Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this study was to think anew about the involvement of the Christian churches in strategic development. The author undertook such an exercise in an abstract and general manner, not by undertaking specific case studies, but by applying various development and social sciences debates to come to a new understanding of the churches' meaningful participation in the broad area of development. The notion of the churches as 'idea' and 'value' institutions in the field of development was particularly developed. The study found its critical point of departure in the ecumenical theological debate on development over the last four decades. The first three chapters show how the charity-development juxtaposition in ecumenical development discourse problematises and frames the historical and actual participation of the churches in development. It is indicated that this discourse poses a critical theoretical and ideological challenge not only to the churches' socio-economic involvement through charity, but also to the mainstream secular development enterprise. It is concluded through the pragmatic debate in the broader ecumenical development discourse that an enduring divide exists between progressive theoretical thinking on the churches' participation in development and the actual development practices of the churches. It is concluded, akin to an historical charity involvement, that the churches have, generally speaking, been over-investing in project approaches to development at the cost of modes of engagement which highlight an idea- and value-centred development praxis. In chapters four to seven the argument is further developed through the conceptual framework of third and fourth generation development strategies. Through ideas on this conceptual framework, which were first formulated by David Korten in NGO and peoplecentred development debates, but which have also been extended to broader 'alternative' development and social sciences debates within the analytic framework of this study, the idea- and value-centred perspective in this study was further worked out and applied to the churches. It is concluded that the conceptual framework of third generation development strategies poses an appropriate (public) challenge to the churches to become involved in the policy-making, managerial and organisational processes of development. In contrast to a 'politics of limited space' which the third generation mode presents to the churches, it is maintained that the 'unlimited political space' of the fourth generation mode of development involvement is more appropriate to the churches. It is argued that the churches could most effectively and meaningfully participate in the new transnational social movement 'value' and 'idea' politics (e.g. peace, human rights, women, environment, democracy, people-centred development) prioritised in the fourth generation strategic perspective. This argument is further worked out in the final chapter through the proposal of four beacons of action that may guide the churches to become meaningful participants in fourth (and third) generation strategic development action, namely (i) the new social movements, (ii) the new communication solidarities, (iii) alternative development policy, and (iv) 'soft culture'. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van die studie was om opnuut te dink oor die strategiese betrokkenheid van die kerke in ontwikkeling. Die skrywer het sodanige oefening op 'n abstrakte en algemene wyse onderneem deur geen spesifieke gevalle studies te doen nie, maar deur verskeie ontwikkelings- en sosiaal wetenskaplike debatte toe te pas om tot 'n nuwe verstaan van die kerke se betekenisvolle deelname in die breë veld van ontwikkeling te kom. Die konsep van die kerke as 'idee' en 'waarde' instellings in die veld van ontwikkeling is spesifiek ontwikkel. Die studie het die ekumeniese teologiese debat oor ontwikkeling van die laaste vier dekades as kritiese vertrekpunt geneem. In die eerste drie hoofstukke word aangetoon hoe die barmhartigheid-ontwikkeling jukstaposisie in die ekumeniese ontwikkelingsdiskoers die historiese en teenswoordige deelname van die kerke in ontwikkeling problematiseer en bepaal. Daar word aangedui hoe hierdie diskoers nie slegs 'n kritiese teoretiese en ideologiese uitdaging aan die kerke se sosioekonomiese betrokkenheid deur middel van barmhartigheidswerk bied nie, maar ook aan die hoofstroom sekulêre ontwikkelingsonderneming. Aan die hand van die pragmatiese debat in die breër ekumeniese ontwikkelingsdiskoers word die gevolgtrekking gemaak dat daar 'n blywende skeiding bestaan tussen progressiewe teoretiese denke oor die kerke se deelname aan ontwikkeling en die teenswoordige ontwikkelingspraktyke van die kerke. Daar word gekonkludeer dat die kerke op 'n soortgelyke wyse as hulle historiese betrokkenheid deur middel van barmhartigheidswerk in die algemeen oorgeïnvesteer het in projek benaderings tot ontwikkeling ten koste van maniere van betrokkenheid wat 'n idee en waarde gesentreerde ontwikkelingspraktyk beklemtoon. In hoofstukke vier tot sewe word die argument verder ontwikkel aan die hand van die konseptuele raamwerk van derde en vierde generasie ontwikkelingstrategieë. Aan die hand van idees oor hierdie konseptuele raamwerk, wat eerstens deur David Korten in NRO en mensgesentreerde ontwikkelingsdebatte geformuleer is, maar binne die analitiese raamwerk van hierdie studie ook neerslag vind in wyer 'alternatiewe' ontwikkelings- en sosiaal wetenskaplike debatte, is die idee en waarde gesentreerde perspektief in die studie verder uitgewerk en toegepas op die kerke. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat die konseptuele raamwerk van derde generasie ontwikkelingstrategieë 'n gepaste (publieke) uitdaging aan die kerke bied om betrokke te raak by die beleidmakende, bestuurs- en organisatoriese prosesse van ontwikkeling. Teenoor 'n 'politiek van beperkte ruimte' wat die derde generasie wyse van betrokkenheid vir die kerke verteenwoordig, word volgehou dat die 'onbeperkte politieke ruimte' van die vierde generasie wyse van betrokkenheid meer gepas is vir die kerke. Daar word geargumenteer dat die kerke op 'n mees effektiewe en betekenisvolle wyse sou kon deelneem aan die 'waarde' en 'idee' politiek (bv. vrede, mense regte, vroue, omgewing, demokrasie, mensgesentreede ontwikkeling) wat in die vierde generasie strategiese perspektief voorrang geniet. Hierdie argument word verder uitgewerk in die finale hoofstuk deur die voorstel van vier bakens van aksie wat as rigtingwyser kan dien vir die kerke se voorgenome betekenisvolle deelname in vierde (en derde) generasie strategiese ontwikkelingsaksie, naamlik (i) die nuwe sosiale bewegings, (ii) die nuwe kommunikasie solidariteite, (iii) alternatiewe ontwikkelingsbeleid en (iv) 'sagte kultuur'.

From its formation, the American federal government partnered with private organizations to accomplish state goals. With little formal organizational capacity, the American state relied on the resources and credibility of private organizations. This thesis investigates the success of public-private partnerships in American state-building. By looking at alternative enforcement mechanisms, this thesis adds to theories of state-building and private power. The American experience helps us conceive a more nuanced perspective on state formation that recognizes the state’s varying tools rather than focusing solely on the development of formal organizational capacity. The questions driving this thesis are: How can public-private partnerships expand state capacity? Are there systematic differences in the outcomes and purposes of partnerships based on the branch of government – whether legislative, presidential, bureaucratic, or judicial – that mediates the partnership? My case studies examine the use of partnerships in the early state’s interactions with American Indian tribes. The cases put these general questions into more focus by examining if these partnerships expanded state capacity to dictate the terms of engagement and the content of racial orders. When these partnerships expand capacity, I explore the ways in which this state goal is accomplished. However, I remain acutely aware of the potential for partnerships to both fail to build capacity or become merely means to service a private interest.

中文摘要 本文主要的研究目的是要檢視泰國學生運動在1973∼1992年間泰國政治發展過程中所扮演的角色。相較於其它多數相關研究，本文不僅僅只是追溯時間序列上所呈現的事件，更要探究其後所代表的意涵與價值。同時，透過瞭解學生運動的興起、發展與轉型過程，來評估其對泰國民主化及市民社會力量增強所帶來的貢獻。 1973∼1992年的二十年間，泰國一共經歷了三次重要的民主轉型階段，同時也發生了三次大規模全國性群眾運動，分別是1973年的10月學運、1976年的第二次學運以及1992年的黑色5月事件。1973年的事件是起因於他儂(Thanom Kittikachon)政權施行威權統治，進而引發大規模政治抗議的結果，而此次由學生所領導的事件，可說是泰國大規模社會運動的濫觴；1976年的二次學運是針對軍方態度的跋扈及對群眾請求漠視的反動；1992年的5月運動則是要要求執政當局制定具有民主本質的憲法，同時也欲推翻未經民選過程卻出任首相的蘇欽達(Suchinda Kraprayoon)。 本文立基於這三個轉型階段與三個歷史轉折點，來探討以下議題：在什麼樣的政治機會下，導致了學運的興起、發展與轉型？其後的歷史背景與相關意涵為何？是什麼原因讓學生變成行動主義者，並且號召其它群眾參與政治？文化及思想意識如何影響學運的發展與轉型？學生運動如何影響泰國的政治發展？ 本研究主要是利用政治發展理論（political development theory）來分析泰國學生運動與政治發展間的關聯性，進而探究其在泰國政治轉型中所扮演的角色為何。同時並觀察外在政治環境的變化，特別是軍方政權的態度與行為模式、學生動員群眾的方式，尤其是與其它組織的結盟策略以及運動帶給一般群眾的認知與文化思想信念等變數，來分析學生運動成功或失敗的原因。 透過運用政治發展理論對上述三個歷史轉型階段的分析，本文發現（1）、泰國學生運動扮演了社會力量代言人(agent)的角色，透過學生運動的努力，喚醒了弱勢階層長久以來遭受壓抑的政治意識，並影響中產階級對民主的觀念，最後造成了軍人脫離政治及民主化的落實。(2)、由學生運動所引發的「由下而上」(bottom-up)改革力量以及群眾運動，將是觀察泰國政治發展的重要指標，這種來自民間的政治參與，會是未來影響政府決策及督促政治發展的最重要力量。(3)、泰國學生運動的發展脈絡印證了政治發展理論中由變遷—進步的結果。透過激烈的革命手段來達成演化的目的，最終促成了國家政治體系的進步。 最後，本研究認為，在學生運動帶動下的市民社會抗爭獲得成功之後，其信心與力量都更為鞏固，同時人民已認知到集體力量的重要性，日後統治階層若想再藉由武力的方式來鎮壓民眾的聲音，恐將難以成功，而泰國的政治應該會更加朝向民主鞏固的路途邁進。 / Abstract This thesis examines the role of the Thai student movements in the political development process that took place in Thailand between 1973 and 1992. Most studies of the student movements in Thailand take the presence of a movement as something that can be traced simply through sequential events. Things occur and results materialize. This research has a different purpose: first, to explore not only what happened, but also how it happened. Second, to examine its emergence, development and transformation. Finally, to evaluate the contribution it has made to the expansion of civil society and democratization. Here this research attempts to answer such questions as: what internal conditions facilitated the emergence and development of the movements and how? What was the historical context in which the movement emerged and how was the emergence related to this context? How and why were students able to become activists, and then recruit others so as to sustain a voluntary social formation? And how did the elements of culture and ideology affect the development and transformation? The main subjects of this research are three pro-democracy demonstrations: the student movement of 1973, the bloody October of 1976, and the May uprising of 1992. The analysis of the Thai student movements is guided by political development theory to better understand the relationship between student movement and political development. Through this study, three conclusions have been drawn: (1) Thai student movement played the role as the agent of social force. Through its efforts, the political awareness of the civil society has thus been waken up, leading to the break down of the military. (2) Student movement brought about the “the bottom-up” reform forceand created the political space for mass participation. This kind of “bottom-up” reform force will be playing the leading role affecting government’s attitude and policies. (3) The Thai student movement verifies the hypothesis of the political development theory. Through drastic mass movements, it leads to a real progress of the political system. A comparison of the three cases shows that the development and expansion of civil society led by student movements, and the success of mass struggle make people understand the importance of collective action. It would be a quite difficult thing for the ruling class using violent means to stifle people’s demands in the future, and Thailand will be getting closer to the goal of the consolidation of democracy.

As produções teóricas sobre os países pobres fundamentam a compreensão dessas nações seus problemas e os meios de solucioná-los em uma determinada representação do que seriam essas regiões do globo. Nesse sentido, é possível perceber que o próprio método científico para se abarcar o objeto, a possibilidade de se pensar em progresso, os termos desse progresso, tudo isso está baseado em uma determinada representação do que define esse atraso. A partir dessa perspectiva, esta dissertação analisa a transformação nos termos representacionais utilizados pela teoria do desenvolvimento político que foi produzida nos Estados Unidos durante as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Esta teoria é um objeto especialmente qualificado de estudo por haver se afastado, durante a década de 1960, da representação econômica e ter inserido de forma privilegiada os termos da insegurança, instabilidade e da ordem. Além de destrinchar essas transformações teóricas esta dissertação intenta ainda compreendê-las no interior do contexto de que fazem parte. Tal perspectiva não pretende entender as características desta produção teórica meramente como reflexo direto de interesses econômicos e políticos, mas principalmente verificar como as idéias incluindo aqui as formulações teóricas são importantes articulações que delimitam uma determinada forma de representar ou compreender o entorno social e político e, com isso, guiam as ações que são dirigidas a esse entorno. / Theoretical literature on poor countries uses as a base for its comprehension of these nations their problems and how to solve them a certain representation of what these regions of the globe would be. Accordingly, it is possible to observe that the scientific method itself used to grasp the object, the possibility of thinking about progress and the terms of this progress, are all based on a certain representation of what defines this backwardness. From this perspective, this dissertation analyzes this transformation in the representational terms used by the theory of political development that was produced in the United States during the 1950s and 1960s. This theory is a specially qualified object of study, because during the 1960s, it moved away from an economic representation and inserted, in a privileged manner, aspects of insecurity, instability and order. Besides untangling these theoretical transformations, this dissertation intends furthermore to understand them within their own context. This perspective implies not just in an understanding of the characteristics of this theoretical literature merely as a direct reflection of economical and political interests, but mainly to verify how ideas - including their theoretical formulations - are important articulations that delimit a certain form of representing or understanding our social and political surroundings and, with this, guide actions that are directed to these surroundings.

While some countries are thriving in political stability and economicprosperity, others are struggling with political instability and poverty. The fundamental difference between the successful and the failed nations boildown to their institutions, as stated by Acemoglu and Robinson in their influential institutional economics work, “Why Nations Fail”. Inclusive institution is the reason why some countries achieved economic success and prosperity because they allow the population to participate and take advantage of the economic activities while extractive institutions hinder it incase of failed nations. The purpose of this study is to explore more closely how extractive institutions persist in an ex-colonised country in spite of institutional drift andthe political disruptions of post-colonial governments avowedly vying to rid the present of the past. Indonesia is chosen as the subject for this historical desk research case study wherein the relevant history surrounding thecolonial period and the subsequent development will be explored andanalysed through the lens of secondary literature. In addition to being based on textual evidence, the institutional economics approach will be used as a theoretical framework to break down the social, economic, and political aspects of the history. Furthermore, the mechanism of how the institutions evolve will be seen through the political development framework. The result will show that patrimonialism is present as an extractive feature in both modern and colonial Indonesia and how it has been sustained after independence. This study also suggests other extractive features as a legacy ofthe Dutch colonialism that is separate from the native tradition and customs which are Javacentrism and racism in the form of social stratification between races as a result of colonial policies.

Why do some individuals endorse public policies aimed at reducing income inequality while others oppose them? Why is there widespread support for such policies in certain countries, but not in others? This dissertation advances scholarship toward a general theory of support for redistribution by analyzing variation in redistributive attitudes within and across two developing democracies, Argentina and Peru. Support for redistribution is higher in the former country. It examines existing theories based on interests and group identity, explanations whose predictions have been almost exclusively evaluated in the context of advanced industrial democracies. It also introduces and assesses a belief-based explanation that focuses on inequality frames, simplified mental models of the issue of inequality comprised of individuals’ beliefs about the causes of economic outcomes, about the extent to which society provides equal opportunities, and about the nature of wealth accumulation. This dissertation argues that these theories are complementary and identifies the contextual factors that condition the extent to which the considerations emphasized by these accounts inform redistributive attitudes. Interests and group identity are salient in contexts where individuals have access to material and informational resources that make them more cognizant of their position along economic and ethnic cleavages. In contrast, inequality frames inform redistributive attitudes regardless of context because of their inside-the-head nature. This study shows that the relative dominance of redistributive beliefs in Argentina and self-reliance beliefs in Peru help explain why support for redistribution is higher in the former country. Finally, this dissertation develops a politico-historical explanation for why and how these frames became relatively dominant. This account argues that individuals’ inequality frames are relatively stable during times of normal politics, but malleable during certain critical political junctures brought about by major events like mass political incorporation or economic crises. During such times, individuals are particularly receptive to elite cues and messages that are transmitted not only via rhetoric but also via public policies. Redistributive beliefs become dominant wherever political actors whose discourse features elements consistent with the redistributive frame are able to implement successful comprehensive social policies. The self-reliance frame becomes dominant in countries where this combination of rhetoric and policies does not take place during a critical juncture. / text

This study examines the party-controlled communication of the five most important political parties in the North West Province of South Africa during the 1999 general elections. The main assumption is that political parties in developing democracies have a normative obligation to do more than canvas for votes during an election campaign. Political parties should also be instrumental through their communication in fostering a democratic political culture. Central to this argument is the notion that a typical marketing approach is not suitable for an election campaign in a developing democracy. In accordance with the participatory approach to development, it is thus proposed that the two-way symmetrical model for public relations (as proposed by James Grunig) is a more appropriate approach to election campaigns. Especially relevant for this study is the two-way symmetrical model's emphasis on interaction and the establishment of long tern relationships with target publics. Through an extensive qualitative analysis of all relevant material (party manifests, newspaper advertisements, radio advertisements, pamphlets, posters and web pages), it was found that South African political parties placed much less emphasis on the "image" of the party or its leader compared to their American counterparts. However, that did not imply that the substance of the message was emphasised adequately. On the contrary, the political parties participating in the elections in the North-West province generally failed the normative criteria of informing voters and identifying democratic values adequately. Furthermore it was found that the cognitive and emotional campaign messages were not fully integrated. While the focus was on typical election issues (emotional message), these issues were not explained and contextualised within a developing democracy to the full extend (cognitive message). Therefore the emotional message was not utilised to focus the voter's attention on policy issues and democratic values. In conclusion it is argued that political parties should do much more than merely canvas for votes. They should also empower voters by informing them on their policy issues and highlighting democratic values in society. Only then the new South African democracy will be sustainable. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2004.

This study examines the party-controlled communication of the five most important political parties in the North West Province of South Africa during the 1999 general elections. The main assumption is that political parties in developing democracies have a normative obligation to do more than canvas for votes during an election campaign. Political parties should also be instrumental through their communication in fostering a democratic political culture. Central to this argument is the notion that a typical marketing approach is not suitable for an election campaign in a developing democracy. In accordance with the participatory approach to development, it is thus proposed that the two-way symmetrical model for public relations (as proposed by James Grunig) is a more appropriate approach to election campaigns. Especially relevant for this study is the two-way symmetrical model's emphasis on interaction and the establishment of long tern relationships with target publics. Through an extensive qualitative analysis of all relevant material (party manifests, newspaper advertisements, radio advertisements, pamphlets, posters and web pages), it was found that South African political parties placed much less emphasis on the "image" of the party or its leader compared to their American counterparts. However, that did not imply that the substance of the message was emphasised adequately. On the contrary, the political parties participating in the elections in the North-West province generally failed the normative criteria of informing voters and identifying democratic values adequately. Furthermore it was found that the cognitive and emotional campaign messages were not fully integrated. While the focus was on typical election issues (emotional message), these issues were not explained and contextualised within a developing democracy to the full extend (cognitive message). Therefore the emotional message was not utilised to focus the voter's attention on policy issues and democratic values. In conclusion it is argued that political parties should do much more than merely canvas for votes. They should also empower voters by informing them on their policy issues and highlighting democratic values in society. Only then the new South African democracy will be sustainable. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2004.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:24:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3881.pdf: 1267997 bytes, checksum: 65ebb6411824036431ba308e3701910f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-15 / This thesis analyses the political nature inherent to the development work done by Sebrae s working system. The research establishes a dialogue between philosophy and political sociology, resulting in the creating a political development definition, from the concepts of Political governance (increase of the public spaces of power; power as a key element of the Policy; associacionism and contesting), political capital (the importance of trust to build social capital; political recruitment and political inclusion: formation of new political leaders) and autogovern (empowerment; protagonism and responsiveness). We also analyse the performance of Sebrae in the area of public politics and its Sebrae s reposture as an agent of local and sectorial development, factors that consolidate its institutional role and corroborate the hypothesis of the research about the implications of the acting of this institution in the political development. / Esta tese analisa a natureza política inerente ao trabalho de desenvolvimento promovido pelo Serviço de Apoio às Micro e Pequenas Empresas de Goiás (Sebrae/GO), usado como estudo de caso. A pesquisa estabelece um diálogo entre a Filosofia e a Sociologia política, tendo como foco a elaboração de uma definição de Desenvolvimento Político a partir dos conceitos de governança política (ampliação dos espaços públicos de poder; associacionismo e cooperação e contestação), capital político (a importância da confiança para a formação do capital social; recrutamento político e a inclusão política: formação de novos líderes políticos) e autogoverno (empoderamento; protagonismo e responsividade). Analisamos, também, a atuação do Sebrae na área de políticas públicas e seu reposicionamento como uma agência de desenvolvimento local e setorial, fatores que fortalecem seu papel institucional e corroboram a hipótese da pesquisa quanto às implicações da atuação do Sebrae na promoção do desenvolvimento político.

As produções teóricas sobre os países pobres fundamentam a compreensão dessas nações seus problemas e os meios de solucioná-los em uma determinada representação do que seriam essas regiões do globo. Nesse sentido, é possível perceber que o próprio método científico para se abarcar o objeto, a possibilidade de se pensar em progresso, os termos desse progresso, tudo isso está baseado em uma determinada representação do que define esse atraso. A partir dessa perspectiva, esta dissertação analisa a transformação nos termos representacionais utilizados pela teoria do desenvolvimento político que foi produzida nos Estados Unidos durante as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Esta teoria é um objeto especialmente qualificado de estudo por haver se afastado, durante a década de 1960, da representação econômica e ter inserido de forma privilegiada os termos da insegurança, instabilidade e da ordem. Além de destrinchar essas transformações teóricas esta dissertação intenta ainda compreendê-las no interior do contexto de que fazem parte. Tal perspectiva não pretende entender as características desta produção teórica meramente como reflexo direto de interesses econômicos e políticos, mas principalmente verificar como as idéias incluindo aqui as formulações teóricas são importantes articulações que delimitam uma determinada forma de representar ou compreender o entorno social e político e, com isso, guiam as ações que são dirigidas a esse entorno. / Theoretical literature on poor countries uses as a base for its comprehension of these nations their problems and how to solve them a certain representation of what these regions of the globe would be. Accordingly, it is possible to observe that the scientific method itself used to grasp the object, the possibility of thinking about progress and the terms of this progress, are all based on a certain representation of what defines this backwardness. From this perspective, this dissertation analyzes this transformation in the representational terms used by the theory of political development that was produced in the United States during the 1950s and 1960s. This theory is a specially qualified object of study, because during the 1960s, it moved away from an economic representation and inserted, in a privileged manner, aspects of insecurity, instability and order. Besides untangling these theoretical transformations, this dissertation intends furthermore to understand them within their own context. This perspective implies not just in an understanding of the characteristics of this theoretical literature merely as a direct reflection of economical and political interests, but mainly to verify how ideas - including their theoretical formulations - are important articulations that delimit a certain form of representing or understanding our social and political surroundings and, with this, guide actions that are directed to these surroundings.