<p>Jordanien ser sig som en arabiskmuslimsk stat på väg mot en demokrati. Med en sådan självbild blir islam en integral del av samhället. Det stöd som det jordanska samhället gav det Muslimska Brödraskapet i valen november 1989 och 1993 visade dessutom att organisationen blivit något som kungahuset måste ta med i beräkningen i den demokratiska processen. För det Muslimska Brödraskapet kan det upplevas som en tilltalande idé då man genom ett samarbete med kungahuset både kan bevara sin maktbas och dessutom se till att andra konkurrerande och kanske mer militanta och extrema muslimska grupper marginaliseras.</p><p>Den demokratiska processen i Jordanien kan således ses som en samverkan mellan det Muslimska Brödraskapet och kungahuset.</p>

Jordanien ser sig som en arabiskmuslimsk stat på väg mot en demokrati. Med en sådan självbild blir islam en integral del av samhället. Det stöd som det jordanska samhället gav det Muslimska Brödraskapet i valen november 1989 och 1993 visade dessutom att organisationen blivit något som kungahuset måste ta med i beräkningen i den demokratiska processen. För det Muslimska Brödraskapet kan det upplevas som en tilltalande idé då man genom ett samarbete med kungahuset både kan bevara sin maktbas och dessutom se till att andra konkurrerande och kanske mer militanta och extrema muslimska grupper marginaliseras. Den demokratiska processen i Jordanien kan således ses som en samverkan mellan det Muslimska Brödraskapet och kungahuset.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, 2016. / Submitted by Marianna Gomes (mariannasouza@bce.unb.br) on 2016-12-16T11:19:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_PaolaDeOrte.pdf: 804848 bytes, checksum: 142b66dc00bf2d1f90bed538a281c294 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana(raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2017-01-30T20:02:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_PaolaDeOrte.pdf: 804848 bytes, checksum: 142b66dc00bf2d1f90bed538a281c294 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-30T20:02:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_PaolaDeOrte.pdf: 804848 bytes, checksum: 142b66dc00bf2d1f90bed538a281c294 (MD5) / Os fenômenos da revolução informacional e da proliferação dos atores não estatais impactaram nas estratégias de guerra dos atores nas relações internacionais. O maior acesso a meios de comunicação de massa e, mais tarde, às novas mídias, como as mídias sociais, possibilitou aos atores não estatais veicular sua mensagem ideológica e suas narrativas de maneira mais efetiva e para um público cada vez maior. Nesse contexto, no conflito árabe israelense, ocorreu um processo de espraiamento da guerra do campo material para o campo ideacional, conformando uma “guerra de relações públicas”, concomitantemente ao crescimento da importância da opinião pública na elaboração das políticas externas dos países. Nessa guerra das ideias, atores não estatais, como os palestinos do Hamas, conseguem avançar e auferir resultados não apenas no aspecto imaterial, como também no campo material. Essas transformações resultaram em mudança na opinião pública mais favorável aos palestinos, levando a um constrangimento da liberdade de ação militar de Israel. / The informational revolution and the proliferation of non-state actors impacted war strategies set out by international relations actors. Greater access to mass media and, later, to the new media, such as social media, allowed for non-state actors to proliferate their ideological message and narratives in a more effective way and to an ever larger public. In this context, in the Arab-Israeli conflict, a dissemination process occurred: the war went from the material field to the ideational field, establishing a “public relations war”, at the same time as public opinion importance was growing as regards the elaboration of foreign policies. In this war of ideas, non state actors, such as the Palestinians from Hamas, are able to advance and obtain results not only in the immaterial field, but also in the material field of war. These transformations resulted in a change of public opinion more favorable to Palestinians, leading to constraints to Israeli freedom of military action.

Este trabalho investigou o que aconteceu em 1948 na aldeia palestina de Qaqun. Para tanto, apresentou o contexto histórico em que se inseriu a transformação do vilarejo à época, bem como conceitos e documentos que possibilitassem essa compreensão. Recorreu à história do vilarejo e à memória de seus habitantes, além de fotos, mapas, documentos e duas entrevistas, uma delas com Ilan Pappé, um dos denominados novos historiadores israelenses. Com base nas pesquisas, foi possível observar que os habitantes de Qaqun saíram de suas terras e propriedades mediante métodos planejados para forçar sua expulsão. Esses acontecimentos se enquadram em definições sobre limpeza étnica, inclusive à dada pela Organização das Nações Unidas, também apresentada neste trabalho. As pesquisas e estudos realizados apontam a importância do reconhecimento histórico do que aconteceu em Qaqun e em outras aldeias palestinas para que esses acontecimentos não mais se repitam e se alcance uma solução justa para a chamada questão palestina. A pretensão não foi esgotar o tema, mas contribuir nesse sentido, para que mais pesquisas sejam feitas. / This dissertation investigates events which occurred in 1975 in the Palestinian Village of Qaqun. Historical background is provided, through which one sees the transformation of the village as well as concepts and documents which allow for a more in-depth understanding. The story of this village and its inhabitants is recounted through photographs, maps, documents and two interviews, one of which is with Ilan Pappé, commonly referred to as one of the new Israeli historians. Upon consulting of research and available historical data, it was clear that the inhabitants of Qaqun were systematically expelled from their land and property. The circumstances involved in these events fall under the definition of ethnic cleansing, including that given by the United Nations, also presented in this dissertation. Research and studies highlight the importance of an historical acknowledgement of what occurred in Qaqun and in other Palestinian villages so that these events do not repeat themselves and so that a just solution is found for the so-called question of Palestine. The intension is not to belabor the topic, but to contribute to it, so as to encourage more and more research.

Mulher, poetisa, guerrilheira sem armas, mas com alma feminina, a qual Moshe Dayan, ex-ministro da guerra israelense, disse, referindo a ousadia e a coragem da poetisa no uso das expressões nos seus poemas: \"cada um dos poemas de Fadwa Tuqan faz dez guerrilheiros\". Fadwa Abdel Fattah Agha Tuqan, uma grande poetisa palestina que se destacou e deixou sua marca por diversas gerações através da literatura, das palavras expressas, antecipando por décadas a liberdade de expressão. Tinha coragem e ousadia numa época na qual a tradição era a lei de maior autoridade, na qual o homem era o único dono da verdade e o único digno de liberdade, onde era proibida a pronúncia da palavra amor pelo gênero feminino. A rígida sociedade árabe tem negado a muitas das poetisas e dos poetas árabes revelar suas ricas experiências emocionais, incluindo Fadwa que teve muitas experiências de amor humano, riquíssimas de intensidade, tornou-se a dama da poesia árabe moderna e encantou-nos com as suas melodias poéticas recheadas com muita sensibilidade e fortes expressões. Para Fadwa, o amor representa o vigor máximo da força feminina, e através dele a mulher exerce tudo o que lhe foi negado, tudo sob o nome do amor, por isso o amor é uma tábua de salvação. Casou-se com a poesia, e deu à luz centenas dos seus belos poemas, que foram lançados no livre espaço árabe, mesmo prisioneira de tradição, e da arbitrariedade das relações sociais e familiares do sistema rígido, que não lhe permitiu revelar, em sua autobiografia, quem eram seus amores secretos no mundo árabe, o que a obrigou a ocultá-los totalmente em sua autobiografia. Demonstrou em seus poemas e poesias as tragédias, privações, mortes, separações, raiva e a reprimida revolução silenciosa. Fadwa Tuqan é uma das poucas poetisas árabes que estabeleceu uma ligação entre a poesia antiga com o Movimento de Inovação e Modernidade, saindo dos métodos clássicos da poesia Árabe Antiga, de maneira simples e não artificial, adquirindo pontos importantes em sua força interior, conservando o ritmo musical antigo e o ritmo interno moderno, formulando sua poesia musical. Suas poesias caracterizam-se pela força do vocabulário e pela excelente combinação e forte tendência para a narrativa e para as questões existenciais, baseadas em argumentos prontos, fazendo dos seus poemas diálogos com as idéias, ao invés de uma demonstração dos sentimentos. / Woman poet, guerrilla unarmed, but with the feminine soul, which Moshe Dayan, ex- Israeli minister of war, said of the daring and courage of the poet in use of words in her poems: \"every poem of poems by Fadwa Tuqan makes ten guerrillas\". Fadwa Abdel Fattah Agha Tuqan, a great Palestinian poet who stood out and left her mark on several generations through literature, the words uttered, anticipating by decades the freedom of expression. She had courage and boldness at a time when tradition was the law of higher authority, in which man was the master of truth and worthy of freedom, where it was forbidden to pronounce the word \"love\" for women. The Arab rigid society has denied many of the Arab poets and poetesses of revealing the rich emotional experiences, including Fadwa had many experiences of human love, very rich intensity. Became the queen of modern Arabic poetry and delighted us with his poetic melodies filled with great sensitivity and strong expressions. For Fadwa, love is the maximum force strength of women, and through it the woman does all she has been denied, all under the name of love, so love is a siege of save. Se married poetry and gave birth to hundreds of his beautiful poems, which were launched in the free Arabic space, even those who wrote these poems, being a prisoner of tradition, and the arbitrariness of social and family relationships of the system drive, did not allow her in diseases in her autobiography who his secret loves in the Arab world, which forced to hide them completely in her autobiography. Shown in her poems and poetry tragedies, hardships, deaths, separations, anger and repressed silent revolution. Fadwa Tuqan is one of the few Arab poets who established a link between the ancient poetry with the Movement for Innovation and Modernity, leaving traditional methods of ancient Arabic poetry, simply and not artificial, gaining important points in your inner strength, keeping the musical rhythm and pace antic domestic modern musical formulating her poetry. His poems are characterized by the strength of your vocabulary and excellent combination and a strong tendency for narrative and existential questions based on arguments ready, making the dialogues of her poems with the ideas, rather than a statement of feelings.

Main point of my thesis is to analyse the possible variants and plans of solutions the conflict between Israel and Palestine and also the main reasons why both sides are not able to achieve agreement and why niether of plans were not implemented. I do not try to decide which side is right but to provide objective view of conflict and its solutions.

Práce se zabývá vývojem palestinsko-izraelského konfliktu a především mírovým procesem od počátku 90. let. Na znalosti historických souvislostí staví rozbor struktury izraelské společnosti, především zdůrazňuje její výraznou etnickou a náboženskou diverzitu. Ve své stěžějní části je práce zaměřena na hlavní náboženské politické strany. Rozebírá jejich postoje k dlouhodobému konfliktu mezi Palestinci a Izraelci a jejich postoje a vliv na mírový proces směřující k vyrovnání mezi oběma národy.

This thesis named "Analysis of the Official Israeli Discourse during the Second Intifada: Legitimization and Categorization" is concerned with discursive construction of Palestinian terrorism and Israeli security policies by Israeli officials in the period following 2000. The paper draws on works which refuse to perceive language as neutral communication means to describe the social reality, and instead approach it as a tool to impose and maintain social and political inequality and dominance of some groups over others. These theoretical foundations underpin the following research which examines legitimation strategies employed by Israeli officials in order to justify Israeli controversial measures aiming to quell Palestinian terrorism during the Second Intifada. The paper identifies several discursive schemes through which Israeli state representatives purported to legitimize Israeli security policies that were harshly criticized at the time. The basic strategy is to depict and categorize Israelis as peace yearning people who relentlessly offer far-reaching compromises aiming to achieve calm, which proposals are being adamantly rejected by Palestinians whose only reaction is resort to terror. The thesis further deals with Israeli officials' reframing of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a part...

In studies of social movements, the media and its influence are important aspects for the understanding of protest movements. Based on the media attention that Israel-Palestine- related protests in Sweden received this spring, this study aims to understand how Swedish media frame these protests and how the media can contribute to the legitimation and delegitimization of these protests. Furthermore, this study investigates whether there has been a change in the Swedish media portrayal of Israel-Palestinie related protests in Sweden during 1980–2020. The empirical material is collected from 32 articles of Dagens Nyheter, analyzed, and examined through a qualitative approach and method.  Using a coding scheme based on previous research that states that media have a tendency to frame protests negatively in their news coverage, the findings from analysis are aligned with previous research. Swedish media frames Israel-Palestine related protests more often negatively than positively. On the contrary, protesters are broadly speaking out, which goes against previous research, suggesting that the media tend not to let demonstrators speak. However, the patterns identified in articles where protesters speak can confirm previous research. Articles, where protesters speak tend to give most space to the violence and spectacle of the demonstration rather than their goals and purpose. Giving violence and spectacle the primary scope delegitimizes the protesters and protests. The articles that gave protesters space to speak for themselves and where the article's main focus was on their purpose and goals legitimized the protests. The former, ways in which media delegitimized the protests, were more prevalent in the result. The results showed a change in the framing of the protests tending to become more negative over time.

Denna intervjustudie undersöker maskulinitet bland palestinska män på Västbanken. Genomlivsberättelser ges männen möjlighet att fritt berätta om sitt vardagsliv och tidigare erfarenheter.Detta är intressant och relevant ur ett didaktiskt perspektiv för religionsundervisningen inomsvensk skola utifrån frågor om jämställdhet, intersektionalitet och kontroversiella frågor.Resultatet visar på att det finns en upplevelse bland intervjudeltagarna att västvärldens syn påmän i regionen är stereotyp tillsammans med en skepsis riktad mot västerländsk jämställdhet.Resultatet visar vidare på att etnicitet är en viktig faktor när det gäller uttryck för maskulinitetoch möjlighet till makt. Skillnaden mellan muslimer och kristna visade sig spela en mindre rolli uttrycken för maskulinitet utifrån den hegemoniska maskulinitets teorin. Frågor som rörmellanöstern klassas i vissa fall som kontroversiella av religionslärare i svensk skola vilket ledertill att ämnena undviks eller essensialiseras. Denna studie är intressanta och relevanta förreligionsundervisningen i den svenska gymnasieskolan eftersom det visar på vikten avproblematisera maskulinitet och olika tolkningar av jämställdhet. / This interview study examines masculinity among Palestinian men in the West Bank. Throughlife stories, men are given the opportunity to freely tell about their everyday lives and previousexperiences. This is interesting and relevant from a didactic perspecitve for education in relgionin Swedish schools based on issues of gender equality, intersectionality and controversiealissues. The results show that there is an experience among the interview participants that theWestern world´s view of men in the region is stereotyped together with a skepticism directedtowards Western gender equality. The results further show that etnicity is an important factorin terms of expression of masculinity and the possibility of power. The difference betweenMuslims and Christians turned out to play a minor role in the expressions of masculinity basedon the theory of hegemonic masculinity. Issues concerning the Middle East are in some casesclassified as controversial by religion teachers in Swedish scholls, which leads to the subjetsbeing avoided or essentialized. This study important for edcuation in religion in the Swedishupper secondary school because it shows the importance of problematizing masculinity anddifferent interpertations of gender equality.