climate movement organization Fridays ForFuture Sweden has changed their framing of the climate crisis after the outbreak of Covid-19. Through aninductive frame analysis based on the collective action frames of Benford and Snow and applied on social mediaposts by the youth movement, the results show that a change in framing indeed has taken place. The mainfindings include how Fridays For Future Sweden has increased and dispersed their framing activity, intensifiedtheir use of a crisis frame and decreased the emphasis they put on intergenerational injustice. The studytherefore contributes empirically with an example of how a social movement organisation adapts to the politicalopportunities arising with the Covid-19 pandemic.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka och analysera arbetssituationen för män och kvinnor i en könsintegrerad organisation utifrån ett genusperspektiv. Studien har genomförts på en enhet inom en könsintegrerad organisation i Sverige. Åtta respondenter varav fyra män samt fyra kvinnor från den studerade organisationen har medverkat genom digitala semistrukturerade intervjuer. Studiens teoretiska ramverk presenterar teorier och tidigare forskning gällande genus, könssegregation, möjlighetsstrukturer samt organisationskultur och normer. Resultatet visar att enheten har en jämlik möjlighetsstruktur och att organisationen arbetar med insatser för att öka inkluderingen samt jämställdheten. Dock visar även resultatet att det finns en könssegregation inom enheten samt en manlig kultur och norm som formar de manliga och kvinnliga medarbetarna. Tidigare forskning gällande arbetssituationen för män och kvinnor är till största del fokuserad på mansdominerade samt kvinnodominerade yrken. En slutsats av resultatet visar att könssegregering även förekommer i könsintegrerade organisationer. Ytterligare en slutsats av studiens resultat visar att den manliga kulturen samt den manliga normen ligger till grund för den könsmarkering som förekommer inom enheten. Denna studie bidrar till en grund för vidare forskning inom området, eftersom det finns en brist av forskning inom könsintegrerade organisationer är vidare forskning inom ämnet betydelsefullt för att belysa hur könsintegration påverkar män och kvinnors arbetssituation i en större utsträckning. / The purpose of the study is to investigate and analyze the work situation for men and women in a gender-integrated organization from a gender perspective. The study was conducted at a unit within a gender-integrated organization in Sweden. Eight respondents, of which four men and four women from the studied organization have participated through digital semi-structured interviews. The study's theoretical framework presents theories and previous research regarding gender, gender segregation, opportunity structures as well as organizational culture and norms. The results show that the unit has an equal opportunity structure and that the organization works with initiatives to increase inclusion and gender equality. However, the results also show that there is a gender segregation within the unit as well as a male culture and norm that shapes the male and female employees. Previous research regarding the work situation for men and women is largely focused on male-dominated and female-dominated occupations. A conclusion from the results shows that gender segregation also occurs in gender-integrated organizations. Another conclusion of the result from the study shows that the male culture and the male norm form the basis for the gender marking that occurs within the unit. This study contributes to a foundation for further research in the field, as there is a lack of research within gender-integrated organizations, further research in the subject is important to create an understanding of how gender integration affects men and women's work situation to a greater extent.

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<p>This study focuses on the changing practices of South African residents’ associations and their relationship with political parties and local government from 1990 to 2006, with the aim to examine how associations in Cape Town respond when they are confronted with a new democratic institutional and political context.</p><p>Two empirical questions guide the analysis: How do residents’ associations perceive that the changing political context has affected them in their attempts to influence agenda-setting and decision-making? And how can we understand the process in which they decide to act, or not act, in response to important changes in their political environment? </p><p>Drawing on social movement theory, most importantly the notions of political opportunity structures and framing processes, an analysis is made of the most significant changes in Cape Town’s post-apartheid institutional and political context. The empirical findings – based on questionnaires, interviews and an in-depth study of the township of Imizamo Yethu in Hout Bay – show that associations in socio-economically distinct areas have different perceptions of their prospects of affecting agenda-setting and decision-making. Because of the close links with political parties, many associations interpret the political and institutional changes as either threats or opportunities depending on which party controls the City Council. In predominantly white affluent areas associations generally seem to underestimate their chances of being influential, whereas those in black poor areas tend to overestimate their ability to influence decision-making when the ANC is in a government position. </p><p>The study contributes to the development of social movement theory by its systematic application of the framework of political opportunity structures in a local urban context outside the US and Western Europe. The pattern suggested by theory, that movements choose their action repertoire according to the rule “as moderate as possible, as radical as necessary”, is largely confirmed by the findings.</p>

This study focuses on the changing practices of South African residents’ associations and their relationship with political parties and local government from 1990 to 2006, with the aim to examine how associations in Cape Town respond when they are confronted with a new democratic institutional and political context. Two empirical questions guide the analysis: How do residents’ associations perceive that the changing political context has affected them in their attempts to influence agenda-setting and decision-making? And how can we understand the process in which they decide to act, or not act, in response to important changes in their political environment? Drawing on social movement theory, most importantly the notions of political opportunity structures and framing processes, an analysis is made of the most significant changes in Cape Town’s post-apartheid institutional and political context. The empirical findings – based on questionnaires, interviews and an in-depth study of the township of Imizamo Yethu in Hout Bay – show that associations in socio-economically distinct areas have different perceptions of their prospects of affecting agenda-setting and decision-making. Because of the close links with political parties, many associations interpret the political and institutional changes as either threats or opportunities depending on which party controls the City Council. In predominantly white affluent areas associations generally seem to underestimate their chances of being influential, whereas those in black poor areas tend to overestimate their ability to influence decision-making when the ANC is in a government position. The study contributes to the development of social movement theory by its systematic application of the framework of political opportunity structures in a local urban context outside the US and Western Europe. The pattern suggested by theory, that movements choose their action repertoire according to the rule “as moderate as possible, as radical as necessary”, is largely confirmed by the findings.

No description available.