La présence des paradoxes stoïciens dans l’œuvre de poètes dont les liens avec le Portique sont divers révèle le statut particulier occupé par ces formules déconcertantes dans la pensée romaine. Après l’étude des origines du paradoxe et de ses transformations au cours du développement des écoles philosophiques grecques, la thèse examine la spécificité du paradoxe stoïcien et son adaptation au monde romain. Contre toute attente, les Stoïciens ne renoncent pas à ces affirmations déconcertantes. Grâce à leur efficacité rhétorique, et malgré l’hostilité qu’ils suscitent par ailleurs, les paradoxes sont repris dans des textes étrangers au Portique. Leur adaptation dans des œuvres poétiques - satires de Lucilius, Horace et Perse, épodes, odes et épîtres d’Horace et épopée lucanienne - pourrait nous faire considérer qu’ils sont pervertis et détournés de leur fin première. En effet, le but de ces poètes n’est nullement de faire adhérer le lecteur à l’intransigeante perfection dessinée par les paradoxes stoïciens. Mais le lien entre les paradoxes que l’on trouve dans ce corpus poétique et leur origine stoïcienne est en réalité bien plus intime. Selon des modalités différentes, chaque poète reprend l’essentiel de la démarche paradoxale du Portique : il s’agit bien de réveiller les consciences, et de souligner la radicale nouveauté de la vérité que l’on veut faire entendre, tout en s’assurant que le lecteur peut s’y rallier. La virulence de Lucilius, le ton de confidence horatien, la stupeur lucanienne et l’obscurité de Perse constituent les voies distinctes mais convergentes par lesquelles est menée l’entreprise subtile consistant à choquer pour mieux convertir. / The presence of Stoic paradoxes in the works of poets whose links with the Stoa are complex reveals the particular status of these incongruous formulas in Roman thought. After studying the origins of paradox and its transformations during the development of the Greek philosophical schools, the thesis considers the particularity of Stoic paradox and its adaptation to the Roman world. Unexpectedly, the Stoics do not sign away these disconcerting assertions. By their rhetorical effectiveness, and despite the hostility they also arouse, paradoxes appear in texts which do not belong to the Stoa. Their adaptation in poetic works – satires of Lucilius, Horace and Persius, epodes, odes and epistles of Horace, and Lucanian epic - could make us consider that they are perverted and diverted from their first aim. Indeed, the purpose of these poets is not at all to have the reader adhere to the uncompromising perfection outlined by the Stoic paradoxes. But the link between the paradoxes we find in this poetic corpus and their Stoic origin is actually much more intimate. By different ways, each poet takes up the main of the Stoic paradoxical approach : it consists in waking up the minds, and showing the radical novelty of the truth which one wants to reveal, making sure, at the same time, that the reader can join it. Lucilius’ virulence, Horace’s intimacy, Lucan’s daze and Persius’ abstruse language constitute the different but converging ways by which one subtly undertakes to shock in order to convert.

En commençant son étude critique sur Camus, Pierre de Boisdeffre,dans (Métamorphose de la littérature, Proust, Valéry, Cocteau, Anouilh, Camus, Sartre, Verviers, Marabout Université, 1974, p.309), fait le constat suivant:"l'Europe depuis Nietzsche, est à la recherche d'un cinquième Evangile. Qu'elle exalte les nourritures terrestres ou qu'elle communie à sa propre nausée, la littérature contemporaine n'a plus qu'une seule certitude: elle sait que Dieu est mort et s'efforce de le remplacer par l'Homme." En méditant la pensée de Camus à travers ses essais philosophiques, il semble que, même si dans un entretien sur la révolte, ce dernier déclare qu'"il n'est pas humaniste", la question du comment l'homme doit vivre avec ses semblables dans le monde et en société, est au centre de la réflexion philosophique camusienne. Car, l'époque de Camus fut celle où la vie humaine comme valeur et la dignité de l'être humain, furent soumises à une dure épreuve d'être respectées par chaque homme et en tout homme. D'où l'intérêt que l'oeuvre de Camus porte sur la question de la "vitalogie": L'homme peut-il vivre heureux sans le secours de Dieu? Oui ou non, l'homme, peut-il se tuer volontairement ou bien tuer les autres sans raison? L'homme peut-il détruire le monde qui le porte sans détruire sa propre vie? En effet, loin de voir dans la mort raisonnée et dans le suicide une valeur, Camus considère qu'ils sont plutôt un mal que les hommes doivent éviter et faire éviter les autres dans le "vivre-ensemble." C'est pour cette raison que la pensée philosophique chez Camus présente comme l'une des caractéristiques majeures, la "passion de vivre" de l'homme et pour l'homme, car la vie est, selon lui, une valeur cardinale qui doit être respectée en tout être humain dans la communauté qui voudrait être juste, paisible, libre, solidaire et unie. A cet effet, nous soutenons la thèse suivante: La pensée camusienne est une "vitalogie" paradoxale, c'est-à-dire qu'elle est debat philosophique sur la vie de l'être humain, en tant que valeur fondamentale, dans ses rapports avec Dieu, le monde et les autres. Par conséquent, une société dans laquelle les hommes sont habités par la passion de bien vivre et mieux vivre ensemble, il y a une exigence impérieuse pour eux de promouvoir et de crer les valeurs qui favorisent le respect de l'être humain et de sa vie. La vitaogie camuusienne est indissociable de la vision qu'on se fait sur l'homme ici et maintenant, en tenant compte des contradictions ou des antinomies du "oui" et du "non" de l'existence. Selon Camus, en effet, la mission principale de l'homme dans le monde est de vivre: "Oui, mais je n'aurai rien manqué de ce qui fait toute ma mission et c'est de vivre." (Carnets I.p.92). La pensée camusienne est donc une vitalogie. Mais comment l'homme doit-il vivre? Celui-ci, pense Camus, doit devenir "créateur" des valeurs de la justice, de la liberté, de la solidarité, de la paix, de l'amitié et de la fraternité entre les hommes et être courageux, pour assumer la responsabilité de sa vie et de son destin dans le monde, en évitant d'aliéner son esprit dans les illusions, dans quelque absolutisme qu'il soit ou dans un pessimisme tétanisant. Au total, l'homme doit prendre en main sa destinée, en vue de la "joie vivre", sans pour autant perdre de vue que celle-ci ne se sépare pas non plus du "désespoir de vivre." <p> / Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’avènement des théories et des politiques publiques dites néolibérales marque à première vue le déclin de la notion de souveraineté, à la fois comme principe légitimant et comme motif mobilisateur. Les thèses néolibérales, dans leur diversité, se sont construites comme des contre-points à la souveraineté. Contre la puissance absolue de commander du monarque, les régimes libéraux ne doivent leur vertu qu’à la croissance des libertés individuelles ; contre la souveraineté populaire, la démocratie ne trouve son effectivité que dans des techniques de gouvernement. Cette opposition théorique paraît d’autant plus ferme que les évolutions géopolitiques d’après-guerre portent massivement atteinte aux attributs classiques de la puissance souveraine. La mondialisation de l’économie bouleverse le découpage territorial de l’espace en faisant commercer des régions plus que des États souverains. La globalisation des échanges fait émerger des instances économiques privées dont la puissance rivalise avec les États institués. L’avènement d’internet complexifie les transactions rendant vaine toute prétention à maîtriser la vie publique. Enfin, le développement du droit international et l’aventure communautaire européenne portent atteinte à la puissance législative et décisionnaire des gouvernements représentatifs. Cependant, contre le récit annonçant le retrait de l’idée de souveraineté, contre l’idée d’une incompatibilité de la souveraineté et du néolibéralisme, cette thèse cherche à se rendre attentive aux traitements qui sont réservés à la notion de puissance souveraine, aussi bien dans les œuvres théoriques que dans les politiques publiques européennes contemporaines. / The advent of so-called neoliberal theories and public policies seems to mean the decline of the notion of sovereignty, both as a legitimizing principle and as a mobilizing motive. Neoliberal theses, in their diversity, have been constructed as counterpoints to sovereignty. Against the absolute power of command of the monarch, liberal regimes owe their virtue only to the growth of individual liberties; against popular sovereignty, democracy finds its effectiveness only in the techniques of government. This theoretical opposition seems even stronger because the post-war geopolitical developments massively undermine the classic attributes of sovereign power. The globalization of the economy disrupts the territorial division of space. The globalization of trade brings out private economic powers which compete with the instituted States. The invention of the Internet makes transactions more complex, which prevent any possibility of controlling public life. Finally, the development of international law and the European community adventure undermine the power of representative governments. However, against the narrative announcing the withdrawal of the idea of sovereignty, against the idea of an incompatibility of sovereignty and neoliberalism, this thesis seeks to pay attention to the treatments that are reserved for the notion of sovereign power, in theoretical works as well as in contemporary European public policies.

Cette thèse problématise la position paradoxale du catholicisme congolais face aux viols de guerre en contexte socio-culturel de la RD Congo déchirée par les conflits armés depuis plus de deux décennies. La RD Congo est le plus grand pays catholique du continent africain. L’Église catholique congolaise est l’une des plus peuplées de l’Afrique postcoloniale. Grâce à son pouvoir d’influence, son poids démographique, sa force économique et son organisation qui couvrent toute l’étendue du territoire national, le catholicisme congolais exerce un impact significatif sur le plan politique, social, moral et spirituel. Il peut jouer un rôle déterminant et une fonction cruciale face aux viols de guerre. Il le fait à des moments critiques et à des tournants politiques majeurs pour sortir le pays de la crise. Dans une perspective théologique et interdisciplinaire, la thèse analyse le paradoxe du catholicisme congolais et son impact face aux viols de guerre. Pour ce faire, 56 récits de survivantes, 20 messages officiels des évêques, 3 textes bibliques sont analysés à partir d’approches anthropophanique, libératrice et de Bosadi centrées sur les survivantes. Les images de la pyramide, du rhizome et de la toile d’araignée entrent en jeu dans les analyses du catholicisme ainsi que la notion d’Ubuntu. Les typologies esquissées de catégories de viols de guerre et de relations vitales en reprennent des éléments essentiels. Le tout débouche sur une perspective de théologie afroféministe des relations vitales. Sur le plan mondial, le plus grand nombre de victimes des viols de guerre se retrouvent en RD Congo. La question des viols de femmes comme arme de guerre constitue, en ce XXIe siècle, un enjeu mondial majeur qui préoccupe tous les mouvements de justice sociale. Elle devient une des préoccupations urgentes pour la planète et, spécialement pour la RD Congo, qualifiée de « capitale mondiale du viol », où quatre femmes sur cinq sont violées dans la partie Est par des hommes en uniforme. Les viols de guerre y persistent et deviennent de plus en plus omniprésents. Les statistiques font état de chiffres plus élevés que jamais et répertoriés nulle part ailleurs dans un contexte de conflits armés. Depuis 1996, début des guerres dites de libération, le nombre de femmes et de filles torturées avant d’être violées et, parfois tuées après viols, est estimé à un million en 2005 et à quelques deux millions en 2010 dans les deux provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu. Ces chiffres avancés ne représenteraient que 25 % des cas de viols de guerre déclarés, car 75 % des viols demeurent sous silence. Les études font état actuellement de plus de 130 groupes armés actifs dans l’Est du pays, alors qu’en 2015 on en répertoriait 70. En 2017, 120 groupes armés s’affrontaient, tuaient, pillaient et violaient. Le Conseil de sécurité de Nations unies (2020, n° 27) signale qu’en 2019, le nombre des personnes violées a augmenté de 34 % par rapport à l’année 2018. Les viols de guerre en RD Congo représentent, au niveau des motivations, un panel complexe impliquant les viols à des fins d’occupation de terre, de domination, de contrôle territorial et des ressources naturelles, mais aussi sont liés à des questions de genre et d’idéologies politiques. Le contexte socioculturel de la RD Congo, pays sexuellement conservateur, ajoute des souffrances supplémentaires aux femmes violées. Dans certains cas, les activistes des droits humains, qui défendent la cause des femmes en dénonçant les viols et les violeurs, font l’objet de menaces. Mais, évidemment, cela comporte aussi un risque pour la vie des survivantes et aussi des autres personnes obligées de vivre dans un contexte d’insécurité permanente. Quelle stratégie mobiliser pour renverser cette tendance qui n’est pourtant pas une fatalité? Quelles stratégies préconise le catholicisme congolais dans la lutte contre les viols de guerre ? En quoi peut-il constituer un tremplin ou un frein? / This thesis problematizes the paradoxical position of Congolese Catholicism in the face of war rapes in the socio-cultural context of the DR Congo torn by armed conflicts for more than two decades. DR Congo is the largest Catholic country on the African continent. The Congolese Catholic Church is one of the most populous in postcolonial Africa. Thanks to its power and influence, its demographics, its economic strength, and its organization which covers the entire national territory, Congolese Catholicism has a significant impact on the political, social, moral, and spiritual fields of the country. It can play a determining role and a crucial function in the face of war rapes. It can do so at critical times and at major political turning points to get the country out of its current crisis. Using a theological and interdisciplinary perspective, the thesis analyzes the paradox of Congolese Catholicism and its impact on war rapes. In order to do this, 56 survivors accounts, 20 official messages from the bishops, 3 biblical texts are analyzed using anthropophanic, liberation, and Bosadi approaches centered on survivors. Images of the pyramid, rhizome and spider's web come into play in analyses of Catholicism, as well as the notion of Ubuntu. The typology of war rapes, as well as the concept of vital relationships are also part of these investigations. This leads to create an Afro-feminist theology of vital relationships. Globally, the largest number of victims of war rapes are in DR Congo. The issue of the rape of women as a weapon of war constitutes, in the 21st century, a major global issue which preoccupies all social justice movements. It is becoming one of the most urgent concerns for the planet and, especially for DR Congo, which has been described as "the world capital of rape" where four out of five women are raped in the eastern part of the country, by men in uniform. The rapes persist and become more and more omnipresent. Statistics show the highest numbers ever recorded anywhere else in the context of armed conflict. Since 1996, the start of the so-called wars of liberation, the number of women and girls tortured before being raped and sometimes killed after the rape, has been estimated at one million in 2005 and some two millions in 2010 in the north and South Kivu provinces. These figures represent only 25% of cases of rapes declared because 75% of rapes remain unreported. Studies count more than 130 armed groups active in the eastern part of the country, while in 2015 there were 70 of them. In 2017, 120 armed groups were identified as clashing, killing, looting and raping. The United Nations Security Council (2020, no 27) reports that in 2019, the number of people raped increased by 34% compared to 2018. The motivations for war rapes in DR Congo are complex and include rapes for the purposes of land occupation, domination, control over territories and natural resources. Rapes are also linked to gender issues and political ideologies. The socio-cultural context of the DR Congo, a sexually conservative country, causes additional suffering to rape survivors. In some cases, human rights activists who advocate for women by exposing rapes and rapists are threatened. This poses a risk to the lives of survivors, as well as to others, forced to live in a context of permanent insecurity. What strategy should be mobilized to reverse this trend, which should not be considered inevitable? What strategies does Congolese Catholicism advocate for in the fight against war rape? How does it constitute a springboard or a brake?

Ce travail de recherche prend sa source dans mes diverses expériences professionnelles, sur plus de dix ans, en tant que psychologue clinicienne et psychanalyste en formation, exerçant avec des enfants, des adolescents, leurs familles ainsi qu’avec des adultes. Il s’agit d’une clinique particulière puisqu’elle a été recueillie au Liban, un pays qui a une histoire difficile à cerner, ponctuée de guerres et parsemée de violences. Un pays qui est marqué par un système de résonance et d’écho entre les traumas individuels et les rapports aux traumas collectifs. Cette recherche porte plus précisément sur une population bien définie puisqu’elle est exclusivement constituée d’ex-enfants, puis ex-adolescents de la guerre de 1975 à 1991 ayant vécu dans l’ex-Beyrouth-Est, puis devenus désormais adultes. Elle est aussi caractérisée par le fait qu’une fois le travail de la cure est bien avancé, j’ai pu comprendre que j’avais durant mon enfance puis mon adolescence, partagé, des tranches de vie avec mes patients. Ces moments étaient des vécus de guerre traumatiques. En effet, mes patients adultes, les parents des petits en cure et moi-même, nous-nous sommes trouvés aux mêmes endroits, et nous avons vécu aux mêmes moments, seuls, loin des adultes, les mêmes événements de guerre. Il s’agit d’une réflexion qui englobe au final, quatre générations. Je m’interroge sur la qualité du lien qui existerait entre la question des particularités du travail d’élaboration de situations de traumatismes personnels et de traumatismes familiaux au sein de thérapies d’enfants. Mon interrogation porte également sur le type d’intéraction qu’il y aurait entre le trauma spécifique du parent ex-enfant de la guerre et celui du trauma collectif propre à un pays en guerre. Comment ceci se joue-t-il dans la cure et avec le thérapeute de l’enfant (génération 1) né après la guerre ? Je m’interroge, d’une part, sur les modalités défensives des parents (génération 2) et les particularités des traumatismes personnels internes qui survenaient en écho avec des traumatismes familiaux entremêlés et emboîtés aux traumatismes cumulatifs collectifs/sociaux. D’autre part, je me questionne à propos de la psyché parentale qui me semblait figée, envahie, prisonnière d’un « entre-deux intérieur/extérieur-non-humain, fantasme/réalité », aux liens forts et inapparents qui semblaient inexistants mais desquels ils ne pouvaient pas se libérer à l’âge adulte. Je me demande si les enfants (génération 1) nés après la guerre, ne seraient pas pour leurs parents (génération 2), réduits à un symptôme ; symptôme que ces derniers n’auraient pas eu la possibilité de porter durant leur vécu infantile. L’enfant (génération 1) ne serait-il pas le porteur du « clivé parental » ? Je me demande finalement si les parents (génération 2) pourraient avoir accrédité, lors de l’entretien qui fixe le cadre, le contrat muet ou pacte suivant : « nous savons/vous savez ce que nous avons/vous avez vécu dans notre/votre enfance : on le pose là et on n’en parle pas ». Même si ce pacte n’a pas été explicité verbalement, la transmission s’établissait d’une autre manière : au-delà du langage. C’est pour cette raison qu’en confiant leur enfant, ces parents (génération 2) parvenaient enfin et pour la première fois, à confier l’enfant en eux à une personne qui « saurait », qui « serait passée par là » et qui a « les mots pour l’exprimer ». Pour essayer de répondre à mes interrogations, je tente d’introduire et d’expliquer une modalité particulière de vivre le cadre analytique : il s’agirait d’une co-construction, avec le patient d’un cadre. Ce cadre serait comme une piste de danse propice à la mise en place d’une « chorégraphie de la cure » qui permettrait à l’analyste et son patient de « danser avec la cure ». Ceci sous-entend un mouvement de rythmicité, un rapproché, un va et viens nécessaire à l’évolution.... / This research is rooted in my various professional experiences over more than a decade as a clinical psychologist and psychoanalyst in training, dealing with children, adolescents, their families as well as adults. This relates to a particular type of clinical work since the data for this study was collected in Lebanon, a country that has an elusive history, punctuated by wars and scattered violence; a country that is characterized by a resonating and echoing system between individual trauma and collective traumas. This study refers more precisely to a well-defined population, consisting exclusively of former children and adolescents of the 1975-1991 Lebanese war having lived and grown up in the former East Beirut. The study is also characterized by the fact that, once the analytic cure was well advanced, I was able to understand that I experienced, during my childhood and my adolescence, similar shared moments with my patients pertaining to traumatic experiences resulting from the war. In fact, my adult patients, the parents of the children in psychotherapy as well as myself, found ourselves as children and adolescents in the same places, experiencing the same epoche, alone, and away from adults (our parents or teachers), the same violent and destructive war events. This is a reflection that pertains to four generations. I wonder as to the quality of the links that exist between the peculiarities of the elaborative work of personal traumatic experiences and family traumas within the context of child psychotherapy. My interrogations also relate to the possible type of interaction existing between the specific trauma of the parent who is an ex-child (and ex-adolescent) of the war and the collective trauma that is specific to a country at war. I question in part the nature of the defense modalities of parents (generation 2) And the particularities of inner personal traumas that occur as an echo to family’s trauma, intertwined and interlocked with cumulative and collective social trauma. Moreover, I question why the parental psyche seems frozen, as if invaded, a prisoner “in a “no man’s land”, an undefined territory internal/external- non-human, fantasy/reality”, I also wonder about the strong, hidden links that seemed to glue up the members of a family. Those links or particular ways to live the attachment seemed, at first, apparently nonexistent but paradoxically they were extremely present in the sessions. The adults seamed unable to free themselves from this chain. I wonder if the children (generation 1) born after the war, are not, in the parental psyche (generation 2) reduced to a symptom – a symptom that the parents (generation 2) could not have had the opportunity to carry during their own childhood. Therefore, the child (generation 1) would be the bearer of "parental splitting"? I finally question the setting and wonder if the parents (generation 2) may not have accredited during our first encounter the « psychoanalytic » framework with the following dumb contract or agreement: "we know/you know what we/you have lived in our/ your childhood: we leave it aside and we do not talk about it at all. " Although the pact has not been explained verbally, transmission seemed to have been established in a « non-verbal communication. It may be for this reason that, the parents (generation 2) felt sufficiently at ease to try and place, for the first time in their lives, the suffering “child in them” in what they might have felt as being the securing, healing and soothing arms of “someone” who can be there for them; “someone” who has known what they have encountered because he is not a total stranger to their childhood experiences, “someone” who has the words and the capacity to talk about these unpleasant things; someone who may be able to express the “unspeakable experiences” with simple words ....

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier la difficulté de l’estimation de la distance dans le cadre de la géométrie de l’espace visuel. En philosophie de la perception, cette thèse est d'abord discutée au plan épistémologique : comment savoir que cette distance n'est pas connue ou connaissable, quoique perçue et discutée. Les travaux de Berkeley nous servent de point de départ et fixent un cadre spéculatif, puisque Berkeley soutient en effet que le jugement porté sur la distance résulte entièrement de l'expérience, quoique cette distance ne puisse être vue phénoménalement. La thèse se propose d'examiner une question essentielle supportée par cette alternative centrale mais au plan ontologique cette fois : comme déterminer de quel type est la distance : est-elle inconsciemment visible ? tangible ? ou visible et tangible à la fois ? Peut-elle être une entité assignable dans un espace hyperbolique, ou sphérique, un espace strictement euclidien, ou hyperbolique et sphérique en même temps qu'euclidien ? Pour appuyer notre propos et notre recherche nous mettrons à l’épreuve différents textes et expériences en passant de Berkeley à I. Rock ou de T. Reid à M. Wagner. Notre but aura été d'explorer les limites argumentatives et de montrer ce qui est impliqué par ces différentes appréciations et assignations de la distance dans tel ou tel espace déterminé. A chaque fois s'affrontent la géométrie de l’espace visuel et l’optique physiologique, mais au sein d'un même débat de fond qui consiste à savoir comment définir philosophiquement l’estimation de la distance ? / This thesis examines the difficulties in estimating the geometrical distance of visual space. Submitted in the field of Philosophy of Perception, this thesis is first discussed from an epistemological standpoint: how does one know that this distance is unknown or unknowable despite being perceived and discussed. The various works of Berkeley serve as a point of depart and establish a speculative framework as Berkeley held that judgment of distance results entirely from experience despite the fact that this distance cannot be seen in a phenomenal way. This thesis examines an essential question supported by this central problem, this time from an ontological position: how is the type of distance to be determined: is it unconsciously visible?tangible? or both visible and tangible at the same time? Can it be categorized in a hyperbolic space, or spherical space, or a strictly Euclidean space, or hyperbolic and spherical at the same time as Euclidean? In support of the thesis and research, various texts and experiences have been examined and contrasted, including those of Berkeley and I. Rock as well as T. Reid and M. Wagner. The goal has been to explore the limits of argumentation and to show what is implicated by these different accounts and assignment of distance in one, versus another, determined space; additionally studying subjects including the experience of the alleys or the so-called the moon illusion, which appeared to be demonstrative examples. In each instance, geometry of visual space and physiological optics confront one another, but at the center of this same fundamental debate is the question of how to define the estimation of distance philosophically?

[pt] O tema do testemunho cristão é o foco principal deste trabalho. Segundo Salvador Pié-Ninot, na sua Teologia Fundamental, o testemunho se apresenta como a nova via empírica, isto é, o novo caminho que, através da vida cotidiana da Igreja com suas experiências diversas, por vezes até paradoxais, se apresenta como motivo coerente e plausível para se crer. Afinal, o testemunho é como que uma condição primeira necessária à credibilidade da fé. Isso é importante na tarefa apologético-dialogal da Teologia Fundamental. Dentro desta, na parte da Eclesiologia Fundamental, o testemunho é tido como elemento-chave de credibilidade na Igreja e passa a ser conhecido como via testimonii, por ser o caminho mais enfático, notório e coerente para a evangelização. A perspectiva do testemunho que, segundo Pié-Ninot é sempre teológico, dá-se no testemunho eclesial como mistério envolto em paradoxo. O testemunho cristão conduz à tarefa apologética, facilitando o diálogo na Igreja, quer pessoal (pela oração a Deus e Liturgia), quer com os irmãos (diálogo ecumênico e inter-religioso); e na diaconia do serviço de amor ao próximo. / [en] The theme of Christian testimony is the main focus of this work. According to Salvador Pié-Ninot on his Fundamental Theology, testimony is presented as the new empirical way. It means a new way in which the daily life of the Church with its various experiences, sometimes even paradoxical ones, presents itself as a coherent and plausible reason to believe. After all, testimony is a first condition required to the credibility of the faith. It is important in the apologetic-dialogical task of Fundamental Theology. Within this, in the part of Fundamental Ecclesiology, testimony is considered as a key element of Church s credibility. It is known as via testimonii, because it is the most emphatic, notorious and coherent way for evangelization. In the perspective of testimony, according to Pié-Ninot, testimony is always theological; it is an ecclesial testimony like a mystery wrapped in paradox. Thus, Christian s testimony drives us to an apologetic task, making Church s dialogue easy. It can be personal dialogue (through prayer to God and in the Liturgy) or with the brothers (in an Ecumenical Dialogue or an Interreligious one). It can also be in a perspective of diakonia in the service of love to our brothers.

Il existe une inefficience du processus de décision [...] due à un dysfonctionnement de compétence des dirigeants [...]. Pour augmenter l'efficience du processus de décision, les dirigeants doivent maîtriser les Stratégies de Décision, par l'utilisation d'un Modèle-Outil [...] PPPERFFS [qui] répertorie 36 Stratégies de Décision dans les catégories Domaines managériaux, Postures cognitives et Mécanismes cognitifs... / Inefficiency of decision process exists and is characterised by:- simple loop learning,- strictly limited rationality,- and hidden costs of the decision process.The inefficiency of decision process is due to a dysfunction of managers’ competence, who:- lose their decision marks,- lack reflexivity,- use Decision Strategies in beneficial and toxic way, such as:· lack of contradictory mindset (strongly validated hypothesis),· lack of perfectionism (weakly validated hypothesis).To increase the efficiency of decision process, managers should master DecisionStrategies, by using a problem solving support Model-Tool, integrator-facilitator ofDecision Strategies steering, and endowed with PPPERFFS qualities:- "Practical",- "Paradoxical",- "Polyvalent / Exhaustive" (Multi-Skilled / Comprehensive),- "Rapid / Fluent" (Fast / Easy)- "Faithfull" (Reliable),- "Schematic" (Diagrammatic).This Model-Tool has to be drafted and its performance has to be tested.[This has been done:]The drafted PPPERFFS Model-Tool itemises 36 Decision Strategies into the followingcategories: managerial Domains, cognitive Postures and cognitive Mechanisms. Firsttests demonstrate a contingent performance.

Le but de cette thèse est d’étudier l’approximation d’a priori impropres par des suites d’a priori propres. Nous définissons un mode de convergence sur les mesures de Radon strictement positives pour lequel une suite de mesures de probabilité peut admettre une mesure impropre pour limite. Ce mode de convergence, que nous appelons convergence q-vague, est indépendant du modèle statistique. Il permet de comprendre l’origine du paradoxe de Jeffreys-Lindley. Ensuite, nous nous intéressons à l’estimation de la taille d’une population. Nous considérons le modèle du removal sampling. Nous établissons des conditions nécessaires et suffisantes sur un certain type d’a priori pour obtenir des estimateurs a posteriori bien définis. Enfin, nous montrons à l’aide de la convergence q-vague, que l’utilisation d’a priori vagues n’est pas adaptée car les estimateurs obtenus montrent une grande dépendance aux hyperparamètres. / The purpose of this thesis is to study the approximation of improper priors by proper priors. We define a convergence mode on the positive Radon measures for which a sequence of probability measures could converge to an improper limiting measure. This convergence mode, called q-vague convergence, is independant from the statistical model. It explains the origin of the Jeffreys-Lindley paradox. Then, we focus on the estimation of the size of a population. We consider the removal sampling model. We give necessary and sufficient conditions on the hyperparameters in order to have proper posterior distributions and well define estimate of abundance. In the light of the q-vague convergence, we show that the use of vague priors is not appropriate in removal sampling since the estimates obtained depend crucially on hyperparameters.

1. Contextual outline of the PhD Research<p><p>Climate change is today often seen as one of the most challenging issue that our civilisation will have to face during the 21st century. This is especially so now that the most recent scientific data have led to the conclusion that the globally averaged net effect of human activities since 1750 has been one of warming (IPCC 2007, p. 5) and that continued greenhouse gas emissions at or above current rates would cause further warming (IPCC, 2007 p. 13). This unequivocal link between climate change and anthropogenic activities requires an urgent, world-wide shift towards a low carbon economy (STERN 2006 p. iv) and coordinated policies and measures to manage this transition.<p><p>The climate issue is undoubtedly a typical policy question and as such, is considered amenable to economic scrutiny. Indeed, in today’s world economics is inevitable when it comes to arbitrages in the field of policy making. From the very beginning of international talks on climate change, up until the most recent discussions on a post-Kyoto international framework, economic arguments have turned out to be crucial elements of the analysis that shapes policy responses to the climate threat. This can be illustrated by the prominent role that economics has played in the different analyses produced by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) to assess the impact of climate change on society.<p><p>The starting point and the core idea of this PhD research is the long-held observation that the threat of climate change calls for a change of climate in economics. Borrowing from the jargon used in climate policy, adaptation measures could also usefully target the academic discipline of economics. Given that inherent characteristics of the climate problem (e.g. complexity, irreversibility, deep uncertainty, etc.) challenge core economic assumptions, mainstream economic theory does not appear as appropriately equipped to deal with this crucial issue. This makes that new assumptions and analyses are needed in economics in order to comprehend and respond to the problem of climate change.<p><p>In parallel (and without environmental considerations being specifically the driving force to it), the mainstream model in economics has also long been (and still is) strongly criticised and disputed by numerous scholars - both from within and outside the field of economics. For the sake of functionality, these criticisms - whether they relate to theoretical inconsistencies or are empirically-based - can be subsumed as all challenging part of the Cartesian/Newtonian legacy of economics. This legacy can be shown to have led to a model imprinted with what could be called “mechanistic reductionism”. The mechanistic side refers to the Homo oeconomicus construct while reductionism refers to the quest for micro-foundations materialised with the representative agent hypothesis. These two hypotheses constitute, together with the conjecture of perfect markets, the building blocks of the framework of general equilibrium economics. <p><p>Even though it is functional for the purpose of this work to present them separately, the flaws of economics in dealing with the specificities of the climate issue are not considered independent from the fundamental objections made to the theoretical framework of mainstream economics. The former only make the latter seem more pregnant while the current failure of traditional climate policies informed by mainstream economics render the need for complementary approaches more urgent. <p><p>2. Overview of the approach and its main insights for climate policy<p><p>Starting from this observation, the main objective of this PhD is thus to assess the implications for climate policy that arise from adopting an alternative analytical economic framework. The stance is that the coupling of insights from the framework of evolutionary economics with the perspective of ecological economics provides a promising way forward both theoretically as well as on a more applied basis with respect to a better comprehension of the socioeconomic aspects related to the climate problem. As claimed in van den Bergh (2007, p. 521), ecological economics and evolutionary economics “share many characteristics and can be combined in a fruitful way" - which renders the coupling approach both legitimate and promising. <p><p>The choice of an evolutionary line of thought initially stems from its core characteristic: given its focus on innovation and system change it provides a useful approach to start with for assessing and managing the needed transition towards a low carbon economy. Besides, its shift of focus towards a better understanding of economic dynamics together with its departure from the perfect rationality hypothesis renders evolutionary economics a suitable theoretical complement for designing environmental policies.<p><p>The notions of path-dependence and lock-in can be seen as the core elements from this PhD research. They arise from adopting a framework which is founded on a different view of individual rationality and that allows for richer and more complex causalities to be accounted for. In a quest for surmounting the above-mentioned problem of reductionism, our framework builds on the idea of ‘multi-level selection’. This means that our analytical framework should be able to accommodate not only for upward but also for downward causation, without giving analytical priority to any level over the other. One crucial implication of such a framework is that the notion of circularity becomes the core dynamic, highlighting the importance of historicity, feedbacks and emergent properties. <p><p>More precisely, the added value of the perspective adopted in this PhD research is that it highlights the role played by inertia and path-dependence. Obviously, it is essential to have a good understanding of the underlying causes of that inertia prior to devising on how to enforce a change. Providing a clear picture of the socio-economic processes at play in shaping socio-technical systems is thus a necessary first step in order to usefully complement policy-making in the field of energy and climate change. In providing an analytical basis for this important diagnosis to be performed, the use of the evolutionary framework sheds a new light on the transition towards low-carbon socio-technical systems. The objective is to suggest strategies that could prove efficient in triggering the needed transition such as it has been the case in past “lock-in” stories. <p><p>Most notably, the evolutionary framework allows us to depict the presence of two sources of inertia (i.e at the levels of individuals through “habits” and at the level of socio-technical systems) that mutually reinforce each other in a path-dependent manner. Within the broad perspective on path dependence and lock-in, this PhD research has first sketched the implications for climate policy of applying the concept of ‘technological lock-in’ in a systemic perspective. We then investigated in more details the notion of habits. This is important as the ‘behavioural’ part of the lock-in process, although explicitly acknowledged in the pioneer work of Paul David (David, 1985, p. 336), has been neglected in most of subsequent analyses. Throughout this study, the notion of habits has been studied at both the theoretical and applied level of analysis as well as from an empirical perspective. <p><p>As shown in the first chapters of the PhD, the advantage of our approach is that it can incorporate theories that so far have been presented opposite, partial and incomplete perspectives. For instance, it is shown that our evolutionary approach not only is able to provide explanation to some of the puzzling questions in economics (e.g. the problem of strong reciprocity displayed by individual in anonymous one-shot situations) but also is very helpful in bringing a complementary explanation with respect to the famous debate on the ‘no-regret’ emission reduction potential which agitates the experts of climate policy. <p><p>An emission reduction potential is said to be "no regret" when the costs of implementing a measure are more than offset by the benefits it generates such as, for instance, reduced energy bills. In explaining why individuals do not spontaneously implement those highly profitable energy-efficient investments ,it appears that most prior analyses have neglected the importance of non-economic obstacle. They are often referred to as “barriers” and partly relate to the ‘bounded rationality’ of economic agent. As developed in the different chapters of this PhD research, the framework of evolutionary economics is very useful in that it is able to provide a two-fold account (i.e. relying on both individual and socio-technical sources of inertia) of this limited rationality that prevent individuals to act as purely optimising agents.<p><p>Bearing this context in mind, the concept of habits, as defined and developed in this study, is essential in analysing the determinants of energy consumption. Indeed, this concept sheds an insightful light on the puzzling question of why energy consumption keeps rising even though there is an evident increase of awareness and concern about energy-related environmental issues such as climate change. Indeed, if we subscribe to the idea that energy-consuming behaviours are often guided by habits and that deeply ingrained habits can become “counter-intentional”, it then follows that people may often display “locked-in” practices in their daily energy consumption behaviour. This hypothesis has been assessed in our empirical analysis whose results show how the presence of strong energy-consuming habitual practices can reduce the effectiveness of economic incentives such as energy subsidies. One additional delicate factor that appears crucial for our purpose is that habits are not fully conscious forms of behaviours. This makes that individuals do not really see habits as a problem given that it is viewed as easily changed.<p><p>In sum, based on our evolutionary account of the situation, it follows that, to be more efficient, climate policies would have to both shift the incumbent carbon-based socio-technical systems (for it to shape decisions towards a reduction of greenhouse gas emissions) and also deconstruct habits that this same socio-technical has forged with time (as increased environmental awareness and intentions formulated accordingly are not sufficient in the presence of strong habits).<p><p>Accordingly, decision-makers should design measures (e.g. commitment strategies, niche management, etc.) that, as explained in this research, specifically target those change-resisting factors and their key features. This is essential as these factors tend to reduce the efficiency of traditional instruments. Micro-level interventions are thus needed as much as macro-level ones. For instance, it is often the case that external improvements of energy efficiency do not lead to lower energy consumption due to the rebound effect arising from unchanged energy-consuming habits. Bearing this in mind and building on the insights from the evolutionary approach, policy-makers should go beyond the mere subsidisation of technologies. They should instead create conditions enabling the use of the multi-layered, cumulative and self-reinforcing character of economic change highlighted by evolutionary analyses. This means supporting both social and physical technologies with the aim of influencing the selection environment so that only the low-carbon technologies and practices will survive. <p><p><p>Mentioned references:<p><p>David, P. A. (1985), Clio and the economics of QWERTY, American Economic Review 75/2: 332–337.<p><p>IPCC, 2007, ‘Climate Change 2007: The Physical Science Basis’, Contribution of Working Group I to the Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [Solomon, S. D. Qin, M. Manning, Z. Chen, M. Marquis, K.B. Averyt, M. Tignor and H.L. Miller (eds.)]. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA, 996 pp. <p><p>Stern, N. 2006, ‘Stern Review: The economics of Climate Change’, Report to the UK Prime Minister and Chancellor, London, 575 p. (www.sternreview.org.uk)<p><p>van den Bergh, J.C.J.M. 2007, ‘Evolutionary thinking in environmental economics’, Journal of Evolutionary Economics 17(5): 521-549.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished