In these days, pop-economics has become popular. Economics of food has its place in this area. The aim is to confirm the hypothesis that the economic, political, and social development influence people's diet and changes the food culture. The research method is quantitative and qualitative analysis of the data and scientific articles about the Czech Republic and the USA. The thesis describes the current state of knowledge in economic development. Then it describes historical milestones in this area and the current situation. It focuses on events that have had the biggest impact on the quality and quantity of food consumed by individuals. It describes the development from the beginning of the 20th century to the present days with the main focus on the last 50 years. The hypothesis is confirmed and it is demonstrated that the described changes have an impact on the diet and food culture.

Muslim culture and society has been a part of the Philippine islands in spite of nearly ninety-five percent of the population being Christian (a majority Catholic), yet did not become a separatist movement until the 1970's. Since then, the two main separatist groups the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) have been battling the Philippine government. The parties entered truces in 1996 and 2001, yet there has been a cycle of violence continues. The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), linked to Al Qaeda, emerged in 1990 and has launched many attacks on the Christian Philippine majority. The prolonged Muslim unrest in the ARMM has left thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced. The main objective of this research paper is to examine Philippine economic and political development and its impact on Philippine Muslim unrest. This paper presents a critical analysis of the economic and political development and Philippine Muslim unrest by examining six major features of the Philippines; they are: The historical evolution, economic development, political development, socio-cultural setting, geographic setting, and the quality of life of the Filipino people. This research also examines Fareed Zakaria's illiberal democracies theory, liberal institutionalism, and the Marxist theory of class revolution and primarily relies on research conducted at the University of the Philippines and from Philippine and Asian scholars. By taking a holistic comprehensive approach and by using international relations theory, this research fills two gaps in the literature about Philippine Muslim unrest. The research concludes with a look at future challenges, both short term and long term that face the country, as well as, possible future scenarios. The findings of this research are that the economic and political development and the historical evolution, though major contributory factors, are not the sole reason for the prolonged Philippine Muslim unrest. The most pervasive causal factor to Muslim unrest was the socio-cultural setting. Because of the all-pervasive nature of culture; at first glance, the socio-cultural setting was not a major apparent cause. At almost all times examined throughout this research, certain cultural tendencies guided decisions and altered the course of events more so than any other single variable. Corruption, crony capitalism, patrimonialism, and irrational institutions all stem from the tendencies of Philippine culture must be addressed to find lasting peace in the country. A move toward rational legal institutions and liberal constitutionalism, will lead the way to the creation of a liberal democracy and break the cycle of violence occurring in the Philippines.

La construction des indicateurs dans les évaluations des politiques publiques en matière d’aide au développement est révélatrice des liens et d’échange que les pays occidentaux et africains entretiennent. De la diversité des méthodes aux négociations des normes requises, la construction des indicateurs devient un enjeu pour défendre les visions politiques des types de développement. Il parait, du point de viue de la science politique nécessaire, de déconstruire les systèmes de domination, d’entrer pleinement la construction des indicateurs dans le champ de la négociation et dans celui du pouvoir. Cette thèse interroge le contenu politique des indicateurs, leur abscence de neutralité vis-à-vis d’un projet politique, d’un rapport à l’Etat et à la politique en général. / The index building in evaluation of development aid public policies can contribute to define the exchange and link between African and western countries. By the diversity of methods and negotiation of standards, building indicators become stakes in defining political views of development. It is now necessary from the point of view of the political science, to deconstruct the system of monopoly by introducing index building in the field of negotiation, as well as the field of political power. This research is about the political content of index, their absence of neutrality in political project, states vision and finally in policy.

Cette thèse inscrite dans la tradition intellectuelle de l’American Political Development analyse les liens dialectiques entre l’entrepreneuriat des présidents des États-Unis sur la question de l’assurance maladie, l’essor du système de santé américain contemporain et son produit le plus récent, le Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (2010). Il s’agit d’analyser les influences réciproques entre un exécutif qui subit de très fortes contraintes institutionnelles dans ce champ précis des politiques publiques et un système de santé dont les fondements et les contours sont en perpétuelle mutation. Les réformes de santé, de par leur nature transversale et polémique, leur complexité mais aussi leur poids dans l'économie américaine, agissent directement sur les équilibres de la gouvernance publique. Elles doivent être considérées comme un laboratoire et un accélérateur d’innovations pour la présidence, dans un système politique où sa sphère d’action est limitée, tant par les freins et des contre-pouvoirs que par l’influence d’autres entrepreneurs politiques dotés d’une légitimité d’action égale voir supérieure à se saisir de la question épineuse de la santé. L’adoption du PPACA, sa promulgation par un président démocrate après un siècle de rendez-vous manqués avec les réformes ambitieuses de l’assurance maladie, ainsi que sa mise en œuvre compliquée, offrent un cas d’étude de premier plan sur les évolutions de l'exécutif étasunien et sur la normalisation d’un entrepreneuriat présidentiel hétérodoxe. / This dissertation which falls within the intellectual tradition of American Political Development explores the dialectical links between the entrepreneurship of US presidents on health care reform, the development of the American health care system and its latest product, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA), which was signed into law in 2010. This work analyses the mutual forces of influence at work between a deeply constrained executive in this particular field of public policy and a health care system whose foundations and contours are in constant mutation. Given its controversial nature, its complexity and its weight in the US economy, health care reform directly affects the dynamics of public governance. Health care reform must therefore be considered as a laboratory and an accelerator of innovations for the presidency, in a political system in which its sphere of action is limited, as much by checks and balances as by the influence of other entrepreneurs who enjoy equivalent if not greater legitimacy than the executive branch to take action on the thorny issue of health care. The passage of the PPACA, the fact that it was signed into law by a democratic president after a century of failed attempts at ambitious reform as well as its arduous implementation, are a picture perfect case study on the evolutions of the presidential institution and on the routinization of heterodox presidential entrepreneurship.

本研究試圖將雙邊關係導入區域整合的解釋範疇，主要探討東南亞國家之間雙邊互動關係的解釋因素，以及東協對應成員國間衝突本質的制度建構，從而推進區域合作的進程。 從理論文獻與經驗事件，本研究運用「雙邊層次理論」（dyadic level theories）解釋東南亞國家間的互動現象，選擇「相對權力」、「軍事實力」、「政體類型」、「貿易互賴」、「經濟發展」作為開發中國家雙邊關係的解釋變數，用以理解東協成員國走向衝突與合作的選擇，並對「衝突－合作」的理論命題進行檢驗，據以提出適用於東協國家雙邊互動變異的解釋模式。本研究主張，開發中區域內雙邊關係受到國家屬性與相對特質的影響，爰須從個別國家互動交往的變遷軌跡予以觀察，其解釋變數將持續影響未來的整合道路。 在理論檢證的操作上，本研究參照「事件資料分析」（event-data analysis）方法，設計「雙邊互動的衝突—整合量表」（the Conflict-Integration Continuum, CIC），蒐集自1990年至2012年的「時間序列與橫斷面資料」（TSCS），並建置「東協成員國雙邊互動關係時間序列資料庫」（ASEAN-TSCS Data set）。透過資料庫分析和預測模型之建構，本研究釐清東協雙邊關係變異的解釋因素，並確認對於開發中國家間互動關係的影響關係。 為周延地理解東南亞次區域體系中單元層次（國家間互動）與整體層次（東協整合）的互動連結，本研究對東協歷年構建的安全制度與爭端解決機制進行文本分析，擇取區域內各組雙邊關係進行案例研究。透過對東協國家相對特質與互動事件的比較，進一步檢證次體系內國家間互動行為的關聯特徵，本研究期能為東南亞的整合研究提供一種理論啟示。 / This study aims to interpret regional integration through the lens of bilateral relations. It primarily addresses the factors in bilateral interactions between the Southeast Asian nations and delves into the process in which the ASEAN put forth an architecture to resolve the inherent conflicts between its member states to further promote regional cooperation. Based on theoretical literatures and historical events, this study uses dyadic-level theories to explain interactions among the Southeast Asian countries, chooses “Relative Power,” “Military Capability,” “Regime Types,” “Trade Interdependence,” and “Economic Development” as explanatory variables for bilateral relations between developing countries in this region for the purpose of understanding the choices made by the ASEAN member states towards either conflict or cooperation, and inspects the theoretical proposition of “conflict-cooperation” so as to put forth an explanatory model applicable for changes in the bilateral interactions between the ASEAN countries. The author argues that the bilateral relations in a developing region are not only influenced by the objective characteristics of each country, but also the relative relation to other countries. Therefore, observing the interactions between each individual country to others is required. The independent valuables are also dynamically influencing the approach of integration in the future. In terms of theoretical validation, a conflict-integration continuum (CIC) is designed for this paper with reference to event-data analysis approach, time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data between 1990 and 2012 is collected, and an ASEAN-TSCS data set is established. By means of database analysis and construction of a prediction model, this research clarifies the explanatory factors for changes in bilateral relations between ASEAN countries and determines the effects that they have on interactions among developing countries. For the purpose of comprehensively understanding interactive linkages between the unit level (interactions amongst nations) and the overall level (ASEAN integration) in the Southeast Asia sub-regional system, this paper performs a text analysis on security regimes and dispute settlement mechanisms constructed by the ASEAN over the years and selects bilateral relations of pairs in the region as case studies. In addition to the data-driven analysis above, comprehensive knowledge of the interactive linkages between individual country and the overall ASEAN are also required. Therefore, a text analysis on security regimes and dispute settlement mechanisms constructed by the ASEAN is also conducted in this thesis. Several pairs of countries are used as case studies to investigate the bilateral relations in this region. By comparing relative qualities and interactional events of ASEAN countries, correlative features of interactions among the countries in the subsystem are further validated, as such, this paper aims to provide a theoretical revelation for research on the integration of Southeast Asia.

This thesis deals with economic, political and social aspects of Brazil. The first chapter characterizes Brazil as one of the developing centres of the world economy with emphasis on its geographical and demographic situation and on the political development from the period of colonization to the new millenium. It offers detailed analysis of the social problem as well. The second chapter is basically oriented to the characteristics of the brazil economy. It focuses especially on the structural reforms effectuated in the nineties and on the "Real Plan". The next part of the chapter deals with the description of che basic economic profile and the financial sphere of the country and offers the evaluation of the economic development in the 2007. At the end the "Growth Acceleration Program" is presented. The last chapter analyses actual situation of the brazil foreign trade and of the investment sphere, the most perspective sectors for investments, but it points out potential risks for the investors as well. In the end this chapter tries to define perspectives of the next development of the brazil economy and it's future role in the world economy.

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本論文全部一冊，共計十六萬字，分五章十三節。 本文主旨在探討中國自光緒二十四年至民國五年間（即公元一八九八年∼一九一六年 ），有關憲政之思想，及有關該思想的演化進步的情形。 首章為緒論，就本文的研究範圍，相關的概念先作界定，並就研究方法及架構作一說 明，以為底下各章的準備。 第二章由清末憲政思想的源起，即萌芽及茁長論起，此為清末民初憲攻思想的第一階 段。此後憲政思想即發展為兩股不同的憲政救國論，一股是以康有為、梁啟超為首的 君主立憲論，另一股乃是以 孫中山先生為首的共和立憲論。前者主張改革，後者主 張革命，此為本章第二及第三節所論述。 第三章探討君主立憲思想的演進過程，由第一節興起的原因背景論起，進而在第二節 說明此股思想的主張內容，亦即其成熟時期的思想。第三節說明思想成熟後所採取的 具體措施。第四節探討該股思想在高潮後的衰退現象。即以興趣－成熟－具體化－衰 退的階段論，為研究架構。 第四章探討共和立憲思想的演進過程，亦以興起－成熟－具體化－受阻的階段論為架 構。第一節說明興起的原因背景。第二節探討思想的主張內容，即成熟後之思想。第 三節探討此股思想所形成的具體措施，第四節採討該股思想所受的阻礙，以致不能順 利實行的現象。 第五章結論，綜合以上各章所論，期能對清末民初這段期間，憲政思想的演進方向與 模式，以社會變遷與政治發展的理論，作一明確的歸類，以作為理想憲政演進的參考 。並指出較理想的憲政演進型態。

Le « Burkina Faso depuis 1991 : entre stabilité politique et illusionnisme démocratique » ambitionne de se projeter au cœur du régime de la IVème République. Les fondements de la domination de l’élite politique post-transition sont examinés à travers la stratégie de conquête du pouvoir politique et la légitimation électorale à travers l’organisation des premières élections pluralistes. Le président Blaise Compaoré progressivement met en place un système de domination verrouillé où les possibilités de changements démocratiques s’amenuisent pour ses adversaires politiques. Cette mainmise du régime de M. Blaise Compaoré nécessite des ressources qui se déclinent en ressources internes et en un répertoire de légitimation internationale qui fait aujourd’hui du président Blaise Compaoré un acteur majeur du jeu politique sous-régional. / "Burkina Faso since 1991: between political stability and democratic illusion" aims to project in the heart of the regime of the Fourth Republic. The foundations of the dominance of the post-transition political elite are examined through the strategy of conquest of political power and electoral legitimacy by organizing the first multiparty elections. President Blaise Compaoré gradually set up a system of domination locked where the possibilities of democratic change are dwindling for his political opponents. This control regime Blaise Compaoré requires resources that are available in-house resources and a directory of international legitimacy that is now President Blaise Compaoré a major player in the political game sub regional levels.