台灣年齡結構快速老化及子女供養的比例降低，政府對於老人經濟安全的保障逐漸成為重要的議題。然國民年金的推動卻一波三折，而敬老津貼政策成為了目前非軍公教族群老年經濟安全保障的制度，本研究欲從政策利害相關人回應性的角度去評估敬老津貼政策。 　　而本研究的研究焦點，為民國九十一年中央政府所開始發放的全國性的「敬老津貼」，並以領取敬老津貼人數最多的台北縣作為實證研究的範圍，利用了Dunn & Poister所提出的效能性、「效率性」、「公平性」、「適當性」、「回應性」及「充分性」六種政策評估指標去評估敬老津貼政策的現況，並透過對利害關係人深度訪談的分析，匯整及建構出敬老津貼政策評估指標下利害關係人的相關主張、關切與議題。 　　研究發現現行敬老津貼政策之利害關係人的議題產生多集中在公平性指標下，而且利害關係人對於敬老津貼增加金額的需求性主張及滿意度，深受國內其他老人津貼制度的影響。因此政府須重新評估一律排除公務體系退休者領取津貼、排富絛款設立及以職業為劃分的老人津貼政策的適當性；同時須注意國內及地方縣市的福利差異甚大的現象，才能符合照顧國民之公平性。其次，對於老人津貼制度金額不一的公平性爭議，應趕緊實行國民年金加以整合。另外則是雖然領取敬老津貼者對於申領敬老津貼的程序過程的便利性具有共識，然未接到敬老津貼申領津貼通知的老人，很有可能會影響老人請領津貼的時間點。而對於中低收入老人生活津貼的計算方式應考慮放寬未有奉養事實的子女資產部分，以及除了發放津貼的方式，也可規劃增加老人收入的老人福利選項。另外，領取敬老津貼者受訪者普遍對敬老津貼金額為中等的滿意度，而敬老津貼對於解決月可使用生活費9000元以下的老人經濟問題的效能性和充分性較高。 / The acceleration of population aging and diminishing financial support from offspring to senior citizens necessitate the establishment of a senior citizen’s social security system. Faced with the difficulties in implementing the citizen annuity, the government came up with an alternative plan in 2002: the Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowance. This study shall take Taipei County, currently the administrative region with the largest number of Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowance recipients in Taiwan, as an example. The six policy evaluation indicators suggested by Dunn& Poister, i.e. effectiveness, efficiency, equality, appropriateness, responsiveness, and adequacy are used to evaluate the current state of the Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowance policy. The claims, concerns, and issues of the stakeholders of the Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowance policy are concluded after holding in-depth interviews with the stakeholders. Research results found that stakeholders of the issues are mostly concerned about the equality of the policy. Demands of and satisfaction with the policy is determined by similar senior citizens’ allowance systems. Appropriateness regarding the distribution of allowances to participants of the public servant pension system is also of concern to the stakeholders. Inequality in the varying amount of the allowances between administrative regions is an issue, among many others, that can be addressed by the implementation of a citizen annuity system. In general stakeholders are moderately satisfied with the incumbent Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowance policy. The policy is more effective and adequate for those with a monthly income of less than NTD$9,000.

從歷史淵源而言，「東突厥斯坦」乙詞緣於19世紀沙俄試圖從地理名稱、宗教信仰與民族識別等深層的滲透方式，藉由「泛突厥主義」與「泛伊斯蘭主義」拉攏新疆信仰伊斯蘭教的少數民族，以東突的概念，將之納入已遭其併吞的中亞突厥斯坦地區，復以此話語的界定權，取得全世界對於俄國版地理分隔線的認同。復由於國共內戰時期，蘇聯鼓動成立「東突厥斯坦共和國」，毛澤東亦以「三區革命」稱許之，以期掀起遍地革命火種，給予現代新疆少數民族留下以語言及信仰為基礎的革命建國歷史記憶。 從中國的內政視野，政治穩定與否是東突問題載浮載沉的關鍵，清末與民國時期的內憂外患時期自不待言。中共建政之初，對少數民族採取相對溫和的社會主義改造政策，漸次形成了認同的政治文化，然而卻隨著左右傾路線發展遭到破壞；雖然1989年中共實施經濟改革後，新疆少數民族亦從中獲利，但幅度始終跟不上漢族的移入者，以致無論是民族關係、經濟關係乃至政治關係上均惡化為破碎的政治文化，即漢族始終自認是政策利多的給予者，而少數民族則自視為被剝奪者與受害者。1991年蘇聯解體之後，中亞五國獨立對新疆少數民族造成磁吸效應，成為東突議題再起的火種。然自江澤民上台之後，對於東突治理的基調仍採取軍事過硬的鎮壓手段，並未從根本解決少數民族的問題，以致民族融合更加困難，暴力衝突的數量與規模屢創新高。 從區域安全角度，新疆與其隔鄰的中亞自古以來就是伊斯蘭、儒家、斯拉夫與佛教等四大文明邊緣的交會破碎區，少數遊牧民族逐水草而居的生活型態更打破國家之間的界線，伊斯蘭宗教信仰與突厥方言的識別取代了國家認同。以致本地區所謂的認同兼具有脆弱性與包容性。因此，自古以來外在強權對於本地區並不刻意建立有形的實質統治，而是透過優勢文化或軟實力滲透，讓區域內的少數民族對強勢帝權國家產生有形與無形依賴，前者是物質與經濟力量，後者是文化與心理作用。兩相交替，造成被影響國家邊境少數民族出現認同危機。過去是沙俄與前蘇聯藉此覬覦中國的領土，現今則有美國、歐洲乃至日本加入競逐天然資源蘊藏豐富的中亞地區，以各種優厚的條件，取得天然資源開發特許權。 從治理成果評估，新疆少數民族、東突議題與中共政權之間不僅在中國大陸境內出現認同分離現象，並隨著全球資訊化的發展，使得國內問題惡化為國際議題。衝突雙方藉由印象管理、符號黏合等方式，在各自的舞台上展示政治訴求。雖然在以主權國家為主體的國際體系中，東突組織屈居下風；然而受到網際網穿透性、民族宗教關懷，或者，如中共政權所認定之「國際陰謀」作用，使得部分東突組織與成員雖然不足以影響大局，但仍透過相關議題在特定國際社會場域形成動靜觀瞻之國際影響。 / From the historical aspect, Russia mixed the concepts of geography, religion and nation to establish the title of “East-Turkistan” in 19th century, and then attracted the minorities of Xinjiang into her Center Asia provinces by the ideas of Pan-Islam and Pan-Turkism. By the power of discourse, Russia’s new map about the East-Turkistan got the recognitions in the world. In 1944, the eve of Chinese Civil War, Soviet Union supported the Xinjiang minorities to establish the “Republic of East-Turkistan”. Mao Zedong praised it “Three Regions Revolution” to combine the spirit of revolution in the China Mainland. All these give the modern Xinjiang minorities fresh founding memory till now. Tracing the development of Chinese internal affairs, there are significant relations between the issues of East-Turkistan and domestic political stable. It goes without saying the worse situation during the late Qing dynasty and the early Republic of China (ROC). In the beginning of People’s Republic of China (PRC) regime, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) taking the warm socialism reform policies, got the Xinjiang minorities’ identity and formed the unify political culture, which been broken by following political conflicts in a short time. In 1978, the CCP promoted the economic reform policies, the Xinjiang minorities got some profit from it, but the earnings could not compare with the Han immigrations. All of those led the ethnic, economic and political relations becoming a cracked political culture. In other words, the Han thought themselves as givers of the profit, but the Xinjiang minorities felt been exploited. The independent tide of the five former Central Asia Republics after dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 produced the magnetic effect to Xinjiang minorities and stimulated the revival of East-Turkistan issues. Since Jiang Zemin, the Secretary General of CCP still compressed the problem by military means in 1992; the ethnic integration in Xinjiang becomes more difficult. The number of violence accidents hits higher and higher level. According to the regional security, Xinjiang and Central Asia locate at the crossroad of four civilizations, including Islam, Confucius, Slavs and Buddhism. In addition to the living style of nomads breaking the boundaries in this area, the Islamic belief and Turkic dialect take place the national identity, which are full of the vulnerability and tolerance. The outside superpowers penetrate this area by excellent culture and soft power instead of creating functional institutions, causing the crisis of identity or loyalty. For example, the Russia and Soviet Union invaded the vast land of Xinjiang in the 19th; the US, Europe and Japan rapidly join the great competition of natural resources in Central Asia nowadays. Evaluation the policy of CCP toward East-Turkistan is not easy. This is not only the identity crisis in China, but also transfers into the international field. Both sides take the strategies of impression management and exegetical bonding to show their political appeals. Although the realistic international system is composed by the sovereignty states obstructed the East Turkistan organizations, which still take advantages of internet, ethnic and religious methods to attract some specific concerns. This study found that: First, the proper noun “East Turkistan” does not created by the Uyghur themselves, but by the Russia in the 19th. In addition, The Republic of East Turkistan (1944-1949) organized by many minorities of Xinjiang, not by Uyghur only. Therefore, the Uyghur can’t be referred to the East Turkistan totally. Second, the definition of East Turkistan problem is rebellion or terrorist attack is decided by the Chinese central government. The Republic of China thought it as the Soviet Union agitated the local minorities’ armed rebellion. The CCP took the same viewpoints before 1990s. While, the CCP highlights the terrorism about the East Turkistan’s issues that got few recognition from the US and UN after September 11 attack. Although the change let the CCP wins tiny interest in a short period, the foreign countries use the excuse of human rights and against radical anti-terrorism strategy to intervene the CCP domestic issues. Third, the exile Uyghur does not get the general agreement about resistance movement and the core attitude toward the CCP. Those are the obstacles for the exile Uyghur to form the unify action and power. Forth, the CCP always declares to the world that the Xinjiang Uyghur relates closely with the East Turkistan terrorism organizations. That enrages some Uyghur to take fierce actions against the CCP. Now the most important duty for the CCP is to find a balance between the removals of terrorism label from the Uyghur and increasing the budget for the anti-terrorism mission. Fifth, the appeals of Rebiya Kadeer and the overseas Uyghur groups which she leads do not want to establish an independent state. Instead, she struggles to ask a higher autonomy. The idea is familiar to the Soviet republics, but refused by the CCP.

大學入學考試是近代學生必經的人生歷程，我國當前採取大學多元入學制度，有著多種的入學管道，而在各種入學措施中會因為學生身分上的不同而有不同的優待措施或是加分機制。我國探討大學多元入學的文獻甚多，大多是總體性的研究，較為缺乏個體性的研究，本研究以個人申請入學制度為主，從教育機會均等來分析原住民學生在參與申請入學時的積極優惠措施，也就是在討論原住民外加名額所帶來的問題，並藉由標準Dunn政策評估的標準，指出原住民外加名額的不足之處，最後提出政策建議，供各界參考與討論。 從入學機會均等來分析可以發現，原住民外加名額可以使原住民學生錄取到比未受保障前更好的學校，或是跟一般學生相比較下可以有比較高的錄取機會，造成此現象的主要原因在於：(1)原住民學生自成一個比較的系統，只要能通過第一階段，錄取機會大大提升。(2)原住民學生的競爭對手少。(3)原住民外加名額十分充足。在原住民的族群當中又可以分為都會原住民和原鄉原住民，其中以山地原住民較需要外加名額之保障，但外加名額之保障使得都會原住民較佔優勢而會造成此現象的原因在於：(1)成長背景、教育資源的差異、(2)只要具有原住民血統，就可以受到原住民外加名額之保障。若從Dunn所提出的政策評估標準的六個面向加以分析原住民外加名額在入學機會均等的問題，可以發現原住外加名額具有效率性、回應性與適當性，但實施的結果卻缺乏效能性、充分性、公平性。 從教育過程均等來分析可以發現，原住民學生透過積極優惠措施入學後容易產生學習壓力與心理壓力，且當前各大學也缺乏原住民文化與語言學習的相關課程，原住民學生在大學教育階段缺乏學習原住民文化與語言之機會，產生文化學習上的問題，而教育過程均等講求必須針對學生社經背景、能力、文化之差異，適時的給予積極性的差別待遇，很顯然我國大學該如何給不同的學生不同的教育方式，是未來值得思考之處。若從Dunn所提出的政策評估標準的六個面向加以分析原住民外加名額在教育過程均等問題，可以發現原住外加名額具有適當性，但實施的結果卻缺乏效率性、效能性、充分性、公平性、回應性， 本研究根據上述研究結果有五點政策上之建議，第一，個人申請入學採納原住民文化及語言能力證明；第二，在第二階段審查鼓勵各校系考量原住民學生的背景身分；第三，原住民部分外加名額參考離島外加名額之做法；第四，改善大學校院原住民學生輔導機制；第五，大學設置原住民語言與文化相關課程。 原住民外加名額最主要的問題在於地域之差異，使得原鄉原住民學生和都會原住民學生在入學機會上產生差距，另外再教育過程方面缺乏相關的輔助機制，使得原住民學生在學習上產生困難，也缺乏學習民族文化之機會，藉由制度上之改善，全面性的改善原住民學生在升學以及教育過程之問題，才有辦法達到教育機會均等以及發展、保存原住民民族文化之目標。

Over the past twenty years, the idea that planning and development practices should be ‘sustainable’ has become a key tenet of discourses characterising the field of planning and development. As part of the agenda to balance and integrate economic, environmental and social interests, democratic participatory governance arrangements are frequently purported to be necessary to achieve ‘sustainable development’ at both local and global levels. Despite the theoretical disjuncture between ideas of democratic civic participation, on the one hand, and civic participation as a means to achieve pre-determined sustainability goals on the other, notions of civic participation for sustainability have become integral features of sustainable development discourses. Underpinned by a conceptual and methodological intent to perform an epistemological ‘break’ with notions of civic participation for sustainability, this thesis explicates how citizens are enrolled in the sustainable development agenda in the discourse of policy. More specifically, it examines how assumptions about civic participation in sustainable development policy discourses operate, and unpacks some discursive strategies through which policy language ‘enrols’ citizens in the same set of assumptions around their normative requirement for participation in sustainable development. Focussing in on a case study sustainable development policy document – a draft regional plan representing a case of ‘enrolling the citizen in sustainability’ - it employs three sociological perspectives/methods that progressively highlight some of the ways that the policy language enjoins citizens as active participants in ‘sustainable’ regional planning. As a thesis-by-publication, the application of each perspective/method is reported in the form of an article prepared for publication in an academic journal. In a departure from common-sense understandings of civic participation for sustainability, the first article examines the governmentality of sustainable development policy. Specifically, this article explores how civic community – particularly community rights and responsibilities – are deployed in the policy discourse as techniques of government that shape and regulate the conduct of subjects. In this respect, rather than seeing civic community as a specific ‘thing’ and participation as corresponding to particular types of ‘activities’, this paper demonstrates how notions of civic participation are constructed and mobilised in the language of sustainable development policy in ways that facilitate government ‘at a distance’. The second article begs another kind of question of the policy – one concerned more specifically with how the everyday practices of subjects become aligned with the principles of sustainable development. This paper, therefore, investigates the role of pedagogy in establishing governance relations in which citizens are called to participate as part of the problematic of sustainability. The analysis suggests that viewing the case study policy in terms of relationships of informal pedagogy provided insights into the positioning of the citizen as an ‘acquirer’ of sustainability principles. In this instance, the pedagogic values of the text provide for low levels of discretion in how citizens could position themselves in the moral order of the discourse. This results in a strong injunction for citizens to subscribe to sustainability principles in a participatory spirit coupled with the requirement for citizens to delegate to the experts to carry out these principles. The third article represents a further breakdown of the ways in which citizens become enrolled in ‘sustainable’ regional planning within the language of the case study policy. Applying an ethnomethodological perspective, specifically Membership Categorization Analysis, this article examines the way ‘the citizen’ and ‘civic values and obligations’ are produced in the interactional context of the text. This study shows how the generation of a substantive moral order that ties the citizen to sustainable values and obligations with respect to the region, is underpinned by a normative morality associated with the production of orderliness in ‘text-in-interaction’. As such, it demonstrates how the production and positioning of ‘the citizen’ in relation to the institutional authors of the policy, and the region more generally, are practical accomplishments that orient the reader to identify him/herself as a ‘citizen’ and embrace the ‘civic values and obligations’ to which he/she is bound. Together, the different conceptual and methodological approaches applied in the thesis provide a more holistic picture of the different ways in which citizens are discursively enrolled in the sustainability agenda. At the substantive level, each analysis reveals a different dimension of how the active citizen is mobilised as a responsible agent for sustainable development. In this respect, civic participation for sustainability is actualised and reproduced through the realms of language, not necessarily through applied occasions of civic participation in the ‘taken-for-granted’ sense. Furthermore, at the conceptual and methodological level, the thesis makes a significant contribution to sociological inquiry into relationships of governance. Rather than residing within the boundaries of a specific sociological perspective, it shows how different approaches that would traditionally be applied in a mutually exclusive manner, can complement each other to advance understanding of how governance discourses operate. In this respect, it provides a rigorous conceptual and methodological platform for further investigations into how citizens become enrolled in programmes of government.

L'objet de cette thèse est l'analyse quantitative et qualitative des emplois salariés du secteur des services à la personne que nous menons sur données individuelles. Après une introduction et un premier chapitre décrivant le secteur de services à la personne et ses enjeux économiques et sociaux, nous présentons, dans les trois chapitres suivants, trois essais microéconométriques. Nous testons au chapitre 2 la motivation intrinsèque des salariés des organismes agréés de services à la personne, selon que l'OASP est à but lucratif ou pas. Nous montrons que cette motivation est concentrée principalement chez les salariés percevant un salaire brut supérieur à 1,6 Smic. Ensuite, l'étude proposée au chapitre 3 sur les déterminants des transitions des salariés des services à la personne vers l'emploi stable met en lumière que les mêmes facteurs n'impactent pas de la même manière ces salariés selon les caractéristiques de leur activité, notamment le caractère multi-actif et mono-actif. Enfin, le chapitre 4 consiste en une évaluation de la politique d'allègement de 15 points des cotisations sociale employeur en faveur des particuliers employeurs déclarant leurs salariés «au réel». Cette politique publique affecte positivement l'activité salariée de l'emploi à domicile. Au plan méthodologique, cette thèse met en œuvre 3 modélisations économétriques différentes : un modèle à régime (chapitre 2), un modèle à risques concurrents (chapitre 3), et enfin la méthode classique des doubles différences (chapitre 4). / This dissertation aims to carry out a quantitative and qualitative analysis of wage employment in the sector of services to individuals by using individual data. The introduction and the first chapter describe the sector of services to individual and the economic and social issues. In the three subsequent chapters it presents three microeconometric trials.In chapter two, we present intrinsic motivation of employees in authorised organizations for services to individua (OASP), depending on whether the organization is for-profit or non-profit. This motivation is mainly focused among workers erning a gross salary above 1.6 times the minimum wage. ln chapter 3, the study of the factors that determine the transitions of employees to steady employment highlights that these factors affect those employees differently according to the characteristics of their work, especially the multi-active and mono-active feature. Finally, chapter 4 consists of evaluating the reduction policy of 15 points in employers' social security contributions favoring individual employers who report the actual wages. This public policy positively affects domestic employment. In terms of methodology, this dissertation implements three different econometric models: a switching model regression (chapter 2), a competing risks model (chapter 3), and, finally, the classical method of differences-in-differences (chapter 4).

Submitted by Maria Almeida (maria.socorro@fgv.br) on 2016-02-16T11:58:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertaçao versaofinalClaudioAlfradique.pdf: 582560 bytes, checksum: 258b2257e6d7f67fedcc5a4742389181 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Almeida (maria.socorro@fgv.br) on 2016-02-16T11:59:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertaçao versaofinalClaudioAlfradique.pdf: 582560 bytes, checksum: 258b2257e6d7f67fedcc5a4742389181 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Almeida (maria.socorro@fgv.br) on 2016-02-16T11:59:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertaçao versaofinalClaudioAlfradique.pdf: 582560 bytes, checksum: 258b2257e6d7f67fedcc5a4742389181 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-16T11:59:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertaçao versaofinalClaudioAlfradique.pdf: 582560 bytes, checksum: 258b2257e6d7f67fedcc5a4742389181 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Este trabalho pretende descrever como o Tribunal de Contas do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, na perspectiva de uma organização que representa o povo, controlando as finanças públicas, e prestando atenção às crescentes demandas da sociedade poderá enfrentar os novos desafios institucionais em conseqüência de novas atribuições, cada vez mais sujeita as incertezas decorrentes da natureza íntima da Avaliação das Políticas Públicas, em desenvolvimento, em face da auditoria tradicional, que o caracteriza em geral / This work intends to explore how the Court of Auditors of the State of Rio de Janeiro – an organization which represents the people through the control of the Public Accounts and the attention to the demands of the society – will be able to deal with the institutional challenges that comes with the new attributions, and the felling of uncertainty that is intrinsically connected to the core of the Public Policy Evaluation, that is in development, face the traditional audit, which characterizes them in general.

Submitted by Marcelo Castro (macbhmgbr@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-28T16:51:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_MARCELO_CASTRO.pdf: 9594976 bytes, checksum: 57809762baf0d1ed1e9ac6f25153710b (MD5) / Rejected by Letícia Monteiro de Souza (leticia.dsouza@fgv.br), reason: Prezado Marcelo, Favor alterar o seu trabalho conforme as normas da ABNT. 1 – capa: O nome Getulio não tem acento. Favor corrigir em todas as páginas que constam o nome da Fundação. 2 - numeração de página: A numeração deve constar no lado direito da página, a partir de introdução, porém já contando com as páginas anteriores. Qualquer dúvida, estarei a disposição. Atenciosamente, Letícia 3799-3631 on 2016-03-29T14:11:47Z (GMT) / Submitted by Marcelo Castro (macbhmgbr@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-30T01:34:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_MARCELO_CASTRO.pdf: 10539272 bytes, checksum: 0c90be8a41e31cfc75a95c5c3b163bb5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Letícia Monteiro de Souza (leticia.dsouza@fgv.br) on 2016-03-30T15:30:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_MARCELO_CASTRO.pdf: 10539272 bytes, checksum: 0c90be8a41e31cfc75a95c5c3b163bb5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-30T16:31:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_MARCELO_CASTRO.pdf: 10539272 bytes, checksum: 0c90be8a41e31cfc75a95c5c3b163bb5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-04 / We use the Regression Discontinuity methodology (RDD) to estimate the causal effect of the Municipalities' Participation Fund (Fundo de Participação dos Municípios - FPM) received by a municipality on characteristics of bordering municipalities, considering a variety of topics: public finance, education, health, and election results. We explore the constitutional rule that generates discontinuities in the transfer according to population brackets. Our main contribution is to estimate separately and together the spillover and the direct effect of FPM, considering both neighboring municipalities or just one of them near the thresholds. Thus, we can better understand the interaction between neighboring municipalities when there is a correlation in the probability of participating in a public program. We show that the estimates of the direct effect of FPM on local spending decreases by about 20% when we control for the neighboring cities' FPM, which effect is generally positive, with the exception of spending on health and sanitation. We estimate a positive effect of FPM on test scores in a national exam and on school pass rates in neighboring municipalities and state public elementary school. On the other hand, the receipt of FPM by neighboring municipalities of small population reduces the provision of health goods and services in nearby larger cities, which may occur due to reduced demand for health services. The worsening of some global health indicators is an indication, however, that there may be coordination problems for mayors retain their spending on health. In fact, when we control for the margin of victory in municipal elections and consider only neighboring towns with mayors from different parties, the spillover effect is greater in magnitude, indicating that political incentives are important to explain the under provision in health services, by one hand, and the increase in the education goods provision, on the other hand. We also found a positive effect of FPM on votes for the party of the federal government in local and national elections, and much of this effect is explained by the spillover from neighboring cities' FPM, showing that cities more economic dependent on the federal government become the political support for that government. Finally, we found an ambiguous effect of the increased revenue due to the FPM on the electoral competition in municipal elections, with a fall in the first place victory margin and a reduction in the number of applicants, which may be explained by the rising of fixed costs in local campaigns. / Nós usamos a metodologia de Regressões em Descontinuidade (RDD) para estimar o efeito causal do Fundo de Participação dos Municípios (FPM) recebido por um município sobre características dos municípios vizinhos, considerando uma variedade de temas: finanças públicas, educação, saúde e resultados eleitorais. Nós exploramos a regra que gera uma variação exógena da transferência em munícipios próximos às descontinuidades no repasse do fundo de acordo com faixas de população. Nossa principal contribuição é estimar separadamente e em conjunto o efeito spillover e o efeito direto do FPM, considerando ambos municípios vizinhos ou apenas um deles próximos às mudanças de faixa. Dessa forma, conseguimos entender melhor a interação entre municípios vizinhos quando há uma correlação na probabilidade de receber uma transferência federal. Nós mostramos que a estimativa do efeito direto do FPM sobre os gastos locais diminui em cerca de 20% quando controlamos pelo spillover do vizinho, que em geral é positivo, com exceção dos gastos em saúde e saneamento. Nós estimamos um efeito positivo da transferência sobre notas na prova Brasil e taxas de aprovação escolares em municípios vizinhos e na rede estadual do ensino fundamental. Por outro lado, o recebimento de FPM por municípios vizinhos de pequena população reduz o provimento de bens e serviços de saúde em cidades próximas e maiores, o que pode ocorrer devido à redução da demanda por serviços de saúde. A piora de alguns indicadores globais de saúde é um indício, no entanto, de que podem existir problemas de coordenação para os prefeitos reterem seus gastos em saúde. De fato, quando controlamos pela margem de vitória nas eleições municipais e consideramos apenas cidades vizinhas com prefeitos de partido diferentes, o efeito spillover é maior em magnitude, o que indica que incentivos políticos são importantes para explicar a subprovisão de serviços em saúde, por um lado, e o aumento da provisão de bens em educação, por outro. Nós também constatamos um efeito positivo do FPM sobre votos para o partido do governo federal nas eleições municipais e nacionais, e grande parte desse efeito é explicado pelo spillover do FPM de cidades vizinhas, mostrando que cidades com dependência econômica do governo federal se tornam a base de sustentação e apoio político desse governo. Por fim, nós encontramos um efeito ambíguo do aumento de receita devido ao FPM sobre a competição eleitoral nas eleições municipais, com uma queda da margem de vitória do primeiro colocado e uma redução do número de candidatos, o que pode ser explicado pelo aumento do custo fixo das campanhas locais.

Submitted by Débora Mazetto (deba.mazetto@gmail.com) on 2018-02-22T14:48:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2018 02 22 Dissertação - Débora Mazetto.pdf: 4586182 bytes, checksum: 5bc66ec2a7f41479e466df5476584186 (MD5) / Rejected by Thais Oliveira (thais.oliveira@fgv.br), reason: Prezada Débora, boa tarde! Para que possamos aprovar seu trabalho, é necessário que faça somente três alterações: - O nome "Getulio", não tem acento; - A data da aprovação deve estar em branco; - A numeração de páginas aparece somente a partir da página da introdução. Qualquer dúvida, entre em contato. Thais Oliveira mestradoprofissional@fgv.br 3799-7764 on 2018-02-27T18:51:46Z (GMT) / Submitted by Débora Mazetto (deba.mazetto@gmail.com) on 2018-02-27T20:08:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2018 02 27 Dissertação - Débora Mazetto.pdf: 4585173 bytes, checksum: 2ec20cd6c567fa39dc0f51d8a8b91705 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Thais Oliveira (thais.oliveira@fgv.br) on 2018-02-27T21:37:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2018 02 27 Dissertação - Débora Mazetto.pdf: 4585173 bytes, checksum: 2ec20cd6c567fa39dc0f51d8a8b91705 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-28T13:07:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2018 02 27 Dissertação - Débora Mazetto.pdf: 4585173 bytes, checksum: 2ec20cd6c567fa39dc0f51d8a8b91705 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-05 / The 'Mais Médicos' Program was launched by the federal government in 2013 with the main objective of reducing the shortage of physicians in regions of socioeconomic vulnerability in Brazil. Since then, the program has been attracting interest in evaluating its effectiveness on the localities adhered. This paper aims to measure the effects generated by the 'Mais Médicos' Program on health indicators of Brazilian municipalities from an econometric approach of policy evaluation. Using a difference-in-differences methodology, the effects on indicators of basic health care, morbidity and mortality were analyzed from the Program data between 2013 and 2015. There are evidences that the 'Mais Médicos' Program has positive effects on the primary healthcare indicators, particularly on appointments, consultations, referrals, examinations, and home visits, and negative effects over some indicators of morbidity. However, the Program does not seem to have been able to reduce mortality in the municipalities. / O Programa Mais Médicos foi lançado pelo governo federal em 2013 e seu objetivo principal é reduzir a escassez de médicos em regiões de vulnerabilidade socioeconômica no Brasil. Desde então, o programa vem atraindo interesse em avaliar sua efetividade sobre as localidades aderidas. Este trabalho se propõe a medir os efeitos gerados pelo Programa Mais Médicos sobre indicadores de saúde dos municípios brasileiros a partir de uma abordagem econométrica de avaliação de políticas. Empregando uma metodologia de diferença em diferenças, foi analisado o efeito sobre indicadores de atendimento básico de saúde, de morbidade e de mortalidade a partir de dados do Programa de 2013 a 2015. Existem evidências de que o programa 'Mais Médicos' tem efeitos positivos sobre os indicadores de atendimento básico de saúde, particularmente em atendimentos, consultas, encaminhamentos, exames e visitas, e efeitos negativos sobre alguns indicadores de morbidade. No entanto, o Programa não parece ter conseguido reduzir a mortalidade nos municípios.

LIMA, M. M. P. Avaliação da Política Nacional de Transplantes no Ceará: atuação da Central Estadual e das Comissões Intra-Hospitalares. 2011. 120f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Avaliação de Políticas Públicas) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Pro - Reitoria de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Avaliação de Políticas Públicas, Fortaleza, 2011. / Submitted by Ana Paula Paula (mappufce@gmail.com) on 2012-03-21T19:19:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_Di_ MonicaMPLIMA.pdf: 1422237 bytes, checksum: 6e0ef28dacd03092b4f154837d396356 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-03-22T13:26:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_Di_ MonicaMPLIMA.pdf: 1422237 bytes, checksum: 6e0ef28dacd03092b4f154837d396356 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-03-22T13:26:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_Di_ MonicaMPLIMA.pdf: 1422237 bytes, checksum: 6e0ef28dacd03092b4f154837d396356 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / In recent decades, the transplants have had a profound impact on the care of end-stage patients with several kinds of diseases. In Brazil, public policies regarding people who need transplants require thorough assessments. This research aimed to evaluate the performance of the Organ Notification, Harvesting and Distribution Center of the State of Ceará (CNCDO) and Intra-hospital Commission on Organ and Tissue Donation for Transplant (CIHDOTTs) from Fortaleza, instances considered decisive in the operationalization of the National Transplant Policy in the State of Ceará. The research was conducted by using secondary and primary data, both quantitative and qualitative, developed from July 2010 to February 2011. The president of CNCDO was interviewed. It was applied a form to be filled out by 12 coordinators of CIHDOTTs and structured observations were accomplished in three CIHDOTTs. The following results had been highlighted: CIHDOTTs with reduced teams and nurse predominance; CNCDO overloaded and performing activities which belong to the CIHDOTTs; CIHDOTTs working essentially in an active search for potential donors; the family members refusal is largely responsible for the non-confirmation of a significant number of donations; it was identified fragility in campaign, qualification and joint planning actions between CNCDO and CIHDOTTs; CNCDO and CIHDOTTs resent greater support from health professionals and hospital managers and also the lack of equipment and appropriate physical space; the great expenditure of energy of CNCDO and CIHDOTTs result in an insignificant number of effective donations; there are difficulties in the process of identifying likely potential donor, delay in the diagnosis of brain death and in the beginning of the hemodynamic maintenance of the possible donor. The indication that greater results are obtained from the campaigns which favor the regional language confirms the initial assumption that educational initiatives, due to their immediate impact on the population, has the potential to leverage the transplant process. We conclude that human, structural and technological factors pose serious obstacles to the implementation of the National Transplant Policy in the State of Ceará, with little significant impact on the sole waiting list in the country. We suggest actions on several fronts: to redirect the dissemination campaigns towards approaches which are more culturally related to the region and closer to people; to offer more frequent courses to raise awareness and to improve the skills of health professionals; to develop strategies to raise awareness of professionals and managers regarding the noble task of CNCDO and CIHDOTTs; to employ more professionals and train them to perform the detection and diagnosis of brain death faster and to ensure the accomplishment of the hemodynamic maintenance efficiently / Nas décadas recentes, os transplantes tiveram um profundo impacto no cuidado dos pacientes em estágio final de diversos tipos de doenças. No Brasil, as políticas públicas relacionadas com as pessoas que necessitam de transplante carecem de avaliações aprofundadas para desenvolvimento e aplicação de políticas públicas. A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo avaliar a atuação da Central de Notificação de Transplantes do Estado do Ceará (CNCDO) e das Comissões Intra-Hospitalares de Doação de Órgãos e Tecidos para Transplantes (CIHDOTTs) de Fortaleza, instâncias consideradas decisivas na operacionalização da Política Nacional de Transplantes no território do Ceará. A pesquisa foi realizada utilizando dados secundários e primários, tanto quantitativos quanto qualitativos, sendo desenvolvida no período de julho de 2010 a fevereiro de 2011. Foi realizada entrevista com a presidente da CNCDO, aplicado um formulário com 12 coordenadoras das CIHDOTTs e realizadas observações estruturadas em três CIHDOTTs. Destacam-se entre os resultados: CNCDO sobrecarregada e realizando atividades da alçada das CIHDOTTs; CIHDOTTs com equipes reduzidas e predomínio de enfermeiras, atuando essencialmente na busca ativa de potenciais doadores; a recusa dos familiares sendo a grande responsável pela não confirmação de significativo número de doações; identificadas fragilidades nas ações de campanha, qualificação e planejamento conjunto da CNCDO com as CIHDOTTs; ambas ressentem-se de maior apoio dos profissionais de saúde e dos gestores dos hospitais e também da falta de equipamentos e espaço físico apropriado; o grande dispêndio de energia da CNCDO e das CIHDOTTs resulta em números ínfimos de efetivas doações; há dificuldades no processo de identificação de provável potencial doador, demora no diagnóstico de morte encefálica e em iniciar a manutenção hemodinâmica do possível doador. A indicação de que são maiores os resultados obtidos com as campanhas que privilegiam a linguagem regional confirma o pressuposto inicial de que ações educativas, por impactarem imediatamente na população, têm potencial para alavancar o processo de transplante. Concluímos que fatores humanos, estruturais e tecnológicos representam sérios entraves à execução da Política Nacional de Transplante no Estado do Ceará, com impacto pouco significativo na fila de espera, que é única para o País. Indicamos ações em diversas frentes: redirecionar as campanhas de divulgação para abordagens mais identificadas com a cultura regional e mais próxima às pessoas; cursos mais frequentes para maior sensibilização e qualificação dos profissionais de saúde; desenvolvimento de estratégias para maior sensibilização dos profissionais e gestores quanto às nobres tarefas da CNCDO e das CIHDOTTs; maior número de profissionais e capacitação mais frequente deles para que realizem a detecção e diagnóstico de morte encefálica de forma precoce e mais agilmente e que assegurem a realização da manutenção hemodinâmica de quantos potenciais doadores sejam identificados.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T15:09:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1616024 bytes, checksum: d6b33cf041f7a6a3d27d395fbae1d6f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation addressed the theme of the role of federal government in the process of dissemination of the culture of performance in the Brazilian basic education. Your bindings examine the role of the federal government in setting up and strengthening the culture of performance in basic education in Brazil, seeking to identify and analyze policies and strategies as well as with the formulations bodies: was developed with reference to the following goal International from 1995 to 2012. The study was conducted through literature review and document analysis, seeking to examine the concepts, principles, assumptions and political reasons that comes to spreading the culture of performance in the Brazilian basic education. The study brings together the discussion of assessment policies simultaneously contemporary reflection on the diffusion and legitimation, in the educational context, certain values and concepts in favor of a formation that confirms the dynamics of capitalist society. For both are cited and examined the strategies of the federal government within the limits of the Brazilian federative pact, which aimed deployment and strengthening the culture of performance in basic education. The studies allowed the identification of four groups of strategies adopted by the federal government: the establishment of an evaluation system, conducting scientific Olympiads, creating award initiatives and the implementation of social mobilization actions. The analysis of the initiatives taken by the federal government during the study period, reveals the character of continuity of the actions of the moment of implantation and at the time of strengthening the culture of performance in basic education. The particularity of the period of strengthening refers to the deepening of managerial logic and the establishment of accountability mechanisms through the creation of the Index of Basic Education Development (IDEB) and more effective mechanisms to ensure adherence of states and municipalities to use of evaluation results with consequences. / Esta dissertação abordou a temática da atuação do governo federal no processo de disseminação da cultura do desempenho na educação básica brasileira. Foi desenvolvida tendo como referência o seguinte objetivo: examinar a atuação do governo federal na implantação e no fortalecimento da cultura do desempenho na educação básica no Brasil, buscando identificar e analisar as políticas e estratégias adotadas, bem como, suas vinculações com as formulações os organismos internacionais no período de 1995 a 2012. O estudo foi realizado por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e análise documental, buscando examinar os conceitos, princípios, pressupostos e políticas que vem fundamentando a disseminação da cultura do desempenho na educação básica brasileira. O estudo congrega a discussão acerca das políticas de avaliação contemporâneas simultaneamente à reflexão acerca da difusão e legitimação, no âmbito educacional, de determinados valores e concepções em favor de uma formação que ratifica a dinâmica da sociedade capitalista. Para tanto são apontadas e examinadas as estratégias do governo federal, nos limites do pacto federativo brasileiro, que objetivaram implantação e o fortalecimento da cultura do desempenho na educação básica. Os estudos permitiram a identificação de quatro grupos de estratégias adotadas pelo governo federal: a instituição de um sistema de avaliação, a realização de olimpíadas científicas, a criação de iniciativas de premiação e a implantação de ações de mobilização social. A análise das iniciativas desenvolvidas pelo governo federal, no período estudado, revela o caráter de continuidade das ações do momento de implantação e no momento de fortalecimento da cultura do desempenho na educação básica. A particularidade, do período de fortalecimento refere-se ao aprofundamento da lógica gerencial e à instituição de mecanismos de responsabilização, mediante a criação do Índice de Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica (IDEB) e de mecanismos mais eficazes para assegurar a adesão dos estados e municípios ao uso dos resultados das avaliações com consequências fortes.